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Entries Kat-Lie 


General Abbreviations 


Abbreviations used in Rabbinical Literature 


Bibliographical Abbreviations 


Transliteration Rules 






If") L I «* * » 


tttito umiHttifa^iitif^ift ut&at 

Initial letter "K" for Karolus (Char- 
lemagne), from the opening of Book 
25 of Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum 
Historiale, Metten, S. Germany, 1332. 
Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 
Cod. lat. 8201c, fol. 9 v. 


KATCHEN, JULIUS (1926-1969), pianist. Born in New Jer- 
sey, Katchen studied with David Saperton in New York. He 
made his first public appearance at the age often and his de- 
but with the Philadelphia Orchestra in 1937. He played with 
the New York Philharmonic and at the age of 12 gave his first 
New York recital. Katchen gave up his promising career to 
study philosophy and English literature at Haverford Col- 
lege. Subsequently awarded a French government fellowship 
0-945 )> he settled in Paris, which became his home for the 
rest of his life. He became a major figure on the international 
music scene, noted for his powerful musical intelligence and 
a virtuoso technique, and toured as a soloist, recitalist, and 
chamber music artist. He was well known for his chamber 
music collaborations with violinist Joseph Suk and cellist Ja- 
nos Starker. Katchen maintained abroad repertoire extending 
from the Classical era to contemporary music, but was most 
closely associated with Brahms. His death from cancer at the 
age of 42 robbed the world of a pianist who could convey the 
feeling that music is the richest and most inclusive reflection 
of human experience. 

bibliography: Grove online; mgg 2 ; Baker's Biographical 
Dictionary (1997); N. Rorem. Critical Affairs - A Composer s Journal 
(1970); C. Meher-Homji, "A Life on the Edge (Julius Katchen)," in: 
International Piano Quarterly, 3 (Autumn 1999), 38-42. 

[Naama Ramot (2 nd ed.)] 

nalist, publicist, and editor of the influential newspaper Mos- 
kovskiya Vedomosti. In his youth, Katkov was associated with 
the revolutionary circles of Herzen and Bakunin. From the 
1840s, he was attracted by the ideas of British liberalism, but 
after the Polish revolt (1863), he joined the camp of the ex- 
tremist Conservatives. He nevertheless remained faithful to 
his liberal principles with respect to the Jewish problem. At 
the height of the anti- Jewish riots (1881-82), he condemned 
the "sudden mobilization against the Jews" which was due to 
"malicious devisers of evil" who deliberately sought to confuse 
the consciousness of the nation and encourage it to solve the 
Jewish problem, not by reasoning and enquiry, but with the 
assistance of "upraised fists." 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


bibliography: Nedelnaya Khronika Voskhoda, no. 30 


[Yehuda Slutsky] 

KATOWICE (Ger. Kattowitz), capital of Katowice province 
Silesia, part of Prussia until 1921. Information regarding Jewish 
communities in the vicinity of Katowice goes back to 1733. At 
the end of the 18 th century certain Jews leased the iron found- 
ries in the suburb in Bogucice (Ger. Bogutschuetz). The Jews 
were expelled from the nearby localities in 1781, but they were 
permitted to return in 1787. In 1840 there were 12 Jews in the 
city. Following the industrial development of the city, Jews 
played an increasing role in its economic life. The Jewish pop- 
ulation numbered 102 in 1855, and in 1867, when Katowice was 
declared a city, 624; it numbered 2,216 in 1899, 2,979 i n 1910, 
and 9,000 in 1932. The non-Jewish population grew at a much 
faster rate, rising from 14,000 in 1888 to 130,645 in 1930. 

An independent community was organized in 1866. 
From 1850 religious services were held in prayer- houses. The 
first synagogue was built in 1862 (expanded in 1880) and a new 
one was built in 1900. A cemetery was opened in 1868, and 
the first community rabbi was appointed in 1872. Commu- 
nal activities expanded as the community grew. The Hovevei 
Zion conference was held in Katowice in 1884 (see * Kattowitz 
Conference). The Jewish communal organization developed 
considerably after World War 1 when Bruno Altmann headed 
the community from 1919. A new community building was 
inaugurated in 1937 which served as a center for cultural and 
organizational activities. The community paid much attention 
to Jewish education, maintaining a school, named after Berek 
* Joselewicz, and a Hebrew school, established in 1935. 

Antisemitic agitation in Katowice increased during the 
1930s. In 1937 there were pogroms, and bombs were thrown 
into shops owned by Jews. As most of the Jews there were 
tradesmen, their economic position suffered severely as a 
result of the anti- Jewish ^boycott. The Polish artisans' orga- 
nizations introduced "Aryan" articles into their regulations, 
and the Jewish artisans were expelled: the barbers' associa- 
tion introduced an Aryan article in 1937, and the tailors' as- 
sociation and others introduced similar articles in 1938. As a 
result of antisemitism many Jews left Katowice, and by 1939, 
8,587 remained (6.3% of the total population). Rabbis Kalman 
Chameides and Mordechai Vogelmann served the commu- 
nity from 1928 until just before the Holocaust. In 1937 Rabbi 
Chameides was appointed adviser on Jewish affairs at the mu- 
nicipal law courts. rcU . , T ., xr . , * . , 
r [Snimsnon Leib KirshenboimJ 

Holocaust Period and Modern Period 

The Germans entered the city on September 3, 1939, and found 
a refugee- swelled Jewish population of 11,000-12,000 there. 
With many fleeing, 3,500 remained in October. Further flight 
and expulsions left 900 at the end of the year. These were ex- 
pelled to other localities in May- June 1940, mostly to Chrza- 
now, and shared the fate of the local Jews 

After World War 11 about 1,500 Jews (almost all of whom 
were from other parts of Poland and had spent the war years 

in the Soviet Union) settled in Katowice, and a Jewish Com- 
mitee for Upper Silesia was established there. A chapter of the 
Communist-led Jewish Cultural and Social Society was active 
until 1967, when the Polish authorities launched their antise- 
mitic campaign. As a result of official hostility, almost all the 

Jews in Katowice left Poland. 

[Stefan Krakowski] 

bibliography: J. Cohn, Geschichte der Synagogen-Gemeinde 
Kattowitz... (1900); A. S zefer, Miejsca stracen Ludnscicywilnej woje- 
wodztwa katowickiego, 1939-1945 (1969); Yad Vashem Archives, add. 
bibliography: P. Maser et al., Juden in Oberschlesien 1 (1992), 
107-21; W. Majowski (ed.), 100 Jahre Stadt Kattowitz 1865-1965. 

KATSH (Katz), ABRAHAM ISAAC (1908-1998), U.S. edu- 
cator, author, and archivist. Katsh was born in Indura (Am- 
dur), Poland, and immigrated to the United States in 1925. He 
received a B.S. from New York University in mathematics in 
1931 and a J.D. from the law school in 1936. In 1933, he per- 
suaded nyu to allow him to offer a course in modern Hebrew, 
the first such course at a U.S. university. There, he founded the 
Jewish Culture Foundation, the Department of Hebrew Lan- 
guage and Education, and the Institute of Hebrew Studies. 
A chair in his name was established at nyu's Hebrew stud- 
ies department in 1957. Katsh received a Ph.D. from *Dropsie 
College in 1942 and, in 1967, was elected president of Dropsie 
College (later University). 

Katsh was a wide-ranging scholar. As a student, he 
translated Einstein's theory of relativity into Hebrew. In 1954 
he published Judaism in Islam, an analysis of biblical and tal- 
mudic backgrounds of the Koran and its commentaries. Dur- 
ing a visit to the Soviet Union and Hungary in 1956, Katsh 
discovered what he called a "bibliophile's paradise," many 
thousands of Hebrew manuscripts that were being stored in 
various libraries. He arranged for the microfilming of several 
thousand manuscripts that had been hidden from Western 
view since the Russian Revolution of 1917. One of the collec- 
tions contained medieval manuscripts on all aspects of Juda- 
ica, including biblical commentaries, law, poetry, and liturgy. 
Another collection consisted of a quarter of a million pages 
and scraps of paper from the Cairo Genizah. Among them 
were 427 fragments of Talmud manuscripts - dating from the 
7 th through the 11 th centuries - that corrected some inaccu- 
rate interpretations of talmudic material. During trips in the 
late 1950s and 1960s, during the height of the Cold War, he 
persuaded the Soviet authorities to microfilm additional man- 
uscripts in libraries in Moscow and Leningrad, on the ba- 
sis of which he published Catalogue of Hebrew Manuscripts 
Preserved... (On Microfilm) in the U.S.S.R. (2 vols., 1957-58); 
The Antonin Genizah in Leningrad (1963); Ginze Mishnah 
(1971), a study of 149 Genizah fragments dating from the 9 th 
to the 12 th centuries; Ginze Talmud Bavli, a companion vol- 
ume of 178 fragments from the Antonin Collection (1975, 
1979). He also published a collection of 50 Hebrew poems of 
the Spanish period. For his works on the Genizah, Katsh was 
awarded the Rabbi Kaniel Prize of the Municipality of Haifa 
in June 1979. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


In 1963, Katsh learned of a diary written by a Hebrew 
school principal, Chaim Aron *Kaplan in the Warsaw ghetto 
that had been smuggled out of the ghetto and had been hid- 
den for more than two decades. Katsh translated the diary, 
obtained missing volumes, and published it as Scroll of Agony: 
The Warsaw Diary of Chaim A. Kaplan (1965). 

Katsh published a number of essays on Hebrew and Jew- 
ish studies in U.S. universities. In 1957 he founded the National 
Association of Professors of Hebrew in American Universities. 
In addition to the books listed above, Katsh edited an anthol- 
ogy, Bar Mitzvah, Illustrated (1955), and Biblical Heritage of 
American Democracy was published in 1979. He retired from 
his posts at Dropsie and nyu in 1976. 

bibliography: T. Naamani et al. (eds.), Doron; Hebraic 

Studies (Essays in Honor of Abraham I. Katsh; 1965); Y. Ben-Josef 

(ed.), Sefer Avraham Yizhak Katsh (1969); J. Komlosh, in: Bitzaron, 

60 (1969), 158-64. 

[Ethan Katsch (2 nd ed.)] 

named Officier de l'Ordre des arts et lettres de France, and in 
1990, Chevalier national du Quebec. In 2004, Kattan was given 
Quebec's highest literary honor, the Prix Athanase- David, for 
the corpus of his work. From 1994, he presided over the jury 
of Le Grand Prix de la Ville de Montreal. 

KATTAN, NAIM (1928- ), writer and critic. Nairn Kattan 
was born into a low-income family in ^Baghdad, Iraq. He 
studied at a Jewish elementary school and then at a Muslim 
secondary school. His mother tongue was Arabic, and his first 
literary efforts were in that language. He also learned Hebrew, 
English, and French. In 1946, he left for Paris, where he en- 
rolled in literature courses at the Sorbonne. In 1954, he moved 
to Montreal ("My third 'birthplace'. . . a city that contains all 
the others, where all nationalities, religions, and languages 
exist, but which needs a common tongue - French - for peo- 
ple to communicate with each other.") French then became 
his main vehicle of literary expression. Kattan published nu- 
merous books: essays, novels, plays, and short-story collec- 
tions. Adieu, Babylone (1975), Les Fruits arraches (1977), and 
La Fiancee promise (1983) are transposed autobiographical 
novels centered, respectively, in each of Kattan's three "birth- 
places." In the first, he uses the name "Babylone" to designate 
the ancient state where Jews, originally captives, lived for more 
than 2,000 years, but from which virtually all eventually left. 
Kattan's writing is concerned with explaining differences be- 
tween Oriental and Occidental societies, inter-ethnic rela- 
tions, migration, and integration. He believes that the vari- 
ous components of his own hetero- cultural identity all have 
validity and importance. Kattan quickly became part of the 
majority Francophone cultural milieu after moving to Mon- 
treal a half-century ago. He founded the Bulletin du Cercle 
juif the first French-language Jewish publication in Quebec. 
He was a book reviewer for the Montreal daily, Le Devoir, for 
many decades, often discussing books on Arabic culture. In 
1967, he was named first director of the literature section of the 
Canada Council for the Arts. After leaving that post in 1991, 
he became associate professor at the Universite du Quebec a 
Montreal. Kattan won many distinctions. He is a member of 
the Order of Canada, of the Academie des lettres du Quebec 
and a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. He won the Prix 
Quebec Paris for Le Reel et le thedtral (1971). In 1989, he was 


bibliography: Voix et images (Montreal) 41:1 (Fall 1985), 

[Ben-Zion Shek (2 nd ed.)] 

KATTINA, JACOB (second half of 19 th century), rabbi and 
author. Kattina served as dayyan in Huszt, Carpathian Russia, 
in the bet din of Moses ^Schick (1849-79). Kattina wrote two 
works which he published anonymously. The first, Rahamei 
ha-Av, was first published in Czernowitz in 1865 and has been 
frequently reprinted. In 1936 it was published in Marghita, 
Transylvania, with the notes of Solomon Zalman Ehrenreich 
(2 nd ed. Jerusalem, 1950 and 1958), and in 1939, in Djerba, with 
the Judeo- Arabic translation of Hayyim Houri. The work has 
58 chapters on moral improvement and in the introduction, 
the author says: "I called this booklet Rahamei ha-Av ["Mercy 
of the Father"] for it is true mercy for a man to chasten his 
child to lead him in the ways of God, this being the sole pur- 
pose of man." The second work, Korban he-Ani, homilies on 
the Pentateuch in a kabbalistic and hasidic vein, was published 
in Lemberg in 1872 and 1882. 

bibliography: J.J.(L.) Greenwald (Grunwald), Zikkaron la- 
Rishonim (1909), 19; J. Cohen, in: ks, 33 (1957/58), 136. 

[Naphtali Ben-Menahem] 

KATTOWITZ CONFERENCE, a convention of *Hibbat 
Zion societies from various countries held in Kattowitz (i.e. 
*Katowice, then in Germany) in 1884. With the activation of 
the movement to settle Erez Israel in the early 1880s and the 
establishment of Hibbat Zion societies in various countries, 
the need to create a unifying and coordinating center for the 
early Zionist activities was expressed. The only country in 
which a central committee functioned was Romania. An at- 
tempt to found a central committee for Russia, made at a small 
conference in Bialystok in 1883, produced no results; other at- 
tempts also failed. In the end L. *Pinsker, M.L. *Lilienblum, H. 
Z. *Schapira, M. *Mandelstamm, and others took the initiative 
to convene a conference. Following the suggestion of David 
^Gordon, Kattowitz was selected as the site for the conference. 
Its date was fixed for Oct. 27, 1884, the 100 th anniversary of the 
birth of Moses *Montefiore, at the suggestion of the Warsaw 
society. The conference was intended primarily for the Hibbat 
Zion societies in Russia, as the movement in Romania had 
greatly weakened and there were very few Hibbat Zion soci- 
eties in other countries. As delegates from Russia encountered 
difficulties in arriving at the appointed time, the opening of 
the conference was postponed until November 6. 

Twenty-two delegates came to the conference from Rus- 
sia and ten from other countries (one from France, one from 
Romania, two from England, and the rest from Germany). 
At the request of the Warsaw society, many other groups sub- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



mitted proposals for organization and action. Schapira, who 
could not attend, sent a telegram to point out the importance 
of establishing financial institutions, including a general Jew- 
ish fund, whose primary task would be to redeem land in Erez 
Israel. In his newspaper, Ha-Zefirah y N. *Sokolow published 
concrete proposals for activities and stressed the necessity to 
develop not only agriculture, but commerce, the trades, and 
industry in Erez Israel. Pinsker was elected chairman of the 
conference; S. *Mohilewer, honorary chairman; A. *Zeder- 
baum, the editor of Ha-Meliz y deputy chairman; S.P. *Rab- 
binowitz, Hebrew secretary. 

In his opening address, Pinsker stressed the necessity for 
the Jews to return to work on the land, but he did not men- 
tion the striving for national renascence and political inde- 
pendence, with a view to winning over the Jews of Western 
Europe, who opposed the concept of Jewish nationalism. At 
the proposal of Pinsker the conference established an institu- 
tion named Agudat Montefiore to promote farming among 
the Jews and support Jewish settlement in Erez Israel. A deci- 
sion was reached to send immediately 10,000 francs to *Petah 
Tikvah and 2,000 rubles for *Yesud ha-Ma'alah. It was also 
decided to send a reliable emissary to Erez Israel to investi- 
gate the standing of the colonies there. Nineteen members 
were elected to the central committee, including Pinsker, 
Mohilewer, K.Z. *Wissotzky, J.L. * Kalischer (the son of Zevi 
Hirsch *Kalischer), M. Mandelstamm, Ch. Wollrauch, and 
others. At the first meeting of the central committee, which 
took place at the time of the conference, it was decided that 
two committees, one in Odessa and the other in Warsaw, 
should temporarily manage the affairs of the organization. The 
central committee, to be headed by Pinsker, was to reside tem- 
porarily in Odessa, and a subcommittee was to be established 
in Warsaw, subject to the authority of Pinsker. Kalischer an- 
nounced his presentation of land acquired by his father near 
Rachel's Tomb to the central committee. 

Incomplete versions of the proceedings were published in 
German and in Hebrew. S.P. Rabbinowitz, who was responsi- 
ble for the Hebrew text, permitted himself to add from mem- 
ory or to alter the text out of his desire to bestow a nationalistic 
flavor on the proceedings. The press that was opposed to the 
movement found discrepancies between the two sessions and 
Pinsker made Rabbinowitz publish an apology in Ha-Meliz 
(no. 13, 1885). The Kattowitz Conference laid the foundations 
for the organization of the Hibbat Zion societies, especially 
in Russia. The few Hibbat Zion societies outside Russia, espe- 
cially in Serbia, London, Germany, Paris, and New York, con- 
sidered the leadership chosen in Kattowitz the center of the 
movement and maintained steady contact with it. 

bibliography: Road to Freedom, Writings and Addresses by 

Leo Pinsker (1944); N. Sokolow, Hibbath Zion (Eng., 1935), index; A. 

Druyanow, Ketavim le-Toledot Hibbat Ziyyon ve-Yishuv Erez Yisrael, 

1 (1919), 269-318; L. Taubes, Asefat Kattowitz (1920); J.L. Apel, Be- 

Tokh Reshit ha-Tehiyyah (1936), 171-95; I. Klausner, Be-Hitorer Am 

(1962), index; M. Yoeli (ed.), J.L. Pinsker Mevasser ha-Tehiyyah ha- 

Leummit (i960), 107-12. 

[Israel Klausner] 

KATZ, ALBERT (Heb. pseudonym mm BPX fX); (1858-1923), 
writer, journalist, and Zionist. Katz, who was born in Lodz, 
served as teacher and preacher at Fuerstenwalde, near Ber- 
lin (1883-86). Katz and W. *Bambus founded the periodical 
Serubabel (1886-88), which advocated colonization in Erez 
Israel. In 1890 Katz joined the editorial staff of the *Allgemeine 
Zeitung des Judentums and eventually succeeded G. Karpeles 
and L. Geiger as chief editor. He was co-founder and secretary 
of the Verband der Vereine fuer Juedische Geschichte und Lit- 
eratur and edited its Jahrbuch (j jgl) with Karpeles. Katz's pub- 
lished books include: Derjude und das Land seiner Vaeter (also 
published in Hebrew; 1883); Der Wahre Talmudjude (against 
*Rohling, 1893, 1928 4 ); Die Juden im Kaukasus (1894); Die 
Juden in China (1900); and Christen und Juden als Foerderer 
der hebraeischen Sprache (1907). He also wrote some short sto- 
ries and translated LB. *Levinsohris Efes Damim (against the 
blood *libel) into German as Die Blutluege (1892). 

[Nathan Michael Gelber] 

KATZ, ALEPH (pseudonym of Morris Abraham Katz; 1898- 
1969), Yiddish poet. Born in Mlyniv (Mlinov, Volhynia), Katz 
attended a Russian school before immigrating to the U.S. in 
1913. He worked at various jobs while attending City College 
(New York). His first poems were in Hebrew, but in 1917 he 
published his first Yiddish poem in Der Groyser Kundes. En- 
couraged by Jacob * Glatstein, he published his Yiddish lyrics 
in organs of the *In-Zikh movement and in the journal, Zan- 
gen y which he founded and edited in 1920, as well as in dozens 
of other journals. His first two volumes, A Maysefun Yam ("A 
Tale of the Sea," 1925) and Akertsayt ("Plowing Time," 1929), 
were influenced by the American Imagists and the Yiddish 
Inzikhists. Following his first pamphlet, Dos Telerlfun Himl 
("Heavenly Saucer," 1934), he found his own original tone 
in the lyrics of Am ol Iz Geven a Mayse ("Once There Was a 
Story," 1944), written under the impact of the Holocaust, and 
in his play Gut Morgn Alef ("Good Morning, Aleph," 1950), 
which had as its dramatis per sonae the scattered but indestruc- 
tible letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Katz reaffirmed his links 
with the Jewish people by writing for the children of Yiddish 
schools. Under the influence of *Nahman of Bratslav's narra- 
tive approach, Katz often hints at a reality beyond observed 
phenomena, at a mystic realm which can be best expressed in 
allegorical symbols. His works also include Di Emese Khasene 
("The True Wedding," 1967), Der Morgnshtern ("The Morn- 
ing Star," 1975), and children's books such as Kholem Aleykhem 
("Dreams Be with You," 1958). Katz was also a Yiddish editor of 
the Jewish Telegraphic Agency for more than forty years. 

bibliography: lnyl, 4 (1961), 344-7; B. Rivkin, Yidishe 
Dikhter in Amerike (1959), 295-302; J. Glatstein, In Tokh Genumen 
(i960), 335-9; S. Bickel, Shrayber fun Mayn Dor (1965), 95-9. 

[Sol Liptzin / Jerold C. Frakes (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, ALEX (1927- ), U.S. painter, sculptor, and printmaker. 
Katz primarily painted in the traditional mode of portraiture, 
often eschewing perspective and the psychological interpre- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


tation of his models, while flattening bright colors. Born in 
Brooklyn to newly immigrated parents from Eastern Europe, 
Katz joined the Navy a month before the end of World War n. 
After a year in the Pacific he returned home and began his art 
studies, initially at the Cooper Union Art School (1946-49) 
training to be a commercial artist. This early exposure to the 
style of billboards, magazine advertisements, and comic strips 
would affect his later artistic production. Katz decided to fo- 
cus on the fine arts in his last year, at which time he studied 
with, among others, the Jewish painter Morris Kantor. He also 
took summer art classes at the Skowhegan School of Painting 
and Sculpture in Maine (1949, 1950), honing his skills and his 
interest in working from nature. During 1950-51 Katz painted 
many landscapes in a loose, sketchy style encouraged by Jack- 
son Pollocks allover canvases. 

In the late 1950s Katz began painting his wife, Ada, as he 
started to develop his mature style and to discover his overrid- 
ing interest in portraiture. The following year he also made his 
first cut-outs - freestanding, double- sided figures painted on 
aluminum or wood. By the early 1960s Katz's canonical style 
of large-scale, cropped portraits painted with sharp, crisp con- 
tours and employing strident colors began to evolve (e.g., The 
Red Smile , 1963, Whitney Museum of American Art). Painted 
with thinned-out oil paint, Katz explored form and color 
much as the Fauvist Henri Matisse did in the earlier part of the 
century. Unlike social realist painters of a generation earlier - 
including Raphael, Moses, and Isaac *Soyer - who emphasized 
their humanist intentions, Katz repeatedly asserts that these 
works and others are more about style than content. 

While continuing to paint portraits, Katz also made 
a series of enlarged flower paintings that press to the front 
of the picture plane, filling up the canvas (1966-67). Begin- 
ning in i960, Katz designed sets and costumes for choreogra- 
pher Paul Taylors dance performances in addition to sets for 
other productions. His set for Kenneth Koch's off- Broadway 
play George Washington Crossing the Delaware incorporated 
around 20 almost life-size wood cutouts, including Washing- 
ton in his rowboat, army officers, and props such as a cherry 
tree all rendered in Katz's straightforward style. Starting in 
1965, Katz began making prints, some of which were executed 
as illustrations for published books of poetry by leading writ- 
ers such as John Ashbery. 

Over the years Katz experimented with including back- 
ground details omitted in earlier canvas portraits, painting 
group portraits often of family and friends in social situa- 
tions, and landscapes. 

bibliography: N.P. Maravell, Alex Katz: The Complete Prints 
(1983); R. Marshall, Alex Katz (1986); S. Hunter, Alex Katz (1992); I. 
Sandler, Alex Katz: A Retrospective (1998). 

[Samantha Baskind (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, BENZION (1875-1958), Hebrew journalist and writer. 
Born in Daugi (Vilna district), Katz began to contribute to 
Ha-Zefirah at an early age. At the invitation of Baron David 
*Guenzburg, he went to St. Petersburg in order to engage in 

talmudic research, the results of which he later published in 
the journal Ha-Shiloah. He also conducted much research in 
the history of Polish and Russian Jewry, in light of halakhic 
and responsa literature; part of this work was published under 
the title Le-Korot ha-Yehudim be-Rusyah u-Polin ve-Lita ba- 
Mebt ha-Shesh-Esreh ve-ha-Sheva-Esreh ("History of the Jews 
in Russia, Poland, and Lithuania in the 16 th and 17 th centu- 
ries," 1898). Katz's contributions to the Hebrew press inspired 
him to publish his own periodicals, and in 1903 in St. Peters- 
burg he founded a newspaper and a quarterly, both under 
the name Ha-Zeman; a monthly, bearing the same name, was 
also published by him in Vilna (1905-06). At the end of 1916 
Katz began to publish a Hebrew weekly, Ha- Am, in Moscow, 
which became a daily at the outbreak of the 1917 Revolution. 
The newspaper was critical of the Communist Revolution 
and was closed down in 1918. In 1920 he left Russia and after 
a short stay in Kovno, moved to Berlin, residing there until he 
settled in Erez Israel in 1931. He was a regular contributor to 
Haaretz and Ha-Boker, and for a few years, also resumed pub- 
lication of an independent daily, Ha-Zeman. Toward the end 
of his life Katz published chapters of his memoirs, afterward 
collected in Zikhronot (1963). In 1953 he founded He-Avar, sl 
journal devoted to Russian Jewish history. The results of his 
historical researches appear in his books Perushim, Zedukim, 
Kanna'im, Nozerim ("Pharisees, Sadducees, Zealots, Chris- 
tians," 1948) and Rabbanuty Hasidut, Haskalah ("Rabbinism, 
Hasidism, Enlightenment," 1956-59). 

bibliography: Rejzen, Leksikon, 2 (1927), 17-20; lnyl, 4 
(1961), 348-51; He-Avar, 6 (1958), 3-24. 

[Getzel Kressel and Yehuda Slutsky] 

KATZ (Benshalom), BENZION (1907-1968), Hebrew trans- 
lator, literary critic, and educator. He was the brother of Juliusz 
*Katz-Suchy Born in Sanok, Galicia, he studied at the Univer- 
sity of Cracow, taught Hebrew language there (1929-39), and 
lectured at the Warsaw Institute of Jewish Studies (1937-39). 
In 1940 he immigrated to Palestine, and from 1941 to 1963 was 
director of the Jewish Agency's Youth and He-Halutz Depart- 
ment. He also lectured on classical literature at the Tel Aviv 
University, where he was appointed rector in 1964. Katz's 
books include Mishkalav shel H.N. Bialik ("Metrics in Bialik's 
Poetry," 1942); Ha-Sifrut ha-Ivrit Bein Shetei Milhamot Olam 
(1943; Hebrew Literature between the Two World Wars y 1953); 
Shekibt Yerushalayim ("Jerusalem Sunsets," poems, 1965); 
and Orhot Yezirah ("Creative Paths," literary essays, 1966). He 
translated into Hebrew selections from the Persian epic Shah- 
nama by Firdausi and the Rubdiydt of Omar Khayyam, as well 

as several classical Greek works. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KATZ, SIR BERNARD (1911-2003), British physiologist and 
Nobel Prize laureate. Katz was born in Leipzig, Germany. He 
studied medicine at the University of Leipzig, 1929-34; he re- 
ceived the Siegfried Garten Prize for physiological research in 
1933 and obtained his M.D. in 1934. He left Germany in 1935 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


and finished his education in London, where he settled. He 
received a Ph.D. from London University in 1938 and in 1942, 
he was awarded the degree of Doctor of Science. In 1939 Katz 
joined J.C. Eccles' laboratory at Sydney Hospital, Australia, as 
a Carnegie Research Fellow. He collaborated with J.C. Eccles 
and S. W. Kuffler in neuromuscular research. In 1942, after nat- 
uralization in 1941, he joined the Royal Australian Air Force, 
and served as a radar officer in the Southwest Pacific until the 
end of the war. In 1946, he returned from Australia to Univer- 
sity College, London. In 1952 he became professor and head of 
the biophysics department at University College, a position he 
held until his death. He received many awards and was made 
a fellow of the Royal Society of which, in 1965, he was elected 
vice president, and a fellow of the American Academy of Arts 
and Sciences in 1969. He was knighted in 1969. He was a mem- 
ber of the Agricultural Research Council from 1967 and the 
Biological Secretary of the Royal Society from 1968. In 1970 he 
was awarded the Nobel Prize in medicine. Katz demonstrated 
the relationship between neural transmission and acetylcho- 
line release in quantitative terms, and clarified the action of 
calcium in the propagation of the nerve impulse. His main re- 
search was in the field of the nature of both the nerve impulse 
and nerve-muscle connections. He wrote Electric Excitation of 
Nerve (1939) and Nerve, Muscle, and Synapse (1966). 

bibliography: Lex pris Nobel/Nobel Lectures. 

[George H. Fried / Ruth Rossing (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, DANIEL (1903-1998), U.S. psychologist. Born in 
Trenton, New Jersey, Katz was the world's first recipient of a 
doctorate in a formal program of study in social psychology, 
which he received from Syracuse University in 1928. Conduct- 
ing some of the earliest empirical research on stereotyping, his 
studies at Princeton with Kenneth Braly on the nature of eth- 
nic stereotypes eventually became models for subsequent gen- 
erations of research on prejudice. He was appointed instructor 
at Princeton in 1924 and in 1940 became associate professor. 
In 1943 he became chair of Brooklyn College's newly formed 
department of psychology. 

Katz joined the Office of War Information in 1943 as a re- 
search director. After the war, he joined the staff of the Univer- 
sity of Michigan's Survey Research Center, which subsequently 
became a branch of the Institute for Social Research. Katz was 
later appointed to the university's psychology department as 
well. Katz served as president of the Society for the Psycho- 
logical Study of Social Issues and earned a number of career 
awards for his contributions to social psychology. 

A leader in social psychology and public-opinion re- 
search, Katz served on the editorial boards of many jour- 
nals in his field. He co-authored Social Psychology (with R.L. 
Schanck, 1938), Research Methods in the Behavioral Sciences 
(with L. Festinger, 1953), The Social Psychology of Organiza- 
tions (with R. Kahn, 1966), Bureaucratic Encounters (with the 
University of Michigan, 1975), and The Study of Organizations 

(with R. Kahn and J. Adams, 1980). 

[Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, DAVID (1884-1953), German psychologist. Born in 
Kassel, Katz studied at various universities including Goettin- 
gen, where he worked under Georg Elias Mueller and taught 
until the outbreak of World War 1, when he served in the army. 
In 1919 Katz was appointed to the newly established chair of 
psychology and pedagogy at the University of Rostock which, 
under his direction, became one of the leading centers for psy- 
chological research in Germany. In 1933 he was dismissed by 
the Nazis, and for four years he was supported as a refugee 
scientist in England, first in Manchester and then in London. 
In 1937 he was appointed to the chair of psychology and ped- 
agogy in Stockholm, where he developed a productive psy- 
chological laboratory. 

He was one of the pioneers in experimental phenome- 
nology. As Katz presented it, it was an attempt to bring under 
experimental control all the phenomena of experience. He 
is best known for the distinction he made between surface 
colors and film colors, and his work on touch paralleled his 
work on color. His interests ranged widely and he is also re- 
membered for his contributions to animal psychology, child 
psychology, the psychology of thinking, and psychological 
instrumentation. Among his many publications, the most 
important are Der Aufbau der Farbwelt (1930; The World of 
Colour, 1935), originally published in 1911 in: Zeitschrift fuer 
Psychologie und Physiologie, as "Die Erscheinungsweisen der 
Farben"; Der Aufbau des Tastwelt (1925); together with Rosa 
Katz, Gespraeche Kindern (1928; Conversations with Chil- 
dren, 1936); Animals and Men (1937, 1953 2 ); and Gestaltpsycho- 
logie (1944; G est alt Psychology, 1950). 

bibliography: R.B. MacLeod, in: iess, 8 (1968), 352-4, in- 
cludes bibliography; S. Kaznelson (ed.), fuden im deutschen Kultur- 
bereich (1962 3 ), 286, 289; History of Psychology in Autobiography, 4 
(1952), 189-211. add. bibliography: ndb, vol. 11 (1977), 332f. 

[Robert B. MacLeod] 

KATZ, DAVID S. (1953- ), Israeli historian of British Jewry. 
Educated at Columbia University and at Oxford, Katz became 
professor of English history at the University of Tel Aviv. He 
is considered one of the foremost authorities on the Anglo- 
Jewish community in the early modern period. His work The 
Jews in the History of England, 1485-1850 (1994) is regarded 
as one of the most sophisticated treatments of a period pre- 
viously examined by relatively few academic historians. He 
also wrote Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to 
England, 1603-1655 (1982) and is the author or editor of many 

other works. 

[William D. Rubinstein (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, DOVID (Heershadovid Menkes; 1956- ), Yiddish 
linguist, author, and educator. Born in New York, son of Menke 
*Katz, he developed, while studying at Columbia University 
(1974-78), the idea of direct links between the Aramaic and 
Yiddish periods of Jewish linguistic history; at the University 
of London he specialized in historical phonology and dialec- 
tology (Ph.D. 1982). He founded and directed Yiddish Studies 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


at Oxford University (1978-96), at the Oxford Centre for Post- 
graduate Hebrew Studies (1978-94), and was fellow at St. Ant- 
ony's College (1986-97), founding the Winter Studies in Yiddish 
series (4 vols. 1987-91), and the Oksforder Yidish series (3 vols. 
1990-95), initiating and editing the literary monthly Yiddish 
Pen (1994-96). He founded the Oxford Summer Programme in 
Yiddish Language and Literature (1982), which he later moved 
to Vilnius, Lithuania (from 1998). Following a visiting profes- 
sorship at Yale University (1998-99), he took up a new chair 
in Yiddish at Vilnius University. After directing the new Cen- 
ter for Stateless Cultures (1999-2001), he helped establish the 
university's Vilnius Yiddish Institute (2001). He initiated Yid- 
dish teachers' courses at Oxford (1996) and in Vilnius (2005), 
publishing Grammar of the Yiddish Language (1987) and Tikney 
Takones: Fragnfun Yidisher Stilistik ("Amended Amendments: 
Issues in Yiddish Stylistics," 1993). He became known for his 
ardently descriptivist stance, challenging the "purist" school 
that developed in postwar New York; he also championed the 
more traditionalist version of modern Yiddish orthography in 
Klal-takones fun Yidishn Oysleyg ("Code of Yiddish Spelling," 
1992). As Heershadovid Menkes he published three volumes of 
fiction: Eldra Don (1992), Der Flakher Shpits ("The Flat Peak," 
1993) and Misnagdishe Maysesfun Vilner Gubernye ("Tales of 
the Misnagdim of Vilna Province," 1996). After experimenting 
with modern settings, he settled on pre- wwi Lithuanian Jew- 
ish settings, which earned critical acclaim. He became a regu- 
lar contributor to Yidishe Kultur, Forverts and the Algemeyner 
Zhurnal. From 1990, he carried out expeditions to record the 
last native Yiddish in Lithuania, Latvia, northeastern Poland, 
and especially Belarus, collecting materials for a future atlas of 
Northeastern Yiddish. His Lithuanian Jewish Culture (2004) 
traces the cultural history of Lithuanian Jewry from its origins 
to the present. He co- edited the collected translations of his 
father's works (Menke: The Complete Yiddish Works in English 
Translation, 2005). A prolific scholar and writer, Katz pub- 
lished numerous studies on the historical sociology of Yiddish, 
the structure of Ashkenazi Hebrew and Aramaic, medieval 
rabbinic history, the history of Yiddish studies, and methodol- 
ogy in historical linguistics, with emphasis throughout on the 
history of ideas. For a more general readership, he published 
Words on Fire: The Unfinished Story of Yiddish (2004). Katz 
was awarded the 1979 Marshak Award in Yiddish Literature 
(Montreal), the 1995 Chaim Grade Award in Yiddish Culture 
(New York), the 1996 Zhitlovsky Prize in Yiddish Literature 
(New York), the 1997 Manger Prize in Yiddish Literature (Tel 
Aviv) and a Guggenheim Fellowship (2001-2). 

bibliography: B.Z. Goldberg, Algemeyner Zhurnal (Sept. i, 
1972), 18; P. Slobodjans'kyj, Language, 64:4 (1988), 761-6; 67:1 (1991), 
114; R.F. Shepard, New York Times (Apr. 6, 1991), 17; A. Karpinovich, 
Letste Nayes (Aug. 21, 1992), 8-14; ibid. (Aug. 6, 1993), 5; Lebns-fragn, 
525-6 (1996), 16; S. Vorzoger, Letste Nayes (Nov. 13, 1992), 8; ibid. (May 
7, 1993), 8-14; Tsukunft, 100/1 (1996), 19-22; L. Prager, Mendele Review, 
08.010/149 (Oct. 29, 2004); J. Sherman, Times Literary Supplement 
(May 27, 2005), 22-3. website: (bibl.). 

[Dov-Ber Kerler (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, ELIHU (1926- ), professor of sociology and commu- 
nications. Born in New York, Katz received his doctorate from 
Colombia University in 1956. In 1963 he immigrated to Israel 
and joined the Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research 
of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. During the 1960s he 
took time out from his academic career and headed the task 
force charged with the introduction of television broadcast- 
ing in Israel. He founded the Communications Institute at the 
Hebrew University in 1966, heading it until 1980. In the mid- 
1970s he and Daniel Dayan initiated a series of live broadcasts 
of recreated historic events inspired by the peace process with 
Egypt. He was a professor of sociology and communications 
at the Hebrew University until 1991, when he retired. He also 
served as professor at the Annenberg School of Communi- 
cation at the University of Southern California. With his col- 
leagues in Jerusalem and California he published 10 books 
and over 90 articles, among them: Personal Influence: The Part 
Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications (with 
Lazarsfeld, 1955); Medical Innovation: A Diffusion Study (with 
Coleman and Menzel, 1966); The Secularization of Leisure: 
Culture and Communication in Israel (with Gurevitch, 1976); 
The Export of Meaning: Cross-Cultural Readings of "Dallas" 
(with Liebes, 1990); Media Events: The Live Broadcasting of 
History (with Dayan, 1992); and Canonic Texts in Media Re- 
search: Are There Any? Should There Be? How About These? 
(with Peters, Liebes, and Orloff, eds., 2003). In 1989 he was 
awarded the Israel Prize for social sciences. He also received 
the unesco-canada McLuhan Prize and Burda Prize (in 
media research). 


[Fern Lee Seckbach / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, HANNS LUDWIG (1892-1940), German painter 
and graphic artist. Katz was born in Karlsruhe. After leaving 
school he made a short sojourn in Paris at the atelier of Henri 
Matisse. From 1913 to 1918 Katz studied painting, history of 
art, and architecture in Karlsruhe, Heidelberg, and Munich. 
He married the pianist Franziska Ehrenreich and they moved 
to Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1920, after he had published a 
series of expressionist lithographs entitled Danse macabre 
which alluded to the revolution in 1919. In Frankfurt, Katz 
became known as a painter of portraits, cityscapes, and still 
lifes, which revealed the influence of Max Beckmann and the 
Neue Sachlichkeit. But despite the success and the support of 
the art critic Max Osborn, he had to become a partner in a 
whitewashing company in 1923 in order to make a living. One 
of his portraits in the style of the Neue Sachlichkeit shows the 
artist at work. After getting his master craftman's certificate, 
he worked in the business until 1936. After the Nazi takeover 
in 1933, Katz took an active part in the Frankfurt section of 
the Juedischer Kulturbund, and in 1935, one year after his wife 
died, he planned to establish a semiautonomous Jewish settle- 
ment in Yugoslavia. After his endeavors failed he immigrated 
to South Africa in 1936. Before leaving Frankfurt, Katz married 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Ruth Wolf, who followed him into exile. Thus he was able to 
escape before one of his best expressionist portraits, of Gus- 
tav Landauer (1919-20, private collection, Kapstadt), was pub- 
licly denounced in Degenerate Art in 1938. Despite becoming 
deeply involved in painting the landscapes of his new home- 
land, Katz was unable to make headway in the South African 
art scene and died in Johannesburg. 

bibliography: Heuberger, H. Krohn (ed.), Hanns Ludwig 

Katz (1992). 

[Philipp Zschommler (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, ISRAEL (1917-2003), U.S. aeronautical engineer. Katz 
was born in New York and graduated from the Boston Trade 
School. He earned a B.S. in mechanical engineering from 
Northeastern University, Boston (1941); a naval architecture 
and marine engineering degree from the Massachusetts In- 
stitute of Technology, a degree sponsored by the U.S. Navy 
(1942); and a master's degree in mechanical engineering from 
Cornell University (1944). He was a staff member of Cornell 
(1944-57) where he became associate professor and was head 
of the aircraft power unit. He worked in the advanced elec- 
tronic center of the General Electric Company in Ithaca, n.y. 
(1957-63) but returned to Northeastern University (1967-88), 
where he became professor of mechanical engineering and 
held senior academic appointments, including dean of the 
Center for Continuing Education, before retiring as emeritus 
professor. Katz worked on submarine and aircraft propulsion 
and submarine launched missile systems. He was a consultant 
for the U.S. Department of Defense and the Pratt and Whitney 
Aircraft Company. He was an outstanding teacher of basic and 
advanced teaching courses in engineering, and his books on 
aircraft propulsion and mechanical engineering in industry 
became standard texts. He received the New England Award 
in engineering (1993). He was an active supporter of Temple 
Beth El and Temple Ohabei Shalom in Boston. 

[Michael Denman (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, ISRAEL (1927- ), Israeli social scientist and politi- 
cian. Katz was born in Vienna and came to Erez Israel under 
the * Youth Aliyah scheme in 1937. He studied physics and 
chemistry at The Hebrew University and, after completing his 
military service, studied social work at Columbia University, 
New York. Returning to Israel in 1953, he was appointed di- 
rector of a home for emotionally disturbed children and from 
1955 to 1959 was educational supervisor of Youth Aliyah. He 
returned to the United States to continue his studies and re- 
ceived his doctorate in social work administration from the 
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio. On his return to 
Israel he was appointed director of the Paul Baerwald School 
of Social Work of The Hebrew University, also serving as di- 
rector-general of the National Insurance Institute and direc- 
tor of the Brookdale Gerontological Institute. In 1982 he re- 
ceived a Ph.D. from The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and 
subsequently became a senior lecturer in the department of 
sociology and anthropology. 

He joined the Democratic Movement for Change in 1977 
and, when his party joined the coalition in October 1977, was 
appointed minister of labor and social betterment, serving 
until August 1981. 

KATZ, ISRAEL (Joseph; 1930- ), U.S. ethnomusicologist. 
Katz graduated from ucla (B.A., 1956) and later spent two 
years (1959-61) in Jerusalem, where he studied privately with 
Edith *Gerson-Kiwi and undertook field research among 
the Sephardic communities of Israel. He returned to ucla 
and took his doctorate in 1967 with a dissertation on Judeo- 
Spanish ballads, comparing the stylistic features of tradi- 
tional ballads from Jerusalem with those preserved among 
the Sephardim of Turkey, Greece, and Morocco. Among other 
places, he taught at McGill University (Montreal, 1968-74); 
Columbia University (1974-75); York College (cuny), chair- 
ing the Department of Fine and Performing Arts; and Hebrew 
Union College as a visiting lecturer. He conducted research 
in Spain on a Guggenheim Fellowship (1975-76) and again as 
a Fulbright scholar (1985-86). In 1982, he became associated 
with the University of California, Santa Cruz (1982-89) and 
Davis (1989-2004), collaborating as an associate researcher 
with the renowned hispanists Samuel G. Armistead and Jo- 
seph H. Silverman (d. 1989) on the series Folk Literature of 
the Sephardic Jews. Katz served as editor of Ethnomusicol- 
ogy (1970-72); for the Yearbook of the International Folk Mu- 
sic Council, he was editor (1977-70), coeditor (with Albert 
Weisser, 1976-82), editor (1983-88), and coeditor with Arbie 
Orenstein (2001- ). He was a founding member of the Ameri- 
can Society for Jewish Music (1974) and served as chairman 
of the board (until 1988). 

Katz concentrated his studies on the Sephardic and Ori- 
ental Jewish communities of the Mediterranean region, and on 
the traditional folk music of Spain, with special studies on the 
i3 th -century Cantigas de Santa Maria. He collected traditional 
ballads in Morocco (summer 1961), Spain (summer 1978) and 
Portugal (summer 1988), where he followed the footsteps of 
Kurt *Schindler. Transcription and analytical techniques as 
well as comparative tune scholarship are basic to his researches. 
He wrote the books Judeo-Spanish Traditional Ballads from 
Jerusalem: An Ethnomusicological Study (1972-1975) and, with 
S.G. Armistead and J.H. Silverman, the six-volume Judeo-Span- 
ish Ballads from Oral Tradition (1986-2005). He was also editor 
of many important studies and wrote numerous articles. 

[Amnon Shiloah (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, JACOB (1904-1998), Israeli historian. Born in Mag- 
yargencs, Hungary, Katz studied at various yeshivot and at the 
university of Frankfurt. From 1936 to 1950 he taught at reli- 
gious schools and the Mizrachi Teachers' Seminary in Jeru- 
salem. From 1950 he taught at the Hebrew University, becom- 
ing professor of Jewish social and educational history in 1962. 
In 1969 he was appointed rector of the Hebrew University. 
Katz's published works include Toledot Yisrael ve-he-Ammim 
("Israel and the Nations," several editions, 1941-62); Maso- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


ret u-Mashber (1958; Tradition and Crisis, 1961); Exclusiveness 
and Tolerance (1961); Freemasons and Jews (1970); Emancipa- 
tion and Assimilation: Studies in Modern Jewish History (1972); 
Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipa- 
tion, 1770-1870 (1973); Toward Modernity: The European Jewish 
Models (1987). His work is significant for the understanding of 
the intricate relationships between Jews and gentiles and offers 
insights into Jewish sociology in medieval and modern times. 
For his studies he utilized rabbinical sources which had been 
usually unexplored for historical- sociological research. In 1980 
he was awarded the Israel Prize for studies in Jewish history. 

bibliography: J.M. Harris, The Pride of Jacob: Essays on 
Jacob Katz and His Work (2002). 

KATZ, JOSEPH BEN ELIJAH (17 th century), writer of ethi- 
cal works. Little is known about his life, except that he was av 
bet din in Zaslavl in the beginning of the 17 th century. Joseph 
wrote Rekhev Eliyahu (Cracow, 1638). The book, which fol- 
lows the order of Mishnah Avot, uses the Mishnah as a start- 
ing point for discussing ethical subjects such as reward and 
punishment, ethical behavior in commerce, and teshuvah (see 
* Repentance). Joseph draws upon various subjects from the 
Kabbalah and he mentions some kabbalistic and ethical works, 
such as Sefer Hasidim, Sefer ha-Zohar, Toldat Yaakov (by R. 
Meir ibn Gabbai), Tomer Devorah (R. Moses ben Jacob Cor- 
dovero), Reshit Hokhmah (Elijah ben Moses De-Vidas), Beit 
Ha-Shem (R. Solomon Alkabez), and also cites R. Isaac Luria 

Ashkenazi (Ha-Ari). 

[Esty Eisenmann (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, LABEL A. (1918-1975), U.S. attorney, realtor, and com- 
munity leader. Katz, who was born in New Orleans, Louisiana, 
practiced law but concentrated on the home -construction in- 
dustry and investment, and from 1951 was president of Label A. 
Katz Investment Co., Inc. He was president of the Communal 
Hebrew School of New Orleans (1943-48), and served in vari- 
ous district and national offices of the B'nai B'rith Hillel Foun- 
dation. He served as president of B'nai B'rith International for 
two terms (1959-65). At the age of 41, he had the distinction 
of being the youngest international president in the history of 
the organization. Katz was particularly concerned with Jewish 
education and with international affairs, notably the position of 
Soviet Jewry; in 1964 he helped organize the American Jewish 
Conference on Soviet Jewry, which encompassed 24 organiza- 
tions. He also served as chairman of the Presidents' Conference 
of Major American Jewish Organizations (1960-61). In Louisi- 
ana he served on the New Orleans Mayor's Citizens' Committee 
on Housing Improvement (1953), as vice president of the Urban 
League of Greater New Orleans, and as chairman of the board 
of Sophie Newcomb College of Tulane University. 

In his honor, B'nai B'rith International established the La- 
bel Katz Young Leadership Award, which honors members un- 
der the age of 40 who display distinguished leadership skills. 

bibliography: E.E. Grusd, B'nai B'rith, Story of a Covenant 
(1966), index. 

KATZ (Wannfried), MENAHEM, also known as Mena- 
hem Prossnitz (c. 1800-1891), Hungarian rabbi. The name 
Wannfried indicates his family's origin in Hesse-Nassau. 
Born in Prostejov (Prossnitz), Moravia, Katz was one of the 
outstanding disciples of R. Moses *Sofer. He was head of the 
yeshivah in his native town. Elected rabbi of Rajka (Ragen- 
dorf), Hungary, he was later appointed rabbi of *Deutsch- 
kreutz (Zelem), one of the "Seven Communities" of *Burgen- 
land, where he served for over 50 years. Here too, he headed 
an important yeshivah. Katz is best known for his activity on 
behalf of the Orthodox faction at the Congress of Hungarian 
Jewry (1868). After the schism in Hungarian Jewry, he was 
a member of the delegation of rabbis which obtained inde- 
pendent rights for the Orthodox organization from Emperor 
*Francis Joseph I. In 1870 he also convened a meeting of Or- 
thodox rabbis which served as the basis for the separate or- 

bibliography: S. Sofer, in: Iggerot Soferim (1929), 9; J.J.(L.) 
Greenwald (Grunwald), Li-Felagot Yisrael be-Hungaryah (1929), 78. 

[Baruch Yaron] 

KATZ, MENKE (1906-1991), Yiddish and English poet. 
Known as Menke (Meyn-keh) in Yiddish literature, he was 
born in Svintsyan (now Svencionys, Lithuania) and spent 
World War 1 in Michaleshik (Michalishki, Belarus) before 
immigrating to New York in 1920. He made his poetic de- 
but with "Bowery" in the avant-garde Spartdk, coedited by 
A. *Pomerantz and Russian poet V. Mayakovsky, and joined 
the leftist writers' group that coalesced into Proletpen, from 
which he was expelled (1932) for publishing his first book, 
Dray Shvester ("Three Sisters"), a mystical and erotic poetic 
drama in four acts. His two-volume World War 1 epic, Brenen- 
dik Shtetl ("Burning Village," 1938) brought a new storm for 
its longing, lyrical descriptions of shtetl life and its failure to 
indulge socialist realism. Katz replied with "Der Braver Pak- 
hdn" ("The Brave Coward"), a manifesto for a Yiddish poetry 
free of the shackles of politics, including the line "I will not 
lead by poem into battle." His book, S'hot dos Vort mayn Bobe 
Moyne ("Grandmother Mona Takes the Floor," 1939), is written 
in the voice of his shtetl grandmother who mercilessly takes on 
the New York Yiddish literary-political establishment. In 1944, 
he coedited the literary journal Mir. In midlife he turned to 
universal themes, particularly in the book Inmitn Tog ("Mid- 
day," 1954). Due to political squabbling in the Yiddish literary 
establishment, he turned to writing English as well, and made 
his debut with "A Patched Window" (Commentary, Feb. 1956), 
and soon began to publish in the Atlantic, The New York Times, 
Midwest Quarterly, Poet Lore, and other English outlets. His 
first English book, Land of Manna (1965), synthesized motifs 
from the Lithuanian shtetl and the American metropolis. In 
English he became known for his opposition to rhyme and his 
experimentation with novel forms, including the twin narra- 
tive chant royal; the unrhymed unrefrained chant royal; and 
most famously, the "Menke Sonnet," whose increasing or de- 
creasing number of syllables per line forms graphic triangles. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Major works in English include Rockrose (1970), Burning Vil- 
lage (1972; not a translation of the 1938 text), A Chair for Elijah 
(1985), and Nearby Eden (1990). In all, he published 18 books 
of verse, nine in each language. His "World of Old Abe" won 
the 1974 Stephen Vincent Benet Award and he was nominated 
for a Pulitzer Prize for Burning Village. He edited the poetry 
magazine Bitterroot (1962-91), which became known for seek- 
ing out unknown talent and inspiring poetic experimentation. 
His collection of folktales from Michaleshik, Forever and Ever 
and a Wednesday, appeared in 1980. Translations of his work 
have appeared in book form in French (1972), Greek (1968), 
Hebrew (1973), Italian (1972), Japanese (1967), Kannada (1968) 
and Lithuanian (2006). A compendium of translations in 21 
languages of "On the Death of a Day Old Child" appeared in 
1973. A near-complete collection of his Yiddish works in Eng- 
lish translation by Benjamin and Barbara *Harshav appeared 
in 2005. He worked as a Yiddish teacher for much of his life. In 
1985 he completed a collection of Yiddish folksongs, including 
many unknown variants from his native Lithuanian villages 
(unpublished, as is his 1951-2 diary to his brother Yeiske). He 
is the father of Dovid Katz and Troim Katz Handler. 

bibliography: B.Z. Goldberg, Tog (April 29, 1932); A. Rei- 
sen, Feder Zamlbukh (1936); I. Bashevis [Singer], Tsukunft (March 
1940); M. Shtarkman, Hemshekh Antologye (1945), 259-68; H. Leivik, 
Tog (Nov. 14, 1953); Y. Varshavski [I. Bashevis [Singer]], Forverts 
(Dec. 9, 1956); M. Ravitsh, Mayn Leksikon, 3 (1958), 360-1; J. Glatstein, 
Tsukunft (Feb. 1963); lnyl, 8 (1981), 110-11; A. Evory and L. Metzger, 
Contemporary Authors-, 11 (1984), 285-8; 110-11; B. Kagan, Leksikon 
fun Yidish Shraybers (1986), 551-2; M. Zadrozny (ed), Contemporary 
Authors, 9 (1989), 49-71 (autobiography); D. Katz, Di Goldene Keyt, 
132 (1991), 98-123; B. Harshav, Jerusalem Review, 1 (1997), 137-9; H. 
Smith and D. Katz, Menke: The Complete Yiddish Poems ofMenke Katz 
(2005), v-cxxxv. website: > Menke Katz. 

[Dovid Katz (2 nd ed.)] 

ican public heard from Mickey Katz, who went on to publish 
his autobiography, Papa Play for Me, in 1977. Katz s legacy re- 
ceived another boost with the 1993 release of Don Byron plays 
the Music of Mickey Katz by the noted African- American jazz 
artist. In addition to being the father of Joel *Grey, Katz is the 
grandfather of Dirty Dancing dynamo Jennifer Grey. 

[Casey Schwartz (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, MINDRU (1925-1978), Romanian-born Israeli pia- 
nist. Born in Bucharest and recognized as a child prodigy by 
George Enescu, Katz was recommended to Floria Musicescu, 
with whom he studied at the Royal Academy of Music in Bu- 
charest. Katz made his debut with the Bucharest Philharmonic 
Orchestra (1947), won prizes at international competitions, 
and the state prize, first class, of the Romanian Republic (1954). 
Between 1947 and 1959 he went on concert tours in Eastern 
Europe, and made his debuts in Paris (1957) and in London 
(1958). In 1959 he gave his first Festival Hall recital, recorded 
Khachaturian's concerto and Prokofiev's First Piano Concerto, 
and settled in Israel. He first played with the Israel Philhar- 
monic under Martinon and continued to make extensive tours 
in Western Europe, Africa, the Far East, and the Americas. 
He performed with leading orchestras and illustrious con- 
ductors such as Sir John Barbirolli, Antal Dorati, and Joseph 
Krips. Katz was appointed lecturer at the Rubin Academy of 
Music at Tel Aviv University and a professor in 1972. He had 
great impact on the level of piano culture in Israel. His piano 
playing managed to be both technically brilliant and full of 
poetry. His repertoire ranged from Bach to Prokofiev but he 
was most acclaimed in Beethoven, Chopin, and Brahms. He 
died during a recital. 

add. bibliography: New Grove Dictionary (1980). 

[Naama Ramot (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, MICKEY (1909-1985), U.S. musician, comic. Known 
for his unusual blend of klezmer music and Borscht Belt hu- 
mor, Katz began playing the clarinet as a young child in his 
hometown of Cleveland, Ohio. He was performing with lo- 
cal bands by the time he was in high school. After he began 
to incorporate comic routines into his musical act, he gained 
the attention of Spike Jones, who invited Katz to become a 
member of his City Slickers band in 1946. Katz can be heard 
on a number of classic Spike Jones recordings including "Ha- 
waiian War Chant," in which he provides the "glug-glug-glug" 
sound effect. It wasn't long before Katz pitched his own solo 
act to Spike Jones' label rca and got a record deal of his own, 
performing popular American tunes with a Yiddish interpre- 
tation, adding Yiddish lyrics and instrumentation to the well- 
known songs as well as a comically exaggerated Jewish accent. 
After his rca singles met with success, Katz went on the road, 
doing a tour he called the "Borscht Capades." Katz's son, later 
to be known in his own right as actor Joel *Grey, was included 
in the cast of Katz's road show. Katz eventually left rca for 
Capital Records, where he remained until his retirement in 
the 1960s. However, this was not to be the last that the Amer- 

KATZ, MOSES (1885-1960), Yiddish journalist. Born near 
Minsk, he received a traditional Jewish and secular education. 
He was arrested in 1903 for participating in an illegal Zionist ed- 
ucation group. After the Kishinev pogrom he joined the Social- 
ist-Zionists and took part in self-defense activities. After a two- 
year stay in Palestine (1908-10), he returned to Russia and then 
went to the U.S. in 1913. Katz started his career as a writer in 
Russian in 1904, but from 1905 contributed to Yiddish journals. 
In the U.S. he joined Chaim *Zhitlowsky's journal Dos Naye 
Lebn and served as a correspondent for foreign publications 
in Yiddish and Russian. He returned to Russia in 1917 after the 
February Revolution. Between 1917 and 1920 Katz held various 
editorial posts in Russia, helped to found the Ukrainian Kultur- 
Lige, and managed the Jewish Division of the State Publishing 
House in Kiev. After his return to America in 1922, he worked 
on the Yiddish Communist daily Frayhayt (later Morgn Fray- 
hayt) and also contributed to many leftist journals. He wrote 
numerous articles on travel as well as popular discussions of 
history and of Marxism, often using pseudonyms. He translated 
Ivan Franko, Heine, and Kipling into Yiddish and edited a six- 
volume edition of Lenin in Yiddish (Moscow, 1933). Among his 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


works are Nikolay Lenin (1920), Di Ershte Yidishe Oytonomye 
("The First Jewish Autonomy," 1934), and A Dor Vos Hot Far- 
loyrn di Moyre ("A Generation that Lost its Fear," 1956). 

bibliography: lnyl, 4 (1961), 358-62. add. bibliogra- 
phy: P. Novick (ed.), Moyshe Kats Bukh (1963), 9-24; B. Kohen, Lek- 

sikonfun Yidish-Shraybers (1986), 311. 

[Henry J. Tobias] 

KATZ, NAPHTALI BEN ISAAC (Ha-Kohen; 1645-1719), 
rabbi and kabbalist. Katz was born in Stepan (Volhynia), 
where his father was rabbi. In his youth he was taken captive 
by the Tatars but managed to escape. He succeeded his father 
as av bet din of Stepan and then served as rabbi of Ostrow 
(1680-89), Posen (1690-1704), and Frankfurt on the Main 
(1704-11). In the latter year a fire broke out in his house, de- 
stroying the whole Jewish quarter of Frankfurt. After he had 
been maliciously charged with preventing the extinguishing 
of the fire because he wanted to test his amulets - in the use of 
which he was expert - he was imprisoned and compelled to re- 
sign his post. He went to Prague, staying in the house of David 
*Oppenheim, where he met Nehemiah *Hayon and even gave 
approbation to his book Oz le-Elohim (also called Meheimnuta 
de-Kalla; Berlin, 1713). From 1713 to 1715 he lived in Breslau, 
where together with Zevi Hirsch *Ashkenazi he excommuni- 
cated Hayon after realizing his true character. In 1715, after 
King Augustus of Poland had rejected his application to be 
restored to his post as rabbi of Posen, he returned to Ostrow 
where his son Bezalel was rabbi. While journeying to Erez 
Israel he was taken ill in Constantinople and died there. 

Among his works are Pi Yesharim (Frankfurt, 1702), kab- 
balistic comments to the word bereshit ("in the beginning"); 
Birkat ha-Shem (2 pts., ibid., 1704-06), including 
Hakhamim, consisting of hadranim (see *Hadran) and Kedu- 
shah u-Verakhah, novellae to the tractate Berakhot; and Shdar 
Naftali, poems and piyyutim (Bruenn, 1757). Several works are 
still in manuscript. Katz was one of the important halakhic au- 
thorities of his generation and one of the greatest kabbalists 
of Poland. His image persisted in the memory of the people, 
and many legends and wondrous tales about him circulated for 
many generations. He conducted his rabbinate high-handedly 
and as a result met much opposition from the leaders of the 
communities, which was apparently the cause of his frequent 
wanderings. Despite this he had a sensitive soul which found 
expression in his poems, piyyutim, and prayers which have 
been published in various places. His well-known ethical will 
(1729?) contains profound thoughts and moral instruction and 
some see in it one of the first sparks of practical *Hasidism. 

bibliography: Perles, in: mgwj, 14 (1865), 92f.; M. Horo- 
vitz, Frankfurter Rabbinen, (1969), 98-114; Horodezky, in: Ha-Goren, 1 
(1898), 100-2; Kaufmann, in: rej, 36 (1898), 256-86; 37 (1898), 274-83; 
idem, in: jjgl, 2 (1899), 123-47; M.M. Biber, Mazkeret li-Gedolei Os- 
traha (1907), 63-69; Lewin, in: hhy, 6 (1922), 261-63; M.E. Rapoport- 
Hartstein, Shalshelet Zahav (1931); Davidson, Ozar, 4 (1931), 453; Nar- 
kis, in: ks, 15 (1938-39), 370-2; Halpern, Pinkas, 206 ff., 601; Peli, in: 
Sinai, 39 (1956), 242-60; A. Yaari, Mehkerei Sefer (1958), 55 ff. 

[Yehoshua Horowitz] 

KATZ, REUVEN (1880-1963), talmudist. After studying in 
various yeshivot, Katz went to Vilna to study under Hayyim 
Ozer *Grodzinski. He became known as the Illui ("prodigy") 
of Olshany. He married the daughter of Abraham *Maskilei- 
son. After holding appointments in a number of towns, in- 
cluding Minsk in 1905, Indura in 1909, and Stawiski in 1923, 
he joined a delegation visiting the United States and remained 
there as rabbi of Bayonne, New Jersey. In 1932 he was ap- 
pointed chief rabbi of Petah Tikvah where he also headed 
the Lomza Yeshivah, founded by the heads of the Lithuanian 
yeshivah of the same name. Katz headed a variety of commu- 
nal organizations, including the aid committee for Grodno 
Jewry and the Aguddat ha-Rabbanim of Poland. He was vice 
president of Aguddat ha-Rabbanim of America and in Israel 
he was president of Aguddat Rabbanei Yehudah ve-ha- Sha- 
ron and an associate of the Council of the Chief Rabbinate 
and of the Vaad ha- Yeshivot. Among his published works are 
the responsa Degel Reuven (3 pts., 1923-49); Duddei Re'uven 
(1928; 2 nd ed. 2 pts., 1954) on the Pentateuch; and Shaar Re'uven 
(1952), a collection of essays on topical and practical prob- 
lems. Of his sons, Aaron succeeded him as rosh yeshivah in 
Petah Tikvah, Simeon served on the bet din there, Michael and 
Leon taught at Yeshiva * University, while a fifth son, Abraham 
*Katsh, became president of Dropsie University. 

bibliography: Harkavy, in: R. Katz, Shaar Re'uven (1952), 
5-11 (introd.); Bergstein, in: Shanah be-Shanah (1965), 447-52; Ra- 
phael, in: Sinai, 56 (1965), 183 f.; A. Shurin, Keshet Gibborim (1964), 

141-6; Tidhar, 3 (1949), i49°f. 

[Itzhak Alfassi] 

KATZ, RUTH (1927- ) Israeli musicologist. Born in Ger- 
many, Katz emigrated to Palestine in 1934. She studied piano 
with E. Rudiakoff and music theory with P. *Ben-Haim in Tel 
Aviv, and earned her Ph.D. in 1963 at Columbia University. 
She joined the newly established department of musicology at 
the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 1965 where she became 
professor of musicology in 1984 and emeritus since 1995. Ruth 
Katz was head of the School of Graduate Studies (1983-86) at 
the Hebrew University and fellow at the Institute of Advanced 
Studies in Berlin (1986-87). 

Her fields of interest encompass a wide scope of research: 
aesthetics, philosophy and sociology of music, historical mu- 
sicology, study of non-western traditions, musicological and 
ethnomusicological methods, and cognitive science of music. 
She distinguished herself with her broad interdisciplinary ap- 
proach and methodological creativity. 

In 1957 Katz developed, together with D. Cohen, the me- 
lograph - an instrument for the continuous graphic represen- 
tation of melody (or any monophonic vocal expression with 
definite pitch). The melograph is used for analyzing melodic 
elements that cannot be expressed exactly in traditional West- 
ern notation, e.g., those based on other intonation systems, 
micro tonal intervals, contours of glissandi, attack and decay of 
notes, vibrato, or the relation of pitch to loudness. This method 
has been applied to studies on the music of the Samaritans: 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



"Explorations in the Music of the Samaritans: An Illustration 
of the Utility of Graphic Notation" (with D. Cohen), Ethno- 
musicology, 4 (1960), and also to the music of Syrian (Aleppo) 
Jews, Palestinian Arabs (secular and sacred), and Israeli folk- 
songs. Unlike similar apparati developed independently at 
the same time (in Los Angeles and Norway), the Katz- Cohen 
melograph set the basic methodology and interpretative ap- 
proach still used today Other ethnomusicological interests 
concern latent vs. manifest theory (with D. Cohen) and his- 
torical continuity vs. change in oral traditions. 

Her research on Western tradition includes the history 
and theory of notation; the origins of opera as collective prob- 
lem-solving, analogous to science; eighteenth-century music 
and aesthetic theory; the relationship of language to music 
(her work on this subject was an example of the "cognitive 
turn" in epistemology and was an early contribution to cogni- 
tive science); music in philosophical writings (with C. Dahl- 
haus); and the relationship among stylistic change, aesthetic 
judgment, and historical process, examined through the case 
of the institutionalization and diffusion of opera (early 17 th c). 
Among her major books are Divining the Powers of Music: 
Aesthetic Theory and the Origins of Opera (1986); Contemplat- 
ing Music: Source Readings in the Aesthetics of Music (4 vols.; 
with C. Dahlhaus, 1988-1992); Tuning the Mind: Connecting 
Aesthetics to Cognitive Science (with R. Ha-Cohen, 2003); The 
Lachmann Problem: An Unsung Chapter in Comparative Mu- 
sicology (2003); and Palestinian Arab Music: A Maqam Tradi- 
tion in Practice (with D. Cohen, 2005). 

[Elisheva Rigbi (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, SHMUEL (1914- ), Israeli publicist. Katz was born in 
South Africa and came to Eretz Israel in 1936 as secretary to 
the Honorary South African Consul, Michael Haskel. He was 
active in the *Irgun Zeva'i Leummi, then under the leadership 
of David * Raziel. At the request of Ze'ev Jabotinsky he came 
to London in 1940, where he launched and edited a weekly 
Revisionist magazine. On his return in 1946 he resumed his 
activity in the Irgun and was a member of its High Command 
until it dissolved. He then took over the responsibility for the 
branch of the Irgun which remained in Jerusalem during the 
final phase of fighting in the War of Independence. 

Katz was elected to the First Knesset, but left public life 
in 1951 and set up a publishing house. After the Six-Day War 
he became active in the Land of Israel Movement, carrying on 
propaganda on its behalf in the United States. After the vic- 
tory of the Likud in March 1977, Menahem Begin appointed 
him adviser on information abroad, but he resigned in Janu- 
ary 1978 as he found himself in disagreement with the policy 
of the prime minister and joined the Herut group which op- 
posed Begins peace negotiations. Later on, he retired from 
Herut politics. 

Katz published five books, Days of Fire , Battleground: 
Fact and Fantasy in Palestine, No Courage, No Splendor, Zabo, 
and The Wild East. In addition, he translated works of Jabo- 
tinsky, and Menahem Begins Revolt, into English. 

KATZ, SHOLOM (1919-1982), hazzan. Born in Oradea, Ro- 
mania, Katz studied voice in Budapest and Vienna and was 
hazzan in Kishinev, Bessarabia, until he was deported in 1941. 
At the Bralow, Ukraine, concentration camp, he was taken 
out to be shot but requested permission to sing the prayer for 
the dead. The officer in charge was so impressed by his voice 
that he spared him and allowed him to escape. In 1947 he 
emigrated to the U.S. and became hazzan of the Beth Sholom 
Congregation in Washington, d.c. A powerful tenor with an 
extensive range and exceptional voice control, Katz developed 
an individualistic, unhurried and dramatic style. 

KATZ, SOLOMON (1909-1990), U.S. historian. Born in Buf- 
falo, New York, Katz was hired in 1936 as an instructor by the 
history department of the University of Washington, where he 
remained for 53 years. In 1950 he was appointed professor of 
history. Katz s main scholarly interest was the period of the de- 
cline of the Roman Empire and the emergence of the medieval 
world. His doctoral dissertation, "The Jews in the Visigothic 
and Frankish Kingdoms of Spain and Gaul" (1937), combined 
Jewish sources with Roman and Germanic sources to illustrate 
the status and organization of the Jews. Katz developed such an 
interest in the history of the late Roman Empire, or Byzantine 
history, that he began to offer courses in the subject in 1940, 
making the uw one of the few institutions to offer such classes 
at the time. He served in the U.S. Army Air Force (1942-46). 
During his tenure at the university, Katz also served as chair 
of the history department, dean of the College of Arts and Sci- 
ences, provost, and vice president for academic affairs. 

His book The Decline of Rome and the Rise of Medieval 
Europe (1955) is a brief popular survey. He also published in 
Jewish and general scholarly journals. Katz was a member 
of the Commission on Academic Affairs of the American 
Council on Education (1967); president of the Pacific Coast 
Branch of the American Historical Association (1967-68); and 
a member of the Commission on Students and Faculty of the 
Association of American Colleges (1969). An avid supporter 
of the arts and humanities in the Northwest, he served as a 
member of numerous arts, civic, and educational boards as 
well, including the Seattle Repertory Theater, the Seattle Art 
Museum, the Seattle Symphony, and Lakeside School. In 1978 
he received the Seattle Mayors Public Service Award in the 
Arts. That year, the uw established the Solomon Katz Distin- 
guished Lectureship Series in the Humanities and, later on, 
an endowed professorship was created in his honor. In ad- 
dition, the Solomon Katz Distinguished Lectures in the Hu- 
manities Series was established by private donors to recognize 
distinguished scholars in the humanities. In 1983 Katz was 
presented with the University of Washington's Outstanding 
Public Service Award. 

[Irwin L. Merker / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZ, STEVEN T. (1944- ), U.S. scholar and philosopher. 
Katz was born in Jersey City, New Jersey. He earned his B.A. 
degree from Rutgers University (1966), his M.A. degree from 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


New York University (1967), and his Ph.D. from Cambridge 
University (1972). He served on the faculties of Cambridge 
University (1971-72); Dartmouth College (1972-84); and Cor- 
nell University (1984-96). In 1995 he was named as director 
of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum but when 
a controversy developed, he resigned without serving. He 
served as director of the Elie Wiesel Center for Judaic Studies 
and professor of religion, comparative mysticism, and Judaica 
(Holocaust) at Boston University (from 1996). 

Katz published articles and books on Shoah history and 
theology, including Post-Holocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies 
in Modern Jewish Thought (1983) and Historicism, the Holo- 
caust, and Zionism: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought 
and History (1992). His stellar contribution on the singularity 
of the Shoah evolved in 1979 when Katz proposed his agenda 
on why the Shoah is unmatched in history. He expanded on 
the topic in The Holocaust in Historical Context. Volume 1: The 
Holocaust and Mass Death Before the Modern Age (1994) in 
which he discusses other horrific events deemed parallel to 
the Shoah. With dedicated persistence, he tackles a plethora 
of literature and scholarship and maintains that the issue at 
hand is not essentially a problem of economics, history, poli- 
tics, religion, sociology, or theology but one of intentional- 
ity, that is Nazisms Weltanschaung, the total genocidal intent 
against the Jewish people for being and becoming. A similar 
point is made in his essay "Children in Auschwitz and the Gu- 
lag: Alternative Realities" (in R.L. Millen, ed., New Perspectives 
on the Holocaust: A Guide for Teachers and Scholars (1996)), 
which documents that only in the brutal environment of Aus- 
chwitz all children were marked for extermination by the fiat 
of Nazi racial ideology. His edited volume, The Impact of the 
Holocaust on Jewish Theology (2005), brings together an ar- 
ray of international scholars who wrestle with profound post- 
Shoah religious and theological problems, including, how our 
belief in a providential all-good Creator has changed in the 
wake of the Holocaust. 

Katz contributed and edited several acclaimed works on 
mysticism: Mysticism and Philosophical Analysis (1978), Mysti- 
cism and Religious Traditions (1983), Mysticism and Language 
(1992), Mysticism and Sacred Scriptures (2000), and Compara- 
tive Mysticism: An Anthology of Original Sources (2005), which 
argue against others that the mediated experience is not pe- 
ripheral but highly philosophical and historical to religious 
traditions. His scholarly works in the field of Judaica include 
Jewish Philosophers: A History (1975), Jewish Ideas and Concepts 
(1977), Antisemitism in Times of Crises (1991 with Sandor L. 
Gillm an), Jacob Agus, American Rabbi (1997), and The Essential 
Agus (1997). For B'nai B'rith Books, he edited two volumes of 
original essays, Frontiers of Modern Jewish Thought (1992) and 
Interpreters of Judaism in the Late Twentieth Century (1993). 

Katz served as general editor of several series: Jewish Phi- 
losophy, Mysticism, and the History of Ideas: Classics of Con- 
tinental Thought (1979-80, 65 volumes); Judaica Festschrift 
zu Hermann Cohens Siebzigstem Geburtstage (1979, a reprint 
series); Judaica Series, and Modern Jewish Masters (periodic 

monograph series, New York University Press). Finally, Katz 
founded and continued to serve as the editor of the award- 
winning journal, Modern Judaism (from 1981). 

[Zev Garber (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZAV, MOSHE (1945- ), eighth president of the State 
of Israel, member of the Ninth to Fifteenth Knessets. Kat- 
zav was born in Yazd in Iran. At the age of one Katzav's fam- 
ily moved to Teheran, and five years later the family immi- 
grated to Israel; after a short sojourn in the Sha'ar ha-Aliyah 
immigration center in Haifa, the family was sent to the Kas- 
tina ma bar ah near Beer Toviyyah - today Kiryat Malakhi. 
In the floods of 1951 Katzav was moved to Kefar Bilu, with- 
out his family's knowledge. The family's housing conditions 
gradually improved from a tent to a hut, and finally to a small 
apartment. As a boy Katzav visited the residence of President 
Yitzhak *Ben-Zvi, together with other children from mabarot 
who excelled in reading. 

Katzav studied at the youth village of Ben-Shemen and 
later went to high school at Beer Toviyyah. 

During his military service in the Communications 
Corps, he helped support his family in construction jobs. Af- 
ter completing his military service he worked as a clerk in 
Bank Hapoalim, and as an assistant in the Vulcani Institute 
for Agricultural Research. At the same time he started to work 
as a reporter for Yedioth Aharonoth and served as president 
of B'nai B'rith Youth. 

He was the first student from Kiryat Malakhi at the He- 
brew University in Jerusalem, where he started to study in 
1968, after saving money to finance his studies. At the univer- 
sity he was head of the *Gahal students cell. He received his 
B.A. in economics and history in 1971. While still a student he 
began teaching history and mathematics at high school, and 
in 1969, at the age of 24, was elected head of the local coun- 
cil of Kiryat Malakhi, at the head of a coalition that included 
Gahal and the ^National Religious Party. However, after sev- 
eral months repeat elections were held, and he lost his majority 
in the Council. He was reelected head of the local council on 
behalf of the Likud and served in this position in the 1976-81 
term - in the first two years on the basis of a rotation agree- 
ment with the Alignment. 

Katzav served as a reservist in both the Six- Day War and 
the Yom Kippur War. 

In 1977 he was elected to the Ninth Knesset on behalf of 
the Likud, and served in the Knesset until he was elected presi- 
dent of the State in 2003. In the course of the Ninth Knesset, 
before the rise of the Ayatollah Homeini to power, he was sent 
twice on missions on behalf of Prime Minister Menahem *Be- 
gin to Iran, to encourage the Jews to immigrate to Israel. In 
the Tenth Knesset he served as deputy minister of construc- 
tion and housing, responsible on behalf of the government 
for ^Project Renewal. In the National Unity Government of 
1984-88 he served as minister of labor and welfare, and in 
1988-92 as minister of transportation. In the opposition in 
1992-96 he served as chairman of the Likud parliamentary 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



group, and in the government formed by Binyamin ^Netan- 
yahu he served as deputy prime minister and minister of tour- 
ism in 1996-99. 

Among the various public posts he filled over the years 
was chairman of the roof organization of the immigrants from 
Iran, chairman of the Committee to Determine Salaries in In- 
stitutions for Higher Education, and member of the Board of 
Trustees of Ben-Gurion University. After Ezer *Weizman re- 
signed as president in 2000, Katzav contended for the posi- 
tion opposite Shimon * Peres, and against all odds was elected 
as Israel's eighth president. He was the second Sephardi to be 
elected to the post (Itzhak *Navon had been the first), and the 
first president to have been born in a Muslim state. 

As president, Katzav did his best to serve as a moderating 
and unifying figure, and unlike his predecessor avoided pro- 
vocative statements. He has paid numerous state visits abroad 
and received several honorary doctorates. 

bibliography: M, Michaelson, Moshe Katzav - Mimaaberet 
Kastina le-Kiryat ha-Memshalah (1992). 

[Susan Hattis Rolef (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZBURG, DAVID ZEVI (1856-1937), talmudic scholar, 
author, and editor. Katzburg was born in Vac near Budapest 
to a rabbinic family originating in Moravia. He studied under 
the most distinguished rabbis of Hungary, including Hezekiah 
Feivel Plaut of Surany and Simhah Bunim Sofer of Pressburg. 
After completing his studies he engaged in business for a short 
time and also served as rabbi in several communities. In 1892 
he returned to Vac, and that same year he began the publica- 
tion of Tel Talpiot, the first rabbinical periodical in Hungary. 
It was devoted chiefly to halakhah, both theoretical and prac- 
tical, and among other things it clarified halakhic problems 
that had arisen because of contemporary conditions, such as 
the use of electricity on the Sabbath, machine baking of mat- 
zah, civil marriages, and problems of religion during World 
War 1. These discussions had considerable repercussions in the 
rabbinical world. Tel Talpiot also included articles on homilet- 
ics, aggadah, and exegesis, as well as on communal problems. 
Of considerable historical importance are the discussions on 
Zionism among the Orthodox that arose as a result of the 
emergence of political Zionism in 1896 and with the first world 
congress of the Mizrachi in 1904. Katzburg took up a positive 
attitude to settlement in Erez Israel. The contributors to Tel 
Talpiot were mostly from Hungary but also included schol- 
ars from Russia, Germany, Holland, and the United States. 
It appeared at first as a biweekly and after World War 1 as a 
monthly. An index to the first 45 volumes appeared in 1967. 

Katzburg was the author of: Zer Zedek (1878), sermons 
on and expositions of the Bible and rabbinic dicta; Mevasser 
Zedek (1911), on Avot; Mevasser Zedek (1922), sermons; Iggeret 
Zedek Olamim (1918), on socialism in the light of Torah and 
Judaism; Yalkut ha-Melizot, 2 vols. (1931-36), homilies on the 
Pentateuch; Raz Hadek (1938), religious philosophy; Pirhei 
Kehunnah (1940), talmudic novellae; and Sheloshah Sefarim 
Niftahim (1942), on halakhah and on Zionist topics. 

bibliography: A. Katzburg (ed.), Temunat ha-Gedolim 
(1925); H. Brody, Festschrift... Misrachi (1927); N. Ben-Menahem, 
Sefer ha-Mizrahi (1946); idem, Sinai, 24 (1949); N. Katzburg, Aresheth, 
1 (1958), 279-98; Z. Zehavi, Toledot ha-Ziyyonut be-Hungaryah, 1 

KATZENBERG, JEFFREY (1950- ), U.S. film industry exec- 
utive. Born and raised in Manhattan, Katzenberg volunteered 
to work on John V Lindsay's New York City mayoral cam- 
paign in 1964, when just 14. He worked for the mayor for the 
next seven years, until he attained the position of controller 
of Lindsays Democratic presidential nomination campaign. 
By 1977 he had moved to California to be vice president of 
programming at Paramount television. Senior vice president 
of production in the company's movie division from 1980 to 
1982, Katzenberg became president of production for motion 
pictures and television in 1982, a position he held until 1984. 

When Paramount president Michael Eisner became 
company chairman at Disney Films in 1984, he took Katzen- 
berg with him; the latter, as chairman of Walt Disney Stu- 
dios, helped mastermind the strategy of diversification and 
increased production that saw Disney move from least suc- 
cessful to first place among Hollywood's nine major distribu- 
tors. Under Katzenberg's guidance, Disney's animated features 
were highly successful, with movies such as Beauty and the 
Beast (1991), Aladdin (1992), and The Lion King (1994) netting 
record grosses at the box office. By 1994, Disney was the most 
profitable studio in the world. 

In that year, however, Katzenberg was involved in a ran- 
corous split from Disney after Eisner denied him the promo- 
tion to company president. In October 1994 Katzenberg, Ste- 
ven ^Spielberg, and David * Geffen announced the formation 
of DreamWorks, the first major new studio to be launched 
since Disney's own creation 60 years previously. Its program 
was live-action films overseen by Spielberg, animated features 
handled by Katzenberg, record albums produced by Geffen, 
and multimedia products in cooperation with Microsoft's 
Bill Gates. 

Under Katzenberg's leadership, the company's anima- 
tion division developed into a high-quality computer-gener- 
ated animation studio with production locations on several 
continents. As an executive producer, Katzenberg brought to 
the screen such popular animated feature films as The Prince 
of Egypt (1998), The Road to El Dorado (2000), Chicken Run 
(2000) y Joseph: King of Dreams (2000), Shrek (producer, 2001), 
Spirit (producer, 2002), Shrek 4-D (producer, 2003), Sinbad 
(producer, 2003), Shrek 2 (2004), and Shark Tale (2004). 

In 2002, Shrek won the Academy Award for Best Ani- 
mated Feature, making it the first full-length animated film 
in history to win an Oscar. In 2004 Katzenberg published Ani- 
mation Art: From Pencil to Pixel, which he co-authored with 
Jerry Beck and Bill Plympton. 

bibliography: K. Masters, The Keys to the Kingdom: How 
Michael Eisner Lost His Grip (2000); R. Grover, The Disney Touch 

[Rohan Saxena / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


KATZENELENBOGEN, URIAH (1885-1980), Yiddish 
writer, journalist, and translator. Born in Vilna (Vilnius), 
Lithuania, he early became a member of the * Bund. His play 
Kraft un Libe ("Power and Love," 1904) was one of the first 
examples of Yiddish literary modernism in Vilna. In 1913 he 
organized a group of the Jewish intelligentsia that stood for 
closer Jewish political and cultural contacts with other na- 
tional groups in Lithuania. He edited the Yiddish cultural al- 
manac Lite (1914-22) and the Russian weekly Nash Kraj (1914), 
where he advocated the multicultural coexistence of Lithua- 
nian Jews and non-Jews. He left Europe in 1927 and taught in 
Yiddish schools in various cities in North America. He trans- 
lated numerous works of Lithuanian, Belorussian, and Latvian 
literature into Yiddish. His major work was a unique collec- 
tion of 600 Baltic folksongs in Yiddish translation, Daynes: Lit- 
vishe and Letishe Folkslider ("Daynes: Lithuanian and Latvian 
Folksongs," 1930, 1936 2 ). He edited the massive yizkor-book 
of Lithuania, Lite (1951). 

bibliography: Kh.M. Kayzerman-Vital, Yidishe Dikhter in 
Kanade (1934), 149-52; lnyl, 8 (1981), 124-5. 

[Mindaugas Kvietkauskas (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZENELLENBOGEN, family widely dispersed through- 
out Eastern and Central Europe. It originated in the town of 
Katzenelnbogen in Hesse, the birthplace of Meir ben Isaac 
*Katzenellenbogen (1473-1565), head of the Padua yeshivah. 
His son, samuel judah (1521-1597), inherited his father's po- 
sition; Samuel Judah's son was Saul *Wahl (c. 1541-1617), the 
Polish Court Jew and legendary "king for a day." Saul had six 
sons and five daughters, who married into the leading families 
of East European Jewry. Such was the fame of the family that 
men who married women members took their wives' fam- 
ily name, as did R. Joel Ashkenazi who married R. Samuel's 
daughter. There are at least 12 variant Hebrew spellings of the 
name as well as derivative forms such as Ellenbogen, Elbogen, 
Bogen, and Katzenelson. One of Saul's sons, meyer, an influ- 
ential member of the ^Councils of the Lands, was recorded as 
Kazin Elin Bogen (Heb. kazin, "officer," "leader"). The family 
was widely dispersed, but its unity was maintained through 
meticulously kept family records. Members of the family inter- 
married with other prominent Jewish families (Te'omim, Hei- 
lprin, *Fraenkel, etc.) and produced many rabbis. Especially 
notable were David Tevel * Katzenellenbogen, rabbi of St. Pe- 
tersburg, and Zevi Hirsch Katzenellenbogen, Vilna communal 
leader. Ezekiel ben Abraham Katzenellenbogen was rabbi of 
Hamburg, Altona, and Wandsbeck (1714-49); his grandson, 
Abraham ben david, rabbi in Slutskand Brest- Litovsk, was 
an opponent of Hasidism who conducted polemics with *Levi 
Isaac of Berdichev. Gabriel *Riesser, leader of German Jew- 
ry's struggle for emancipation, was a descendant of the family 
through his father, eli ezer (lazarus riesser). naphtali 


Landrabbiner of the Palatinate (1763), was the first to head 
the famous Mannheim Klaus (1768). His namesake, naph- 

rabbi of Bamberg and Haguenau, participated in Napoleon's 

bibliography: M. Ellenbogen, Hevel ha-Kesef: Record of 
the Kacenelenbogen Family... (Heb. and Eng., 1937); M. Wollsteiner, 
Genealogische Uebersicht ueber einige Zweige der Nachkommenschaft 
des Rabbi Meir Katzenelenbogen von Padua (1898); J.B. Samuel, Re- 
cords of the Samuel Family Including the Katzenelenbogen... (1912); 
Graetz, Hist, 5 (1949), 238-41 (on Ezekiel); N. Rosenstein, These are 

the Generations (1967). 

[Reuven Michael] 

rabbi and talmudic scholar in Russia. Born in Taurage, Lith- 
uania, he was appointed rabbi in Virbalis, Lithuania, in 1876, 
serving there until 1908, when he became rabbi of St. Peters- 
burg, where he remained until his death. He gained the re- 
spect of the czarist authorities and was able to have the ban 
on shehitah in force in Finland canceled. In 1915 he headed 
the religious committee for the supply of kasher food to the 
Jewish soldiers in the Russian army. On his initiative a fund 
was established in the U.S. for the support of Russian refugees. 
Katzenellenbogen, whose notes to the Jerusalem Talmud first 
appeared in the Krotoschin edition of 1871, was the author of 
Mayan Mei Neftoah (1923) and Divrei David (1927). 

bibliography: S.N. Gottlieb, Oholei Shem (1912), 369. 


as Maharam (acronym of Morenu Ha-Rav Meir) of Padua; 
1473-1565), one of the greatest Italian rabbis and halakhists 
of his time. Meir's father was the son-in-law of Jehiel *Luria, 
the first rabbi of Brest-Litovsk (Brisk). Meir was born in 
Prague where together with Shalom *Shakhna he studied 
under Jacob *Pollak. From Prague he went to Padua, where 
he studied under Judah b. Eliezer ha- Levi *Minz, marrying 
his granddaughter, Hannah, daughter of Abraham b. Judah 
ha-Levi *Minz. In 1525, after his father-in-law's death, he was 
appointed rabbi of the Ashkenazi synagogue of Padua, serv- 
ing there until his death. Meir was also head of the coun- 
cil of regional rabbis in Venice and he took an active part 
in their meetings despite his many other responsibilities. Many 
rabbis, including Moses *Isserles, addressed him in their re- 
sponsa as the "av bet din of the republic of Venice." He also 
represented the Padua region at Venice meetings in matters 
of a general nature, not only in religious affairs. On June 21, 
1554 the heads of seven Italian communities (Venice, Rome, 
Bologna, Ferrara, Mantua, Reggio, and Modena) assembled 
in Ferrara and enacted takkanot for the benefit of the pop- 
ulation. Katzenellenbogen presided and headed the list of 
signatories in the capacity of "delegate of representations of 
the republic of Venice." He was renowned for his modesty, his 
benign disposition, and the fatherly interest he took in the 
students in his yeshivah of Padua, to which aspiring schol- 
ars streamed from near and far. The great esteem in which he 
was held by his contemporaries found expression in a tablet af- 
fixed to his seat in the Ashkenazi synagogue which read, "No 
man [has] sat there till this day," as testified by Isaac Hayyim 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Kohen, a cantor who saw the tablet 120 years after Meir's 
death. In 1555 Joshua *Soncino of Constantinople appealed to 
him to intervene against the boycott by the Jews of the port 
of *Ancona, a boycott supported by Don Joseph *Nasi, his 
mother-in-law Gracia Mendes *Nasi, and the greatest rabbis 
of Turkey It is not known, however, whether Meir took any 
action. In 1558 he signed two bans against the study of Kab- 
balah. The great scholars of the generation, including Samuel 
di *Modena, Isaac *Foa, Joseph *Katz, Solomon *Luria, Moses 
Isserles, Obadiah *Sforno, and Moses *Alashkar, were in hal- 
akhic correspondence with him. 

His son Samuel Judah succeeded him after his death. 
Katzenellenbogen published the responsa of Mahari Mintz 
and Maharam Padua (Venice, 1553), including 16 responsa of 
Judah Minz salvaged from his writings, followed by the Seder 
Gittin va-Halizah of Abraham Minz, completed by Katzenel- 
lenbogen, and finally 90 of his own responsa, and Maimo- 
nides' Mishneh Torah (Venice, 1550-51), with his own glosses 
and novellae. The publication of the Mishneh Torah, with an 
abridgment of Katzenellenbogen's commentary and without 
Katzenellenbogen's knowledge, by Marcantonio Justinian, ri- 
val of Katzenellenbogen's co-publisher, the non- Jewish printer 
Bragadin, gave rise to a quarrel and recriminations and led fi- 
nally to the burning of the Talmud in 1554 by order of the pope. 
Moses Isserles placed a ban on Justinian's Mishneh Torah. In 
1563 Katzenellenbogen, together with his partner, Ezra b. Isaac 
of Fano, published in Mantua the Midrash Tanhuma. In 1546 
he published in Heddernheim, Germany, selihot (penitential 
prayers) with omissions and changes dictated by censorship. 
S.I. Mulder (see bibliography) claims that the first portrait to 
be painted of a Jew was that of Katzenellenbogen, which was 
made without his knowledge. 

bibliography: Ghirondi, in: Kerem Hemed, 3 (1838), 91- 

96; S.I. Mulder, Eene zeldzame medaille (1859), 3; Zunz, Gesch, 

255 f.; Zunz, Ritus, 148; I. Eisenstadt and S. Wiener, Daat Kedoshim 

(1897-98), 82-84; S. Assaf, Mekorot u-Mehkarim (1946), 240-6; M. 

Straschun, Mivhar Ketavim (1969), 168-86; Schwarzfuchs, in: Scritti 

in Memoria di Leone Carpi (Italian pt.; 1967), 112-32; Siev, in: Ha- 

dorom, 28 (1968), 160-95; Tishby, in: Perakim, 1 (1967/68), 131-82; 

I.S. Lange, in: Miscellanea di Studi in Memoria di D. Disigni (1969), 

49-76 (Heb. pt.). 

[Shlomo Tal] 

1868), one of the early maskilim in Vilna, Hebrew author, 
and educator. In his youth, he wrote Netivot Olam y a com- 
mentary on the Baraita of the 32 Rules (Vilna, 1822). He 
also wrote poetry and eulogies, among them a eulogy of R. 
Hayyim of *Volozhin, "Nahal Dimah" ("A Stream of Tears," 
1821). He was popular both with the old generation in Vilna 
and with the maskilim, and contributed to the periodicals 
Pirhei Zafon and Ha-Karmel. When the government rabbini- 
cal school was founded in Vilna in 1847, he became director 
of Hebrew studies despite the opposition of the Orthodox, 
and served for 18 years. Upon his retirement his son Hayyim 
succeeded him. 

bibliography: H.N. Maggid, Ir Vilna (1900), 232-48; S. 
Ginzburg, Historishe Shriftn, 2 (1937), 91-116. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

KATZENELSON, BARUCH (1900-1968), Hebrew and Yid- 
dish poet. Born in Slutsk, Belorussia, Katzenelson moved in 
1922 to the U.S., where he studied and taught Hebrew. In 1934 
he settled in Israel, where he lived in Kefar Sava and taught 
high school from 1939 to 1965. From the age of 13, he wrote in 
both Yiddish and Hebrew. Between 1919 and 1926 Katzenelson 
published poetry and literary criticism in Yiddish. From 1925 
on his Hebrew poetry again appeared, and was published in 
most of the literary forums in the United States and Israel. His 
books of poetry are: Le-Or ha-Ner (1930), Be-Kur Demamah 
(1948), and Mi-Lev el Lev (1954). Yehudah Erez and Avraham 
M. Koler edited his letters in two volumes (1970). 

bibliography: Rejzen, Leksikon, 3 (1929), 536; N. Hinitz, 

in: Hadoar, 47 (1968), 593-4. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KATZENELSON, ITZHAK (1886-1944), poet and dramatist 
in Hebrew and in Yiddish. Born in Korelichi, near Novogru- 
dok, in Russia, he received his early education from his father, 
the Hebrew writer Jacob Benjamin Katzenelson. He later lived 
in Lodz, where he opened a Hebrew secular school of which 
he was principal until the outbreak of World War 11. During 
this period he visited Palestine a number of times but did not 
realize his dream of settling there. During the early years of 
the war he was in the Warsaw ghetto where he witnessed the 
methodic annihilation of the Jewish community of Warsaw, 
including his wife and two of his sons, and where he joined 
the Jewish partisan organization Deror. In possession of a 
Honduran passport, he was transferred to the Vittel concen- 
tration camp in France, in May 1943. In April 1944, however, 
he was deported to Auschwitz, where he and his surviving son 
perished on May 3, 1944. 

Katzenelson began his literary career in 1904, writing 
in Yiddish for Mordecai *Spector's Yidishe Folkstsaytung and 
*Peretz' Yidishe Bibliotek y and in Hebrew for *Frischmann's 
Ha-Dor. During the Holocaust he wrote prolificacy in both 
Hebrew and Yiddish, and kept a Hebrew diary which is a mov- 
ing eyewitness account of the period. His poem, Dos Lid fun 
Oysgehargetn Yidishn Folk ("Poem of the Murdered Jewish 
People," 1945) which he began in October 1943 and completed 
at Vittel in 1944, is one of the greatest literary expressions of 
the tragedy of the Holocaust. Written after he witnessed the 
extermination of the Jews, this poem gives a shattering ac- 
count of what he saw and expresses his horror and grief, his 
protest and helplessness. While Katze nelson's songs and po- 
ems for children and his light verse gained him a reputation 
as a poet who wrote about youth and the joy of life, he also 
wrote sad, ironic, and sentimental songs about tragic aspects 
of life. He was greatly influenced by Heine, whose poems he 
translated into Hebrew. His poems, with their original style 
and rhythm, combine lightness with a deep elegiac tone. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Many of Katzenelson's poems were set to music and be- 
came favorite children's songs and Israeli folk songs. These 
include: Mah Yafim ha-Leylot bi-Khenaan; Rahel Amdah al 
ha-Ayin; Had Gadya; Heidad, Heidad; Ginnah Ketannah; Gillu 
ha-Gelilim; Hamesh Shanim al Mikhael; and the Hanukkah 
play song An tiochus. In his Hebrew prose poem "Bi-Gevulot 
Lita" ("In Lithuania's Borders," 1909), he writes with depth 
and emotion about both the spiritual and the earthly. The 
major problem and purpose of existence is treated by Kat- 
zenelson in his dramatic poem "Ha-Navi" ("The Prophet," 
1922), which he considered his greatest work. A number of 
Katzenelson's plays have been produced. His Hebrew works 
appeared in three volumes (1938); Ketavim Aharonim ("Final 
Works," 1947) was published posthumously. In 1950, an insti- 
tute for research of the Holocaust, which bears his name, was 
established at Kibbutz Lohamei ha-Getta'ot in Israel. Katzenel- 
son's biblical play Al Neharot Bavel was published in 1995. An 
English translation of his Vittel Diary (May 1943-September 
1943) was published in 1964. A translation of Dos Lid fun Oys- 
gehargetn Yidishn Folk appeared as The Song of the Murdered 
Jewish People in 1980. Katzenelson's Ketavim appeared in 1982, 
followed by Yehiel Szeintuch's edition of Ketavim she-Nizlu 
mi-Geto Varshah (1990). 

bibliography: A. Ben-Or, Toledot ha-Sifrut ha-Ivrit ha- 

Hadashah, 3 (1950), 120-9; ?. Katzenelson-Nachumov, Yitzhak 

Katzenelson (Yid., 1948); J.J. Trunk, Poyln (1951), 145-66; Rejzen, 

Leksikon, 3 (1929), 539-46; Kressel, Leksikon, 2 (1967), 791-2; S. 

Even-Shoshan (ed.), Yesh li Shir le-Yaldei Yisrael (1954), 122, 125-34, 

137-49. add. bibliography: S. Even-Shoshan, Y. Katzenelson 

Mekonen ha-Shoah (1964); N.H. Rosenbloom, "The Threnodist of 

the Holocaust," in: Judaism, 26 (1977), 232-47; Y. Szeintuch, "The 

Work of Y Katzenelson in the Warsaw Ghetto," in: Jerusalem Qua- 

reterly, 26 (1983), 46-61; Y Szeintuch, "Y Katzenelson and His 'Vittel 

Diary,'" in: Jewish Book Annual-, 42 (1984), 199-207; E. Shmueli, "A/ 

Shirat Y Katzenelson," in: Mi-Bifenim, 46:3 (1984), 339-50; E. Lahad, 

Y Szeintuch, and Z. Shaner (eds.), Ha-Yezirah ha-Sifrutit be-Yiddish 

u-ve-Ivrit ba-Geto (1984). 

[Elias Schulman] 

Buki ben Yogli; 1846-1917), physician, writer, and scholar. 
Born in Chernigov, he studied at the yeshivot of Bobruisk but 
became attracted to the Haskalah, and attended the govern- 
ment rabbinical seminary at Zhitomir. He later studied medi- 
cine at the Military Medical Academy at St. Petersburg, where 
he practiced medicine. Katzenelson wrote both in Hebrew 
and in Russian and from 1879 to 1884 he was a correspondent 
for the Russian-Jewish newspaper, Russki Yevrey y using it as a 
means through which he called on the Russian- Jewish intel- 
ligentsia to help their persecuted brethren. Katzenelson be- 
lieved that the Haskalah with its particular emphasis on trades 
and agricultural work would solve the problems of Russian 
Jewry. In 1891 he published a series of articles in Ha-Meliz in 
which he called for a return to the soil. He became a member 
of the Central Committee of the * Jewish Colonization Asso- 
ciation, which was established for this purpose. Katzenelson 

was also active in Hevrat Mefizei ha-Haskalah ("The Society 
for the Dissemination of Enlightenment") and was chairman 
of Agudat Hovevei Sefat Ever ("Society of Friends of the He- 
brew Language") in Russia. A lecturer at the Institute of Jew- 
ish Studies established by Baron David *Guenzburg in St. Pe- 
tersburg, he headed the school after the death of its founder. 
In 1909 Katzenelson visited Palestine and returned to Russia 
full of enthusiasm for Jewish agriculture and the renaissance 
of the Hebrew language. 

In 1905, the first and only volume of Kol Kitvei J.L. Kat- 
zenelson y entitled Hezyonot ve-Hirhurim y was published. His 
studies on early Jewish history were mostly written in Russian; 
he was also one of the editors of the Jewish- Russian encyclo- 
pedia Yevreyskaya Entsiklopediya. Among his literary endeav- 
ors, his best-known work is Shirat ha-Zamir ("The Song of the 
Nightingale," 1895), a novel whose protagonist is a rabbinical 
student yearning for agricultural life. The motif recurs in Ad- 
nei ha-Sadehy an allegorical legend in which a wanderer comes 
upon a race of men who are tied to the soil by a living cord. 
His envy and longing also to be bound to the land echoes that 
of the student in Shirat ha-Zamir. A collection of Katzenelson's 
legends and stories were published posthumously in 1918, and 
in 1944 Jacob *Fichmann edited an anthology of his stories en- 
titled Shirat ha-Zamir (the main work included in it), to which 
he wrote an introduction on the life of the author. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

Since he was well versed in rabbinical and general lit- 
erature as well as in medicine, Katzenelson was able to make 
significant contributions to the study of ancient Hebrew med- 
icine. His medical historical articles, first published in the He- 
brew journal Ha-Yom and later in book form under the title 
Remah Evarim (St. Petersburg, 1888), considerably enriched 
the medical terminology of the Hebrew language. His chief 
work, Ha-Talmud ve-Hokhmat ha-Refuah ("Talmud and Med- 
icine"), published posthumously in Berlin (1928), includes 
studies on talmudic osteology, pathologic anatomy, and he- 
mophilia. His other medical historical contributions concern 
nomenclature of skin diseases in the Bible, ritual cleanliness in 
the Bible and Talmud, and anatomy in the Talmud. 

[Suessmann Muntner] 

bibliography: D. Frishman, Parzufim (1931), 54-61; M. Ri- 
bolow, Sefer ha-Massot (1928), 72-77; Z. Shazar, Or Ishim, 1 (1964), 
154-62; S.R. Kagan, Jewish Medicine (1952), 555; Waxman, Literature, 4 
(i960 2 ), 154 ff., 702fT.; Rejzen, Leksikon, 3 (1929), 536-9; Kressel, Lek- 
sikon, 2 (1967), 790-1; P. Lachower, Mehkarim ve-Nisyonot, 1 (1925), 
135-41; J. Klausner, Yozerim u-Vonim, 1 (1943 2 ), 293-7; B. Katz, in: J.L. 
Katzenelson, Mah she-Rau Einai ve-Shame'u Oznai (1947), 169-277. 

KATZENELSON, NISSAN (1862-1923), Russian Zionist. 
Born in Bobruisk, Belorussia, he completed his studies in 
physics in Berlin. He settled in Libau (Liepaja), where he 
worked in his fathers timber business. Joining the Zionist 
movement at its inception, at the Third Congress (1899) he 
was elected a director of the * Jewish Colonial Trust. He was 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



one of *HerzPs close aides and made the preparations for his 
Russian journey, on which he accompanied him (1903). Herzl 
appointed Katzenelson as his personal representative in all ne- 
gotiations with the Russian authorities. In 1905 he was elected 
chairman of the board of the Jewish Colonial Trust. He par- 
ticipated in the activities of the League for Equal Rights for 
Jews in Russia. Elected to the First Duma (1906), Katzenelson 
joined the Russian liberal Kadet party, and as its spokesman 
took part in the work of the Duma finance committee. When 
the First Duma was dissolved, he was among the signatories 
of the manifesto calling for civil disobedience and the non- 
payment of taxes ("The Vyborg Manifesto"), for which he was 
sentenced to six months' imprisonment. After his release, he 
concentrated on local communal work and was chairman of 
the committee for Jewish emigration in Libau, one of the chief 
Baltic ports of Jewish emigration from Russia. In World War 1 
he moved to Petrograd and helped in relief work for Jewish 
refugees, returning to Libau in 1918. 

bibliography: S.L. Zitron, Leksikon Ziyyoni (1924), 594-5; 

Yevreyskaya Letopis, 3 (1924), 230-1; J. Slutzky, in: Bobruisk, 2 (Heb. 

and Yid., 1967), 518-9 and index. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

KATZENELSON, YOSEF (1896-1940), ^Revisionist leader. 
Born in Bobruisk, Belorussia, Katzenelson went to Palestine 
in 1924. He was active in the Revisionist movement in Pal- 
estine and the *Irgun Zeva'i Le'ummi. In 1938 he was sent 
on a mission to Europe where he headed the "illegal" im- 
migration operations of the New Zionist Organization until 
the outbreak of World War 11. In January 1940, he fell ill and 
died in Nazi-occupied Warsaw. His remains were brought to 
Jerusalem in 1957. 

bibliography: Tidhar, 1 (1947), 235-6; D. Niv, Maarekhot ha- 
Irgun ha-Zevai ha-Leummi, 2 (1965), 3 (1967), index; H. Lazar-Litai, 
Af-Al-Pi (1959), index; Bobruisk - Sefer Zikkaron, 2 (1967), 559-62. 

[David Niv] 

KATZIR (Katchalski), AHARON (1913-1972), Israeli bio- 
chemist and biophysicist. Born in Kiev, Russia, he immi- 
grated to Erez Israel in 1925 with his family, which included 
his brother Ephraim, who later became the fourth president 
of the State of Israel (see * Katzir, Ephraim). He studied bi- 
ology and chemistry at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem 
and completed his doctorate with honors. To complement his 
studies in life sciences he also studied mathematics and phi- 
losophy and began working at the university as an assistant 
in the Department of Theoretical Organic and Macromolec- 
ular Chemistry. At the invitation of Prof. Chaim * Weizmann 
he joined the Weizmann Institute of Science in 1948, where 
he established and chaired the Department of Polymer Re- 
search until his death. To strengthen the ties between basic 
and industrial research he also established the institutes De- 
partment of Plastics. In his scientific research Katzir sought 
to understand the molecular basis of the processes of life. His 
discoveries in the study of polyelectrolytes led to a new field 

of study of energy exchange, known as mechanochemistry 
The contemporary developments in the field of nanotechnol- 
ogy, such as molecular robots, are based on mechanochem- 
istry. His interest in thermodynamics led him to develop a 
mathematical approach to exact research on the permeability 
of biological membranes. His mathematical theory, summa- 
rized in his Non-Equilibrium Thermodynamics in Biophysics, 
was accepted and applied by scientists worldwide. As a result 
of this research he was awarded the Israel Prize in natural sci- 
ence together with Ora *Kedem in 1961 and many more im- 
portant prizes. Katzir was instrumental in founding the Israel 
Academy of Sciences in 1959 and was its vice president from 
i960 to 1962 and president from 1962 to 1968. Among his many 
other activities, he played an active role in founding Ben-Gu- 
rion University of the Negev. Katzir was involved in military 
defense, both as a member of the *Haganah and as one of the 
founders of Hemed, the scientific corps of the Israel Defense 
Forces. He was also an extraordinarily gifted lecturer and was 
considered one of the fathers of popular science in Israel. Over 
the years he published numerous popular articles and books 
such as The Crucible of Scientific Revolution (1971), and lec- 
tured in nonscientific forums. He was committed to human- 
ity in general and to Israeli society in particular, and was very 
much involved in day-to-day affairs such as education, com- 
munity action, and defense. On May 30, 1972, Aharon Katzir 
was murdered while waiting for his luggage during a terrorist 
attack at Ben-Gurion Airport. 

[Bracha Rager (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZIR (Katchalski), EPHRAIM (1916- ), fourth presi- 
dent of the State of Israel (1973-78); biochemist and biophys- 
icist. Born in Kiev, Russia, Katchalski was taken to Erez Israel 
in 1925. He studied life sciences at the Hebrew University of 
Jerusalem and completed his doctorate under the supervision 
of Prof. Max Frankel, head of the Department of Theoretical 
and Macromolecular Chemistry at the University (1941-45). 
He joined the Weizmann Institute of Science, Rehovot, Israel 
(1948), and served as head of the Department of Biophysics 
(1949-73). He was chief scientist of the Ministry of Defense 
(1966-68), and was instrumental in establishing the office of 
Chief Scientist in the major government ministries as well as 
in the promotion of high-tech industry and the establishment 
of the biotechnology industry in Israel. He was influential in 
advancing education in the country. His research dealt mainly 
with the synthesis and study of the physicochemical and bio- 
logical properties of polyamino acids as protein models and 
the synthetic polyamino acids synthesized, such as polygly- 
cine, polylysine, polyglutamic acid, and polyproline. 

Katchalski wrote extensively on proteins and natural 
products such as nucleic acids. He was a member of many 
national and international societies and in 1966 was the first 
Israeli to be elected to the U.S. National Academy of Sci- 
ences. Katchalski was a brother of Aharon * Katzir, the poly- 
mer chemist. In the early days of the State of Israel, together 
with his brother and Prof E.D. *Bergmann, he was among 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


the founders of the research, development, and production 
of novel weapons for the Israeli army. 

Upon assuming the presidency, Katchalski adopted 
the name Katzir, which had previously been adopted by his 
brother Aharon, who was murdered at Ben-Gurion Airport 
in 1972 by a Japanese terrorist in the service of the Palestin- 
ians. As president he hosted President *Sadat of Egypt during 
his historic 1977 visit to Jerusalem. 

[Bracha Rager (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZIR, JUDITH (1963- ), Israeli writer. Katzir was born 
in Haifa. She studied general literature and cinema at Tel Aviv 
University and began publishing her stories in the Israeli press 
in the 1980s. Her first book, Sogrim et ha-Yam ("Closing the 
Sea," 1992), a collection of four novellas, appeared in 1990. The 
opening story, "Schlafstunde," recounts the first love experi- 
ence of the narrator and her cousin, and interweaves moments 
of sexual excitement with the story of death in the family. It 
is already in this novella that Katzir s rich language and pow- 
erful, sensual descriptions are evident. Another story, "Felli- 
ni's Shoes," tells of a hotel waitress who dreams of becoming 
a movie star with the help of a failed film director who ap- 
parently had once met Fellini. "Disneyel" is a moving mono- 
logue of a daughter to her unconscious mother, and "Clos- 
ing the Sea" recounts a disillusioned friendship. Katzir s first 
novel, Le-Matisse Yesh et ha-Shemesh ba-Beten ("Matisse Has 
the Sun in his Belly," 1995), is the story of a passionate liaison 
between a young woman and an older man, ending when the 
woman emancipates herself and goes her own way. Three no- 
vellas make up Katzir s collection Migdalorim shel Yabasha 
("Inland Lighthouses," 1999) and all three have in common 
the sense of resignation and the acceptance of a stable life in 
lieu of passionate intensity. 

In her second novel, Hineh Ani Mathilah ("Here I Be- 
gin," 2003), Katzir tells the story of Rivi, an imaginative and 
talented schoolgirl and her intense, erotic relationship with 
Michaela, her teacher of literature. The story oscillates be- 
tween past experiences recorded by Rivi as a girl who is writ- 
ing diary-letters to Anne Frank, and her new role as wife and 
mother, who nonetheless remains in touch with the teacher in 
New York. Friendship and physical attraction of women open 
a window on a subject rarely touched upon in Hebrew litera- 
ture. Katzir also wrote books for children and a play about the 
writer Devorah *Baron. She occasionally taught courses in cre- 
ative writing and worked as editor for Hakibbutz Hameuchad 
Publishing House. All her books were bestsellers, and she re- 
ceived the Platinum and the Golden Book Prizes. In 1996 she 
was awarded the Prime Ministers Prize for literature. Her 
books were translated into a number of languages (including 
German, Dutch, and French). "Schlafstunde" is included in 
G. Abramson (ed.), The Oxford Book of Hebrew Short Stories 
(1996). Further information concerning translations are avail- 
able at the ithl website at 

bibliography: H. Herzig, "Efsharuyot Aherot be-Sogrim et 
ha-Yam" in: Siman Keriah, 21 (1990), 293-299; R. Kritz, "/. Katzir, Bib- 

liografiyah" in: Erev Rav (1990), 360-362; Y. Oren, "Azah mi-Mavet 
ha-Ahavah" in: Apiryon, 41 (1996), 21-33; S. Schifman, "Ha-Im Ani 
Nimzet: Sippur ha-Hanikhah ha-Nashi ezel Z. Shalev ve-J. Katzir" in: 
Mikan, 2 (2001), 125-141; Y Ben-Mordechai, "Kevod ha-Adam ve- 
Heruto shel ha-Mahazai: Al 'Devorah Baron shel J. Katzir" in: Bamah, 
162 (2001), 5-11; M. Muchnik, "Sentence Length in two Novellas by Y 
Katzir," in: Hebrew Studies, 43 (2002), 7-20; E. Adivi-Shoshan, in: Iton 
77, 285 (2003), 20-25; E. Carandina, "11 sabra 'senza qualita in un rac- 
conto di Y Katzir," in: Annali di Ca'Foscari, 43:3 (2004), 43-58. 

[Anat Feinberg (2 nd ed.)] 

KATZMAN, SAM (1901-1973), U.S. motion picture pro- 
ducer. Born in New York, Katzman entered the film industry 
as a prop boy at age 13 and worked his way up, learning virtu- 
ally every aspect of film production before becoming a pro- 
ducer himself. A prolific producer, his more than 230 films 
(between 1934 and 1974) ran the gamut as well, starting with 
action/adventure serials and proceeding to cover such genres 
as westerns, science fiction, teenage musicals, and hippie/biker 
films. Many of his serials were based on comic strip and ra- 
dio characters. 

Chiefly a producer for low-budget films, Katzman's mov- 
ies include the Jungle Jim series; Brenda Starr, Reporter (1945); 
the first live-action Superman (1948); Batman and Robin 
(1949); Captain Video (1951); The Lost Planet (1953); Drums of 
Tahiti (1954); The Gun That Won the West (1955); Rock around 
the Clock (1956); The Werewolf (1956); Escape from San Quentin 
(1957); Lets Twist Again (1962); Kissin Cousins (1964); When 
the Boys Meet the Girls (1965); Get Yourself a College Girl (1965); 
The Fastest Guitar Alive (1967); The Young Runaways (1968); 

and The Loners (1972). 

[Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

°KATZMANN, FRIEDRICH (Fritz; 1906-1957), Nazi of- 
ficial, ss and police leader in the Radom district of the Gen- 
eral Government from 1939 to 1941 (see ^Poland, Holocaust 
Period). He joined the party in 1928 and the ss in 1930. In 
1941 he was appointed ss and Police Leader in the newly oc- 
cupied district of Galicia. In this capacity Katzmann brutally 
and ruthlessly organized the destruction of its local Jewry. Ac- 
cording to Katzmann's report (Nuremberg document L-18), 
434,329 Jews were deported (ausgesiedelt) by June 30, 1943, and 
21,156 were placed in 21 labor camps, but this number was be- 
ing steadily "reduced." After the war Katzmann lived under 
the assumed name of Bruno Albrecht but confessed his true 
identity before his death in Darmstadt. 

bibliography: R. Henkys, Die nationalsozialistischen Ge- 
waltverbrechen (1964), index; imt, Trial of the Major War Criminals, 
24 (1949), index; G. Reitlinger, Final Solution (1968), index; R. Hil- 
berg, Destruction of the European Jews (1961), index. 

[Yehuda Reshef ] 

KATZNELSON, BERL (Beeri; 1887-1944), central figure of 
the Second Aliyah, a leader of the Zionist Labor movement, 
educator, and writer. Born in Bobruisk, Belorussia, son of a 
merchant, maskil, and a member of Hovevei Zion, Katznel- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



son was a frail child. He attended heder irregularly and was 
taught by private tutors, with his father's well-stocked Hebrew, 
Yiddish, and Russian library serving as a constant source of 
instruction and knowledge. A passionate reader with an ex- 
ceptional memory and keen interest in current problems, he 
mastered Hebrew literature and Russian revolutionary and 
scientific writing, took the requisite state examinations, and 
served for some time as tutor in a rural family. 

In 1902, as an usher at the Russian Zionist Conference in 
Minsk, Katznelson was deeply impressed by H.D. * Horowitz s 
lecture on the abnormality of the Jewish economic structure. 
While still young, he had already developed a reputation as an 
acute and independent-minded debater on theoretical prob- 
lems of nationalism and socialism. In his own neighborhood, 
as well as in Kiev and Odessa, he took part in public discus- 
sions with leaders of the various movements, including Ber 
*Borochov Although he first joined * Po'alei Zion, Katznelson 
shifted his allegiance to the ^Zionist-Socialists, whose lead- 
ers, Nahman *Syrkin, Jacob *Lestschinsky, and Nahum *Shtif, 
were convinced by their study of contemporary Jewish life that 
the future of the Diaspora would be dark and uncertain. For 
a short time Katznelson joined the ranks of Ha-Tehiyyah, at- 
tracted by its national spirit, revolutionary anti-Czarist ardor, 
and devotion to Jewish self-defense, including such terrorist 
acts as the attempted assassination of Krushevan, the orga- 
nizer of the Kishinev pogrom. He was repelled, however, by 
its lack of interest in actual settlement in Erez Israel, as well as 
its negative attitude toward the revival of Hebrew. 

In Bobruisk, Katznelson took a post in a school for poor 
girls, subsidized by the Jewish Society for the Propagation 
of Enlightenment (Mefizei Haskalah), where he taught He- 
brew literature and Jewish history, both in Yiddish, and sent 
to the society's headquarters reports that were published in 
its monthly pedagogic journal. He also served as librarian in 
the Hebrew- Yiddish public library that had been established 
in Bobruisk to counter the municipality's Russian library. Be- 
loved by the young people who came to him for books, he be- 
came their guide and teacher. 

In 1908, Katznelson wrote in one of his letters: "What I 
want is to go to Erez Israel, to do something worthwhile, to 
light a little spark. I am drawn to the stubborn, hard-working 
few who have abandoned everything they had here to begin a 
new life and free themselves of Exile." This had been his goal 
since childhood. In order to achieve it and to be able to bring 
his family after him, he decided to learn a trade. At first he 
worked for a tinsmith; then went to the "Trud" Trade School 
in Odessa, where he was an iron engraver; and finally he be- 
came a laborer in a Bobruisk foundry. Lacking dexterity, he 
found these efforts enormously difficult and became deeply 
depressed. In the fall of 1908, after having been rejected for 
military service and suffering from a severe illness, he was able 
to sail from Odessa with his pay from the Hebrew library and a 
prize from the Society for the Propagation of Enlightenment. 

Katznelson felt that the Zionist movement had begun 
by summoning the Jewish people to greatness, but only a de- 

cade later its leaders were lost in trifles, playing with super- 
ficial nationalism and elections to parliaments in the coun- 
tries of the Diaspora. Even Labor Zionism, initially inspired 
by messianic hopes for the Jewish people and the world, had 
become the "servant of alien revolutions." His own comrades 
were opposed to his aliyah, and he kept his departure a secret 
from virtually all of them. Though he met disillusioned young 
people returning to Europe from Erez Israel both in Odessa 
and in Jaffa, he was undismayed by their scorn for Zionism 
and for the "naive newcomers misled by Zionist propagan- 
dists." When he landed at Jaffa, making his way among the 
crowds of Arabs on the shore, he felt certain that this was his 
"final destination" and that he had broken completely with 
the past. His only friend in Erez Israel, whom he knew from 
home, was the poet David Shimonovitz (*Shimoni), who had 
left a few months before Katznelson and had become a watch- 
man in the vineyards of Judea. 

Katznelson found work at Bahria, about an hour by foot 
from *Petah Tikvah. He shared a room in *Ein Gannim with 
A.D. ^Gordon and Joseph Hayyim *Brenner, who quickly be- 
came his closest friends. As he was employed only intermit- 
tently, he spent much time wandering about the country. His 
observations led him to question the value of "the conquest of 
labor" in the Jewish villages, although this was then the prin- 
cipal goal of the labor movement. He was depressed by the 
poverty and dependence of the workers in those villages; by 
the Jewish overseers armed with whips; and by the farmers' 
eagerness to employ Arabs. He envisaged instead free settle- 
ment of self-employed workers on the nationally owned land 
of the * Jewish National Fund (jnf). His devotion to the prin- 
ciples of the jnf led him to conceive the idea of the small- 
holders' cooperative (later called *moshav ovedim), while his 
pursuit of equality in work and life led him to the concept 
of the kevuzah. When the Kinneret Farm was established by 
the * Palestine Office of the Zionist Organization, Katznelson 
made his way there. Along with the other workers, he was in 
a constant state of conflict with the administration. When the 
head of the Palestine Office, Arthur *Ruppin, was finally asked 
to come to Kinneret to settle matters, Katznelson was cho- 
sen to present the workers' case, demanding that the workers 
themselves be allowed to manage their affairs. 

Katznelson became secretary of the Council of Galilean 
Farm Workers, which was founded during his stay at Kinneret. 
A year later, when he returned to Petah Tikvah, the first work- 
ers' conference in Judea (1911) elected him secretary of the 
Council of Judean Farm Workers. His first essay, "Mi-Bifnim" 
("From Within"), published in Ha-Poel ha-Zair (Autumn 1911) 
described his disillusionment with the Zionist and even the 
Ze'irei Zion and Po'alei Zion movements for trying to influ- 
ence life in Erez Israel though their members remained in the 
Diaspora: "We workers here are not simply a small fraction of 
the Jewish working class, but a completely unique group - self- 
reliant, self-supporting - something whole.... If ever we, as 
an organized group, enter into connection with a movement 
abroad, it will have to be a movement not merely 'interested' 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


in Erez Israel, but dedicated to the ideal of personal aliyah, to 
a life of labor and liberation of the personality." 

Returning to Kinneret in the World War i period of hun- 
ger and want, Katznelson, together with Meir Rotberg, pro- 
posed the establishment of consumer cooperatives, to which 
he gave the name "Hamashbir" (see *Hamashbir Hamerkazi). 
To meet the health problems of the workers, almost all of 
whom were unmarried and without families or homes, he 
helped initiate Kuppat Holim (the Sick Fund). He also began 
to develop a network of cultural activities - lectures, libraries, 
adult education, translations of world classics, and book pub- 
lishing. When news of *He-Halutz reached Katznelson dur- 
ing World War i, he wrote a memorable epistle to the halutz 
movement (1917), setting forth a program of agricultural and 
cultural training to be followed by its members until it became 
possible for them to come to Erez Israel. In "Toward the Fu- 
ture," an address delivered at the seventh conference of agri- 
cultural workers on Purim, 1918 - when only a small number 
of Jews had managed to remain in Judea, and Galilee was cut 
off entirely - Katznelson called on the labor parties to unite 
in order to establish a self-reliant working community. Influ- 
enced by reading this address, David *Ben-Gurion, then in the 
ranks of the * Jewish Legion (with which he had returned to 
Palestine), enthusiastically agreed with the call for labor unity. 
Katznelson joined the Jewish Legion as a volunteer in 1918, 
serving until 1920. In the Legion Ben-Gurion met Katznelson, 
whom he had hardly known before. The two addressed an as- 
sembly of legionnaires in the Tell-al-Kabir Camp, and from 
that moment on the movement for labor unity began to gain 
adherents. A committee was established representing Po'alei 
Zion, Ha-Po'el ha-Za'ir and nonpartisans. In the three centers 
of the Agricultural Workers' Union - Judea, Samaria, and Gal- 
ilee - a committee was elected to work toward the unification 
of the three area councils and to investigate the feasibility of a 
general union of workers. 

Katznelson was asked to compose and publish a pro- 
gram for working-class unity in Erez Israel ("*Ahdut ha- Avo- 
dah"), which was to be affiliated with the Zionist movement 
and the world socialist movement. Through large-scale im- 
migration, the program was to recreate Jewish national life in 
Erez Israel in the form of a labor society, based on freedom 
and equality, self-reliance, control over its property, and self- 
determination in matters of economy and culture. The means 
toward this end would be national ownership of the soil and 
of natural resources; public-owned capital; a pioneering ali- 
yah; and dissemination of the Hebrew language and culture 
among all Jews. 

In the spring of 1919, the conference of agricultural work- 
ers convened at Petah Tikvah to vote on the issue of labor 
unity. The lecturer on this issue was Katznelson, and his pro- 
gram was adopted, with Ha-Po'el ha-Za'ir abstaining. The 
conference defined the aim of Zionism as the establishment 
of a free Jewish state in Erez Israel. Katznelson was chosen 
to edit Kunteres, the newly created weekly that voiced Ahdut 
ha-Avodah's ideas. Labor unity was still incomplete, with 

the majority of Ha-Po'el ha-Za'ir remaining outside the new 
framework. In 1920, in accordance with the proposal made 
by Joseph *Trumpeldor, a General Federation of Jewish Labor 
(the *Histadrut) was established at a conference in Haifa. Ha- 
Po'el ha-Za'ir and Ahdut ha-Avodah still continued to exist in- 
dependency, and Katznelson and his colleagues on Kunteres 
continued to urge that the two merge, first in Erez Israel and 
then abroad. The union was eventually achieved in 1930, when 
a united labor party - *Mapai - was founded. 

A decision to found a labor daily followed the establish- 
ment of the Histadrut. Katznelson insisted that the editor be 
elected by the national conference of the Histadrut and thus 
derive his authority directly from it, as did the members of 
the Histadrut Executive. In addition, the editor was to be free 
to choose the members of his staff. After protracted discus- 
sion and debate, the first edition of Davar was published in 
1925 according to Katznelson's terms. He was selected as the 
editor and chose a staff of five. His moral authority and the 
influence he exercised over his colleagues attracted many at- 
tentive readers to the paper, even outside its own movement, 
and made it a spiritual guide for the labor class and many of 
the intelligentsia. Katznelson was a member of the delegation 
sent to the United States in 1921 to muster support among 
American Jewish workers for the Workers' Bank (Bank ha- 
Po'alim), established by the Histadrut. This journey marked 
the beginning of the close relationship between labor in Erez 
Israel and the American Jewish trade unions, which had been 
far removed from Zionism up to that time. Thereafter, annual 
delegations from the Histadrut came to America to work with 
the Gewerkschaften (Trade Union) Campaign for the Histadrut 
and brought "Labor Palestine" close to masses of Jews in the 
United States and Canada. 

Katznelson believed that the jnf was the most impor- 
tant Zionist factor in the building of a labor society. He was 
appointed a director of the Fund by the Zionist Organization 
and was devoted to it until his death; however, he refused to 
join either the Zionist executive or the executive of the Va'ad 
Le'ummi. In order to understand the attitudes of the younger 
generation, he would sometimes visit groups abroad anony- 
mously, and he invested all his ardor and talent in youth 
seminars at Rehovot, on the Carmel, and at Ben Shemen. A 
large part of the 12 volumes of his collected works consists of 
his lectures at seminars and conferences which he reworked 
into essays. 

All his life Katznelson was acutely aware of the impor- 
tance of fostering the relationship between the yishuv and the 
Diaspora; viewing Labor Zionism as the Jewish revolution, 
equal to the revolutions of other nations; maintaining the in- 
fluence of eternal Jewish values and of Hebrew literature in 
the movement; and thoroughly imbuing the younger genera- 
tion with the age-old culture of the Jewish people. He would 
never compromise with his principles, even when he stood 
virtually alone. His was one of the few voices in labor circles to 
press for observance of the Sabbath and festivals, dietary laws 
in Histadrut kitchens, and circumcision in the kibbutzim. He 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



showed special concern for the religiously observant members 
of the Histadrut and the attitude of educational institutions 
toward the hallowed traditions of Judaism. He was convinced 
that not compulsion, but the inculcation of affection and un- 
derstanding for tradition, would bring young people to respect 
and appreciate the Jewish religious heritage. 

Katznelson differed from Weizmann and Ben-Gurion 
in his opposition to the partition of Palestine into a Jewish 
state and an Arab state, as proposed by the Peel Commission 
in 1939. When Great Britain became increasingly hostile, he 
urged active struggle against the Mandatory power. Both at 
Zionist Congresses and within the yishuv, he pressed for "il- 
legal" immigration, stating: "From now on, not the pioneer 
but the refugee will lead us." Under his guidance, his disci- 
ples parachuted into Nazi-held territory to try to aid Jewish 

At the very beginning of World War 11, Katznelson 
prophesied that the Jews would have to emerge from the war 
with a Jewish state. Ultimately he reluctantly accepted the idea 
of partition for the sake of free Jewish immigration, which 
otherwise would not have been feasible. The last stage of his 
activity before his death was the establishment and success- 
ful direction of the Histadrut s publishing house, Am Oved, 
as editor in chief. On Aug. 15, 1944, Berl Katznelson died in 
Jerusalem. He was buried in the cemetery of Kevuzat Kinneret. 
Bet Berl at Zofit, Oholo on Lake Kinneret, and Kibbutz *Be'eri 
are all monuments to his memory. 

bibliography: M. Shnir (ed.), Al Berl Katznelson, Zikhro- 
not ve-Divrei Haarakhah (1952); Z. Goldberg, Perakim be-Mishnato 
ha-Hevratit shel Berl Katznelson (1964); D. Shimoni, Pirkei Zikhronot 
(1953), 235-44; Z. Shazar, Orlshim (1963), 108-34; Gilboa, in: Ot, nos. 
3-4 (1968), 120-4; M. Sharett, Orot she-Kavu (1969), 39-55; Iggerot 
B. Katznelson, 1900-1914, ed. by J. Sharett (1961); 1919-1922, ed. by Y. 
Erez and A.M. Koller (1970). 

[Shneur Zalman Shazar] 

KATZNELSON (Shazar), RAHEL (1888-1975), leader of the 
working women's movement in Erez Israel, Hebrew writer, edi- 
tor, and wife of the third president of the State of Israel, Zal- 
man *Shazar. Born in Bobruisk, Belorussia, she studied in Rus- 
sia and Germany and was active in Jewish working women's 
circles. She settled in Erez Israel in 1912 and worked in agri- 
culture in the Jezreel Valley and Galilee. Rahel Shazar was ac- 
tive in the women's labor movement during the Second Aliyah 
and was the principal speaker during the first women work- 
ers' conventions. With the establishment of *Ahdut ha-Avo- 
dah (a), she became the cultural coordinator of the movement 
and fulfilled the same post in the Histadrut from its establish- 
ment in 1920. In 1920 she married Zalman Shazar. Through- 
out her life she was active in the women workers' movement 
and carried out various missions abroad on its behalf and for 
the Histadrut. She edited the central journal of the women's 
movement, Devar ha-Poelet (1934-59), and an anthology on 
its 25 th anniversary, Im Paamei ha-Dor, 2 vols. (1964). After her 
husbands inauguration as president of the state, she shared 

his work in participating in the various study circles that met 
in their home. Rahel Shazar published her first essays in 1918 
and from then contributed to the labor press in Erez Israel. 
Her articles were collected in two works, Massot u-Reshimot 
("Essays and Articles," 1946) and AlAdmat ha-Ivrit ("On the 
Soil of Hebrew," 1966). She also published Tenuat ha-Poelet, 
Mifaleha u-She'ifoteha ("The Projects and Aspirations of the 
Women Workers' Movement," 1941) and She-Livvuni ve-Einan, 
essays on women active in public life (1969). 

bibliography: Z. Katznelson, in: La-Merhav (May 20, 1968); 
I. Harari, Ishah va-Em be-Yisrael (1959), 358-60; D. Sadan, Bein Din 
le-Heshbon (1963), 364-9; Kressel, Leksikon, 2 (1967), 904-5. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KATZNELSON, REUBEN (1890-1977), Erez Israel pioneer 
in medical services, brother of Rahel (Shazar) * Katznelson. 
Born in Bobruisk, Belorussia, Katznelson was wounded in 
1905 in a pogrom while on duty in the Jewish self-defense or- 
ganization. In 1906 he was a member of the territorialist move- 
ment called the "Zionist Socialists (ss)" and later joined the 
Zionist student society He-Haver in Kiev. At the outbreak of 
World War 1 he was in Erez Israel and worked in Tel Aviv in 
building and as an agricultural laborer in Rehovot, where he 
served as chairman of the workers' council. Deported by the 
Turks at the beginning of World War 1 he went to Alexandria, 
where he joined Joseph *Trumpeldor in the Zion Mule Corps; 
at the time the corps was disbanded, he had achieved the rank 
of sergeant major. In 1920 Katznelson was appointed director 
of the department of statistics of the Hadassah Medical Or- 
ganization and in 1922-30 served as assistant director of Ha- 
dassah. In 1931 he established a medical organization for the 
Jewish villages (moshavot) in Palestine and became the direc- 
tor of Kuppat Holim Ammamit (see State of Israel: ^Health 
Services). In the same year he joined the General Zionists, 
later serving as a member of its national council. He was also 
the chairman of the Organization of Demobilized Soldiers. 
His son shmuel *tamir (1923-1987) was an Israeli politi- 
cian and lawyer. 

bibliography: Tidhar, 1 (1947), 305-6. 

KATZNELSON, SHULAMIT (1919-1999), Ulpan founder 
and director. Katznelson was born in Geneva, Switzerland, 
and at the age of two came to Eretz Israel. Her father, Dr. 
Shmuel Katznelson, was a pioneer of public health care and 
social work in Israel. Her mother, Batsheva Katznelson, was 
an educator and member of the Second Knesset. Katznelson 
studied social work and received her master's degree from the 
University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. In 1951 she founded one 
of the first three ulpanim (intensive Hebrew -language courses) 
in Israel. As founder and director of Ulpan Akiva in Netanyah, 
she was cited as an outstanding example of Hebrew human- 
ism in adult education. Katznelson managed Ulpan Akiva un- 
til 1996. From the outset, Ulpan Akiva was open not only to 
Jewish immigrants (ollim) but to the non-Jewish population 
as well. Subsequently, Ulpan Akiva included the teaching of 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


spoken Arabic. In 1983 Katznelson was awarded the Knesset's 
Speakers Prize for quality of life. In 1986 she was awarded the 
Israel Prize for her pioneering work in adult education and in 
the teaching of spoken Hebrew and Arabic. Katznelson was 
nominated for the Nobel Prize twice, in 1992 and 1993. 

KATZ-SUCHY, JULIUSZ (1912-1971), Polish statesman. 
Born in Warsaw, Katz- Sue hy joined the illegal Polish Commu- 
nist Party and was the editor of several socialist publications 
between 1934 and 1938. He was forced to leave Poland in 1938 
and made his way via Czechoslovakia to England. Katz-Suchy 
was the representative of the Polish Press Agency in London 
from 1940 to 1945 and after the war became press attache at 
the Polish embassy there. Later he became department direc- 
tor of the Polish Foreign Ministry. From 1946 to 1951 and from 
1953 to 1954 he was Poland's delegate to the United Nations. 
Subsequently he was Poland's representative to the European 
Economic Commission, representative to the International 
Conference of Atomic Energy (1955), and ambassador to In- 
dia (1957-62). He was also director of the Polish Institute for 
International Affairs, and after his return from India, professor 
of international law at the University of Warsaw. During the 
antisemitic campaign in Poland following the *Six-Day War 
of 1967 he was removed from that position. In 1970 he went 
to Denmark to teach at the University of Aarhus. His brother 
was Benzion *Katz, rector of Tel Aviv University. 

[Abraham Wein] 

Kauders; 1766-1838), Bohemian rabbi. Born in *Bechyne, Bo- 
hemia, Kauder studied in the yeshivah of Eleazar Kallir in Ko- 
lin (where he made the acquaintance of Bezalel *Ranschburg, 
his lifelong friend and correspondent), and in Prague under 
Michael Bachrach. He settled in Prague where he officiated in 
the Altschul, and took an active part in the affairs of the hevra 
kaddisha and other communal institutions. In 1817 he was ap- 
pointed to the rabbinate of the district of Budweis and Tabor 
with his seat in Kalladay In 1834 he succeeded Samuel *Lan- 
dau in the post of Ober jurist (av bet din; chief rabbi de facto, 
but not in name) of Prague. He was the last native Bohemian 
to hold this position, and was succeeded by the Galician maskil 
S.L. *Rapoport. His son Moses succeeded him as rabbi of the 
Altschul. His published works are: Olat Shetnu'el, consisting of 
111 responsa to Or ah. Hayyim (Prague, 1823); Ahavat Emet (part 
1, 1828), 18 homilies and sermons; and appended to it Peullat 
Emet, seven halakhic discourses; and Zikkaron ba-Sefer (1937), 
a short commentary on tractate Megillah. 

bibliography: azdj, 2:72 (1838), 29if.; S.L. Kauder, Zik- 
karon ba-Sefer (1937), introduction by S.Z. Lieben; R. Kestenberg- 
Gladstein, Neuere Geschichte derjuden in den boehmischen Laendern, 

1 (1969), index. 

[Abraham Schischa] 

KAUFFMANN, ISAAC (1805-1884), founder of the Kauff- 
mann Jewish publishing house in Germany. Kauffmann, who 

was born in Bouxwiller, Alsace, in 1832 went to Frankfurt 
where he set up a bookshop. In 1850 he established the pub- 
lishing house J. Kauffmann. The first book published by the 
firm was Buck vom rechten Lebenswandel (1850), his own 
translation of the ethical treatise of Zerahiah ha-Yevani Sefer 
ha-Yashar. Kauffmann published the works of S.R. *Hirsch, 
among others. 

Isaac's son ignatz kauffmann (1849-1913) succeeded 
to the direction of the firm; under his aegis it published for 
the first time works by adherents of the *Wissenschaft des Ju- 
dentums, including Moritz *Steinschneider, Leopold *Zunz, 
Abraham *Geiger, Abraham ^Berliner, and David *Kaufmann. 
In 1900 Ignatz Kauffmann took over the printing house of M. 
Lehrberger and Co., successor to Wolf *Heidenheim's Hebrew 
publishing house. 

From 1909 to 1936 Ignatz' son felix kauffmann 
(d. 1953) directed the firm; in 1913 he became sole owner. He 
continued to publish works in all fields of modern Jewish 
scholarship, textbooks, juvenile literature, and books on Jew- 
ish art and music. Among important writers and scholars pub- 
lished in this later period were Hermann *Cohen, Leo *Baeck, 
and Franz *Rosenzweig. The 1936 catalog, the last of nearly 100 
issued, contained close to 1,000 items published by the firm. 
Felix Kauffmann remained active in the book trade after his 
emigration to the United States in the Nazi era. 

bibliography: Neue Juedische Monatshefte, 4 (1919), 69-77. 
add. bibliography: ndb, vol. 22 (2005), 68*. 

KAUFMAN, ANDY (1949-1984), U.S. comic actor. Andrew 
Geoffrey Kaufman was born in New York and grew up in sub- 
urban Long Island. He graduated in 1971 from the now defunct 
Grahm Junior College in Boston, where he studied television. 
Kaufman lived in a hazy borderland between comedy and 
performance art. After appearing on the inaugural telecast of 
Saturday Night Live in 1975, he became famous as a comedian 
who provoked nervous laughter, if any at all. He was believed 
to be the first person to publicly, and repeatedly, perform in 
the garb and persona of Elvis Presley, and his impersonation 
was believed to be a Presley favorite. His comedy act often 
caused his audience to become rowdy or to simply walk out 
in the middle of his show. He would read The Great Gatsby to 
the audience in its entirety, sing all verses of "100 Bottles of 
Beer on the Wall," or impersonate a fictitious Las Vegas lounge 
singer named Tony Clifton. In 1978, Kaufman began playing 
the part of Latka Gravas on the abc television network show 
Taxi. Latka was an immigrant auto mechanic in the taxi garage 
who spoke in a high-pitched accent that Kaufman concocted, 
and indulged in a bewildering array of personality changes. 
On Saturday Night Live, he affected what he called a Puerto 
Rican accent, recited nonsensical verse, and got the audience 
to imitate barnyard animals while he sang "Old MacDonald 
Had a Farm." Kaufman outraged feminists with a character he 
called the Intergender World Wrestling Champion, in which 
guise Kaufman offered $1,000 to any woman who could pin 
him in a match. More than 60 women accepted the challenge, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



and Kaufman claimed that he never lost, although he fought 
some to a draw. Kaufman suffered neck and back injuries in a 
bout with a professional male wrestler, Jerry Lawler, who was 
reportedly angered by Kaufmans disparaging on-air remarks 
about "professional" wrestling, and challenged him. Kaufman 
died of lung cancer, although he was not a smoker, and count- 
less fans doubted his death, thinking he had staged it as the 
ultimate Andy Kaufman stunt. In 1992 the actor Jim Carrey 
starred in a film about Kaufman, Man on the Moon. 

[Stewart Kampel (2 nd ed.)] 

ish public figure, head of Jewish communities in the Far East. 
He was born in Mglin, Chernigov province, into a family of 
Hasidim and, on his mothers side, he was great grandson of 
the founder of this movement, * Shneur Zalman of Lyady. In 
1903 Kaufman graduated from high school in Perm where he 
became an enthusiastic Zionist. From 1904 to 1908, he stud- 
ied medicine at Berne University in Switzerland where he 
was vice chairman of the Union of Jewish Students. In 1908 
Kaufman returned to Russia where, at the initiative of Jehiel 
*Tschlenow, he visited the cities of the Volga and Ural regions 
to disseminate Zionism. He was a delegate to three Zionist 

In 1912 Kaufman moved to *Harbin in Manchuria where 
he became involved in communal and Zionist activity. In late 
1918 he was elected vice chairman of the National Council of 
Jews of Siberia and the Urals (the chairman was Moshe *No- 
vomeysky). From 1919 to 1931 and 1933 to 1945 Kaufman was 
chairman of the Harbin Jewish community. During that pe- 
riod he was representative in China of the * Jewish National 
Fund and * Keren Hayesod, and official representative of the 
* World Zionist Organization and the * Jewish Agency, chair- 
man of the Zionist Organization of China and head of almost 
all the cultural and social institutions of the Jews of Harbin. 
From 1921 to 1943 he was editor of the Russian language weekly 
Yevreyskaya zhizn ("Jewish Life"). At the same time he worked 
as chief physician at the Jewish hospital in Harbin which he 
had founded. From 1937 he was chairman of the National 
Council of Jews of East Asia (i.e., the Far East). 

Kaufman was a brilliant orator and publicist and was 
very knowledgeable about Judaism. He devoted considerable 
efforts to Jewish education. Recognized as the spiritual leader 
of Chinese Jewry, he staunchly opposed antisemitic tenden- 
cies among the Russian emigres in Harbin which became par- 
ticularly strong after the Japanese occupation of Manchuria 
in 1931. Due to his indefatigable energy and personal charm, 
he was able to establish direct contact with the Japanese au- 
thorities in Tokyo and succeeded in having countermanded 
the orders issued at Hitler s urging for concentrating the Jews 
of China under Japanese occupation into camps specially es- 
tablished for that purpose. 

When the Soviet Army occupied Harbin in August 1945, 
Kaufman was among the many arrested and taken to the So- 
viet Union. He was accused of spying and Zionist activities 

and sentenced to 25 years' imprisonment. He spent 11 years 
in confinement (three years in a solitary cell in Moscow and 
eight years in prison camp). He was released in 1956 with his 
criminal record erased and sent to Karaganda in Kazakhstan. 
During his five-year stay there he endeavored to reach Israel 
and succeeded in 1961. For the rest of his life he worked as a 
physician in an ambulatory care clinic in Ramat Gan. He also 
wrote his memoirs as well as a history of the Jewish communi- 
ties in the Far East. He vividly described his life in the Soviet 
Union in his book Lagerniy vrach ("Camp Physician," Hebrew, 
1971; Russian, Tel Aviv, 1973). 

[The Shorter Jewish Encyclopaedia in Russian (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMAN, BEL (1911- ), U.S. author. Born in Berlin, 
Kaufman was the granddaughter of the Yiddish writer * Sha- 
lom Aleichem. Up the Down Staircase (1965), an amusing book 
based on her experiences as a teacher in New York City, was 
made into a motion picture. She also wrote short stories and 
published translations from the Russian. 

KAUFMAN, BORIS (1906-1980), motion picture camera- 
man. Kaufman was born in Bialystok, Poland. He immigrated 
to France in 1927, where he became the cameraman on all of 
Jean Vigo's films, such as L'Atalante (1934), as well as those of 
other French directors. After serving in the French army, he 
went to New York in 1942. He worked for American war pro- 
paganda productions and became one of Americas foremost 
cameramen. Renowned for his exquisite black-and-white pho- 
tography, Kaufman won an Academy Award and a Golden 
Globe in 1955 for Best Black/White Cinematography for On 
the Waterfront. Other films he worked on include Baby Doll 
(Oscar nomination for Best Cinematography, 1956), Twelve 
Angry Men (1957), The Fugitive Kind (1959), Splendor in the 
Grass (1961), Long Day s Journey into Night (1962), The Pawn- 
broker (1964), The World of Henry Orient (1964), The Group 
(1966), Bye Bye Braverman (1968), The Brotherhood (1969), and 
Tell Me That You Love Me, Junie Moon (1970). 

Kaufman was the brother of Soviet directors Dziga Ver- 
tov (1896-1954) and Mikhail Kaufman (1897-1980). 

[Ruth BelofF (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMAN, GEORGE SIMON (1889-1961), U.S. playwright 
and stage director. Born in Pittsburgh, Kaufman began his ca- 
reer as a journalist, but in 1918 turned to writing for the stage. 
His name is linked with over 30 hits, almost all his plays having 
been written in collaboration with others, such as Marc Con- 
nelly, Edna Ferber, Morrie Ryskind, and Moss Hart. For each 
year from 1921 to 1941, Kaufman, as either writer or director, 
had at least one hit Broadway show. He was an acknowledged 
master of stage technique and comedy, and plays such as Once 
in a Lifetime (1930), You Cant Take it With You (1937, Pulitzer 
Prize), and The Man Who Came to Dinner (1939) have found 
their way into many anthologies. In 1946 he wrote his dramatic 
version of The Late George Apley, the novel by J. P. Marquand, 
an admirable example of his skill in adapting from one artis- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


tic medium to another. Kaufmans versatility was shown in 
the musicals The Coconuts (1925) and Animal Crackers (1928), 
written for the Marx Brothers; Strike up the Band (1930); The 
Band Wagon (1931); and Of Thee I Sing (1932, Pulitzer Prize). 
Perhaps his most serious play, inspired by the prejudices 
and hatreds of the Hitler era, was The American Way (1939). 
Other successes by Kaufman include Dinner at Eight (1932), 
Stage Door (1936), George Washington Slept Here (1940), and 
The Solid Gold Cadillac (1951). He directed such stage hits as 
FrontPage (1928), Of Mice and Men (1937), and Guys and Dolls 
(1950). Kaufmans early experience as a columnist and as a 
dramatic critic on New York newspapers developed his sen- 
sitivity to language and the demands of the theater. His plays 
made exciting entertainment and his satirical flashes poked 
fun at weaknesses in American life. 

bibliography: J.M. Brown, Broadway in Review (1940), 
88-94, 169-76; idem, Seeing Things (1946), 205-11; E.M. Gagey, Rev- 
olution in American Drama (1947), 217-20; J. Mersand, Traditions in 
American Literature (1939), 14-24; A.H. Quinn, History of the Amer- 
ican Drama, 2 (1937), 220-5. add. bibliography: S. Meredith, 
George S. Kaufman and His Friends (1975). 

[Joseph Mersand / Robert L. DelBane (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMAN, SIR GERALD (1930- ), British politician. 
Originally a journalist, Kaufman served as a staff writer for 
the London Daily Mirror (1955-64) and the New Statesman 
(1964-65) as well as parliamentary press officer for the Labour 
Party (1965-70) before becoming a Labour Member of Parlia- 
ment for a Manchester seat in 1970. He held junior ministerial 
posts in Labours 1974-79 government. During Labours long 
period in opposition (1979-97) Kaufman held senior posts in 
the shadow cabinet and was shadow home secretary (1983-87) 
and shadow foreign secretary (1987-92). Originally on the left 
of the party, in the 1980s he was increasingly attacked by La- 
bour's militant extreme left. In latter years Kaufman was out- 
spokenly critical of Israel's policies toward the Palestinians, 
especially after the fall of the Barak government, for which he 
was heavily criticized by the Manchester Jewish community. 
Kaufman was also one of the leading critics of the "dumbing 
down" of the bbc, and is the author or editor of several books. 
A backbench member of Parliament since Labour's return to 
power in 1997, he was recognized as a respected elder states- 
man and received a knighthood in 2004. 

[William D. Rubinstein (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMAN, IRVING R. (1910-1992), U.S. judge who pre- 
sided over the trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. Born in 
New York City, Kaufman was educated at Fordham Univer- 
sity, graduating from Fordham Law School in 1931 at the age of 
20. He worked in the law offices of Louis Rosenberg (who was 
not related to Julius Rosenberg), and afterward as an assistant 
United States attorney. In 1949 he was appointed a judge of 
the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York; 
President John F. Kennedy appointed him to the U.S. Court 
of Appeals for the Second Circuit in 1961. Kaufman was chief 

judge of the Manhattan circuit court for seven years, from 1973 
to 1980. Formally retiring in 1987, he was designated a senior 
judge and remained active on the court until the illness that 
preceded his death in 1992. 

Much to Kaufman's frustration, his reputation was for- 
ever linked to the trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg in 1951. 
The Rosenbergs, charged with espionage for conspiring to de- 
liver nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union, were found guilty. 
Kaufman sentenced them to death in the electric chair, call- 
ing their crime "worse than murder." Despite a worldwide 
campaign on their behalf, seven appeals of the verdict were 
denied, and two pleas for executive clemency (first to Presi- 
dent Harry S. Truman in 1952 and then to President Dwight 
D. Eisenhower in 1953) were dismissed. On June 19, 1953, the 
Rosenbergs became the first American civilians to be put to 
death for espionage in the United States. Even after their death, 
debate about the case continued. Some contended that the 
conviction and sentence were influenced by the wave of anti- 
Communism fostered by Senator Joseph McCarthy and the 
House Un-American Activities Committee. Federal Bureau of 
Investigation (fbi) documents released in the 1970s disclosed 
that Judge Kaufman had conducted private discussions about 
the sentence with the prosecution and that he had called the 
fbi to request that the executions be expedited. Though dis- 
cussions with one side in a case under trial are usually con- 
sidered a violation of judicial ethics, a subcommittee of the 
American Bar Association exonerated Kaufman, reporting 
that the fbi memos did not cast doubt on the propriety of the 
proceedings or the judge's conduct. 

Kaufman's subsequent judicial career was marked by lib- 
eral rulings. Kaufman issued the first judicial order to deseg- 
regate an elementary school in the North in Taylor v. Board 
of Education (1961). In 1971 he was the lone dissenter in the 
case of United States v. The New York Times, when the court 
ruled not to allow publication of the Pentagon Papers; the Su- 
preme Court later overturned that ruling. Many of his deci- 
sions involved First Amendment rights, including Edwards v. 
The National Audubon Society (1977), Herbert v. Lando (1977), 
and Reeves v. abc (1983). His widely cited decision in Berkey v. 
Kodak (1979) is considered a landmark in antitrust law. 

In 1983 Kaufman was appointed chairman of the Presi- 
dent's Commission on Organized Crime, and he received the 
Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1987. 

[Dorothy Bauhoff (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMAN, JOYCE JACOBSON (1929- ), U.S. chemist. 
Born in New York City but raised and educated in Baltimore, 
Maryland, Kaufman earned her B.S. with honors in chemistry 
from Johns Hopkins University in 1949, soon after her mar- 
riage to Stanley Kaufman, an engineer. After graduation, she 
worked as a technical librarian and then a research chemist 
at the Army Chemical Center before returning to Johns Hop- 
kins in 1952 as a researcher in the physical chemistry lab of her 
former professor, Walter S. Koski, who was later to become 
her second husband. With Koski as her advisor and mentor, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



she received her M.A. in 1959 and then her Ph.D. in physical 
chemistry in i960. In 1962, accompanied by her mother and 
her young daughter, she went to Paris, where she became a 
visiting scientist, receiving a doctoral degree in theoretical 
physics from the Sorbonne the following year. 

After working in industry as a staff scientist and later as 
leader of the quantum chemistry group at the Research Insti- 
tute for Advanced Studies of the Martin Marietta Company, 
Kaufman rejoined Koski's research group at Johns Hopkins as 
a principal research scientist, a position which she held until 
her retirement. She also held a joint appointment in the Johns 
Hopkins School of Medicine as associate professor of anes- 
thesiology and later of plastic surgery, but she never received 
tenure or promotion to full professor, perhaps due to discrim- 
ination against her as a woman. In addition to working with 
doctoral students, postdoctoral associates, and visiting scien- 
tists, she also served as mentor to many undergraduates. 

The author of more than 300 scientific publications, 
Kaufman conducted groundbreaking research in a variety of 
fields, including pharmacology, drug design, theoretical quan- 
tum chemistry, experimental physical chemistry, chemical 
physics of energetic compounds, biochemical research, and 
superconductors. She served on numerous editorial advisory 
boards for scientific books and journals and as consultant to 
many scientific organizations. In 1965 Kaufman was elected 
fellow of the American Institute of Chemists and, the fol- 
lowing year, of the American Physical Society; in 1969, she 
was named Dame Chevaliere de France; in 1973, she received 
the Garvan Medical Award of the American Chemical So- 
ciety; and in 1981, she was elected corresponding member 
of the European Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters. In 
1974, the Jewish National Fund honored her with a Woman 
of Achievement Award as one of the ten outstanding women 
in Maryland. Her daughter, jan caryl kaufman (1955- ), 
was one of the first three women admitted to the Conserva- 
tive rabbinate. 

bibliography: P.E. Hyman and D.D. Moore (eds.), Jewish 
Women in America, 1 (1997), 729-30; W.S. Koski, "Joyce Jacobson 
Kaufman (1929- )," in: L.S. Grinstein et al. (eds.), Women in Chem- 
istry and Physics: A Biobibliographic Sourcebook (1993), 299-313; B.F. 
Shearer and B.S. Shearer (eds.), Notable Women in the Physical Sci- 
ences: A Biographical Dictionary (1997), 223-27. 

[Harriet Pass Freidenreich (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMAN, PHILIP (1936- ), U.S. director- screenwriter. 
Born in Chicago, 111., Kaufman graduated from the University 
of Chicago in 1958 with honors and returned a year later after 
leaving Harvard Law School to complete a master s degree in 
history. Kaufman married screenwriter Rose Fisher in 1959. In 
i960, he moved to San Francisco and then to Europe, where he 
taught in Greece and Italy, and then to work on an Israeli kib- 
butz while attempting to write a novel. In 1962, Kaufman and 
his family returned to Chicago, where his unpublished novel, 
with the help of Benjamin Manaster, became the film Gold- 
stein (1965), loosely based on one of Martin Buber s Tales of the 

Hassidim. For it, Goldstein shared the Prix de La Nouvelle Cri- 
tique at the Cannes Film Festival. Fearless Frank (1967), which 
he wrote and directed, failed to find a distributor until its star, 
Jon Voight, became an overnight success with Midnight Cow- 
boy (1969), earning Kaufman an invitation to the Universal 
Studios Young Directors Program. His first film for Universal 
was The Great Northfield Minnesota Raid, (1972), followed by 
an adaptation of the James Houston novel, The White Dawn 
(1974) for Paramount. Kaufman co-wrote the script for and 
agreed to direct Clint Eastwood in The Outlaw Josey Wales 
(1976), but two weeks into the film Eastwood took over the 
direction. Kaufmans remake of Invasion of the Body Snatch- 
ers (1978), however, became a huge hit. He followed this up 
with a successful adaptation of Richard Price's The Wanderers 
(i979)> a writing credit for Raiders of the Lost Ark (1983), and 
a major critical success in adapting and directing Tom Wolfe's 
bestselling book about the U.S. space program, The Right Stuff 
(1983). In 1988, Kaufman received an adapted screenplay Oscar 
nomination for his work on Milan Kundera's The Unbearable 
Lightness of Being. His next film, Henry and June (1990), a film 
about the erotic relationship of Ana'is Nin and Henry Miller, 
was the first film to earn the mpaa's NC-17 rating. Kaufman's 
later work included an adaptation of the Michael Crichton 
book Rising Sun (1993); Quills (2000), a tale about the noto- 
rious French writer Marquis de Sade; and Twisted (2004), a 
police thriller set in San Francisco. 

[Adam Wills (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMANN, DAVID (1852-1899), Austrian scholar. 
Kaufmann was born in Kojetein, Moravia, and received his 
first instruction in Talmud from Jakob *Bruell. From 1867 
to 1877 he attended the rabbinical seminary in Breslau and 
also studied at the university there. In 1874 he received his 
doctorate at Leipzig, for a dissertation concerning Sa'adiah's 
philosophy of religion, which he subsequently published as a 
part of his Attributenlehre (1877; repr. 1967, 1982). He began 
teaching Jewish history, religious philosophy, and homilet- 
ics at the new rabbinical seminary in Budapest, where he re- 
mained until his death. 

Kaufmann was a scholar of unusually wide and thor- 
ough knowledge and produced an astonishingly large num- 
ber of works in his short life - almost 30 books and over 500 
smaller essays and book reviews. His work was distinguished 
also for its literary style. A complete bibliography was com- 
piled by M. Brann, in Gedenkbuch zur Erinnerung an David 
Kaufmann (ed. M. Brann and F. Rosenthal, 1900; repr. 1980). 
Though Kaufmann dealt with every area of Jewish scholar- 
ship, he contributed especially to history, medieval Jewish 
philosophy, history of religion, and the history of Jewish art. 
His most important works are: "Die Theologie des Bachia Ibn 
Pakuda" (in Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften, 1874); Geschichte der Attributenlehre in der juedischen 
Religionsphilo sophie des Mitt elalters von Saadja bis Maimuni 
(1877; repr. 1967, 1982), Kaufmann's major work; Jehuda Halevy. 
Versuch einer Charakteristik (1877); and Die Spuren al-Bat- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


lajusis in derjuedischen Religionsphilosophie (in Jahresbericht 
der Landes-Rabbinerschule in Budapest 3, 1880; also in Hun- 
garian; repr. 1967). Kaufmanns comprehensive schooling in 
the natural sciences and philology is attested by his study Die 
Sinne; Beitraege zur Geschichte der Physiologie und Psychologie 
im Mittelalter aus hebraeischen und arabischen Quellen (ibid., 
7, 1884; repr. 1972, 1980). To the last year of his life belongs his 
Studien ueber Salomon Ibn Gabirol (1899; repr. 1972, 1980). 

His historical and genealogical monographs include 
Samson Wertheimer, der Oberhoffaktor und Landesrabbiner 
1658-1724 und seine Kinder (1888), aus dem Leben 
Samson Wertheimers (1891), and JR. J air Chajjim Bacharach 
(1638-1/02) und seine Ahnen (1894). Die letzte Vertreibung 
der Juden aus Wien und Niederoesterreich, ihre Vorgeschichte 
(1625 bis 1670) und ihre Opfer (1889), and Die Erstuermung 
Of ens und ihre Vorgeschichte nach dem Berichte Isaak Schul- 
hofs (1650-1732) (1895), together with Megillat Ofen, deal with 
the history of the Jews in the Austrian and Hungarian capitals. 
The history of the Italian Jews is dealt with, among others, in 
Dr. Israel Conegliano und seine Verdienste um die Republik 
Venedig bis nach dem Frieden von Carlowitz (1895) and Die 
Chronik des Achimaaz von Oria (1896). David Kaufmann ed- 
ited the autobiography (zikhronot) of Glueckel von Hameln in 
its original Yiddish version (1896), which is considered one of 
the most valuable sources for the history of the Jews in Early 
Modern Times. In the last years of his life, Kaufmann turned 
to investigations in the history of Jewish art, in which field he 
was a pioneer. He co-founded the Gesellschaft fuer Sammlung 
und Konservierung von Kunst- und historischen Denkmael- 
ern des Judentums in Wien. 

Kaufmann took an active stand against attacks on the 
Jewish community and the Jewish religion. To this category of 
writings belong Paul de Lagardes juedische Gelehrsamkeit; eine 
Erwiderung (1887), in which Kaufmann indicates Lagardes 
gross errors in the field of Jewish studies, and particularly re- 
jects the derogatory manner in which this German Orientalist 
had spoken of the accomplishments of Zunz and other Jew- 
ish scholars, and Ein Wort im Vertrauen an Herrn Hofprediger 
Stoecker (1880). On the other hand, Kaufmann wrote an en- 
thusiastic review of Daniel Der onda by George Eliot, in which 
the concept of national Judaism is extolled (in mgwj, 26, 1877) 
In association with M. Brann, Kaufmann published the new 
series of the Monatsschrift fuer Geschichte und Wissenschaft 
des Judentums (1892-99) and cooperated on this and many 
other Jewish scholarly and Oriental publications. M. Brann 
published a selection of Kaufmanns essays and shorter writ- 
ings in three volumes, David Kaufmann, Gesammelte Schriften 
(1908-15; repr. 1980). A collection of his essays appeared in 
Hebrew translation, Mehkarim ba-Sifrut ha-Ivrit shel Yemei 
ha-Beinayim (1962). Kaufmanns rich library (cataloged by M. 
Weisz, 1906), which contained many valuable manuscripts, in- 
cunabula, and genizah fragments, is now owned by the Hun- 
garian Academy of Sciences (see Microcard Catalogue of the 
Rare Hebrew Codices... in the Kaufmann Collection (1959), 
with an introduction by Ignaz * Goldziher). 

bibliography: F. Rosenthal, in: M. Brann and F. Rosen- 
thal (eds.), Gedenkbuch... David Kaufmann (1900), i-lxxxvii, biog- 
raphy and bibl.; M. Klein, ibid., 667-74; M. Brann, in: D. Kaufmann, 
Gesammelte Schriften (1908), ix-xii; S. Krauss, David Kaufmann 
(Ger., 1901); R. Brainin, in: Sefer ha-Shanah, 1 (1900), 186-96; S.A. 
Horodezky, in: Ha-Goren, 2 (1900), 119-20; D.H. Mueller, in: jjgl, 
3 (1900), 196-206; Jahresbericht der Landes-Rabbinerschule in Bu- 
dapest, 22 (1899); Revai Nagy Lexikona, 11 (1914), 365; Magyar Zsido 
Lexikon (1929), 456; A. Scheiber, The Kaufmann Haggadah (1957); S. 
Loewinger and A. Scheiber (eds.), Genizah Publications in Memory 
of Prof. Dr. David Kaufmann, 1 (1949), Eng. and Heb. add. bibli- 
ography: M. Carmilly- Weinberger (ed.), The Rabbinical Seminary 
of Budapest 1877-1977 (1986), Eng. and Heb. 

[Moshe Nahum Zobel] 

KAUFMANN, FELIX (1895-1949), philosopher and meth- 
odologist. Kaufmann, who was born in Vienna, immigrated to 
the U.S. when the Nazis took over Austria in 1938. From then 
until his death he was a member of the graduate faculty at the 
New School for Social Research in New York City. Although 
Kaufmann was greatly influenced by Moritz Schlick, and was 
himself involved in the early discussions of the Vienna Circle, 
he never rigidly adopted the main principles of logical positiv- 
ism. This was perhaps more a matter of interest than ideology, 
his main concerns being to discriminate between the method- 
ology of the social sciences, and the methodology of the physi- 
cal sciences. His view was that the rules which social scientists 
adopt differ both in their purposes and in their applications 
from those found in the physical sciences, especially being 
directed toward the clarification of knowledge rather than its 
acquisition. His most important book in this connection is 
Methodenlehre der Sozialwissenschaften (1936), translated in 
1944 into English as Methodology of the Social Sciences. 

[Avrum Stroll] 

KAUFMANN, FRITZ (1891-1958), philosopher. He was born 
in Leipzig, became *Husserl's assistant at Freiburg, remain- 
ing there until 1936, when he joined the Hochschule fuer die 
Wissenschaft des Judentums in Berlin. He left Nazi Germany 
for America, where he taught at Northwestern University 
and the University of Buffalo. He was a leading exponent of 
Husserl's phenomenology, which he helped to make known 
in the United States, and wrote extensively on phenomenol- 
ogy, aesthetics, and literary themes. His major works are Die 
Philosophic des Grafen Paul Yorck von Wartenburg (1928); 
a posthumous volume, Das Reich des Schoenen - Bausteine 
zu einer Philosophic der Kunst (i960); and articles on Buber, 
Cassirer, Thomas Mann, Nietzsche, Rilke, Goethe, Flaubert, 

and Husserl. 

[Richard H. Popkin] 

KAUFMANN, FRITZ MORDECAI (1888-1921), German 
essayist and writer on Yiddish culture. Born in Eschweiler, 
Kaufmann studied medicine and history in Geneva, Munich 
and Leipzig. He joined a Zionist student group in Leipzig 
and came into contact with East European Jews. Their cul- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



ture fascinated him and he began to study Yiddish. Here, he 
also came to know Nathan *Birnbaum, and was profoundly 
influenced by the latter s zeal for the organic culture of unas- 
similated Jewry, however much more with its socialistic as- 
pects than Birnbaum's new- Orthodox tendency Kaufmann's 
first essays appeared in the Juedische Rundschau in 1912. In the 
following year, moving to Berlin, he founded his own period- 
ical, Die Freistatt (1913-14), which he symbolically subtitled 
Alljuedische Revue, thus affirming his faith in Jewish national 
unity, however, herein following Birnbaum, not in his Zionist 
sense. Although he accepted Jewish nationalism, Kaufmann 
opposed Zionisms emphasis on Palestine and its negation of 
the Diaspora. He believed in Alljudentum, the strengthening 
of Jewish culture everywhere, especially in the Yiddish- speak- 
ing communities. There, in his opinion, Jewish life had not de- 
generated as it had among the Central and Western European 
intellectuals who had lost their Jewish roots. Kaufmann sought 
particularly to instill in his Western- Jewish readers a love for 
the Eastern- Jewish culture, i.e. Yiddish language, literature, 
folklore, and customs. After having served as an officer in the 
war and being disabled by typhus in 1915, he resumed writing 
for the Jewish press in 1916, specifying this position. Some of 
his essays were published after the war in Vier Essais ueber 
ostjuedische Dichtung und Kultur (1919) and in the collection 
Die Einwanderung der Ostjuden (1920). He also published the 
pamphlet Das juedische Volkslied (1919) and the anthology Die 
schoensten Lieder der Ostjuden (1920) while working as secre- 
tary general of the Arbeiterfursorgeamt derjiidischen Organi- 
sationen Deutschlands. He also began a German translation 
of the Yiddish works of Mendele Mokher Seforim, but com- 
mitted suicide before it was completed. 

bibliography: EM. Kaufmann, Gesammelte Schriften, ed. by 
L. Strauss (1923), 7-20 (incl. bibl.). add. bibliography: M. Flohr, 
Fritz Mordechai Kaufmann und 'Die Freistatt' (2006). 

[Sol Liptzin / Andreas Kilcher (2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMANN, HANNE (1926-1997), Danish author. Born 
in Frankfurt, she was taken by her family to Denmark in 1933 
and ten years later found temporary refuge in Sweden as a 
result of Danish rescue operations. Her works, which reflect 
her experience of these events, include Kathedral (1964), on 
the Holocaust, and Hvorfor er denne nat anderledes end alle 
andre naetter? ("Why is this Night Different from All Other 
Nights?," 1968), on the flight to Sweden. In 1970 she wrote her 
book Alle disse skcebner about the Polish refugees who fled to 
Denmark during this period. 

KAUFMANN, ISIDOR (1853-1921), Hungarian painter. He 
was born in Arad, Hungary. At 14 he started to work and in the 
evening he drew, decorating his room with his own pictures. 
A head of Moses, displayed in his uncle's store, attracted the 
attention of connoisseurs who arranged for the young man to 
study art, first in Budapest, and then in Vienna. Kaufmann's 
earliest works - historical paintings - are of no real impor- 
tance. He achieved originality and strength only after dis- 

covering the shtetl. He traveled in Galicia, Poland, and the 
Ukraine from one village to another, making sketches. He had 
a meteoric career. Emperor Franz Josef bought The Rabbis 
Visit and presented it to Vienna's Museum of Fine Art. Honors 
were bestowed upon the artist by the German emperor, and 
even the Russian czar. After his death his reputation declined. 
Kaufmann did not intend to open up new avenues of aesthetic 
perception; rather he wanted to tell stories or illustrate subjects 
of everyday Jewish life. His small genre paintings have definite 
charm, and his numerous portraits were executed with taste 
and skill. At the same time, his pictures are of considerable 
historical value, as they document the folkloristic aspects of 
the shtetl, and the shtibl (small synagogue) with ritual objects. 
Beyond this, he can be appreciated as a cultured observer 
who, with his sensitive brush, sought to reproduce every nu- 
ance of the people and objects he portrayed. His son philip 
kaufmann (1888-1969), who emigrated from Vienna to Eng- 
land in 1938, also achieved a reputation as a painter. 

bibliography: Kunta, in: Ost und West, 3 (1903), 590-603, 
includes plates; H. Menkes, Isidor Kaufmann; A Painter of Jew- 
ish Life (1925); A. Wiener in: Jewish Chronicle Literary Supplement, 

Dec. 4, 1970. 

[Alfred Werner] 

KAUFMANN, OSKAR (1873-1956), German theatrical ar- 
chitect, born in Neu St. Anna/Pancota, now Romania. He 
studied music in Budapest and architecture in Karlsruhe. In 
1900 he settled in Berlin and built the Hebbel Theater (1907), 
the Stadttheater and Museum, Bremerhaven (1909), the Volks- 
buehne (1914), the Kroll Opera (1923), the Komoedie Theater 
(1924), and the Renaissance theaters (1927). Kaufmann played 
an important part in creating the design of the modern theater. 
He believed that a theater should reflect the social status of its 
users. Thus the proletarian Volksbuehne was decorated with 
wood paneling, while the fashionable Komoedie has delicately 
colored frescoes. He immigrated in 1933 to Palestine and built 
the Hebrew theater Habimah. 

bibliography: A. Hansen, "The Theatre Architect Oskar 

Kaufmann," in: Assaph, Section b (Studies in Art History), 8 (2003), 


[Bjoern Siegel (2d ed.)] 

KAUFMANN, RICHARD (1877-1958), Israeli architect. 
Kaufmann was born in Frankfurt and studied in Munich. He 
worked as an architect and town planner in Germany and 
Norway before settling in Palestine in 1920. There he entered 
the service of the Zionist Executive. A large proportion of the 
agricultural settlements established from the early 1920s were 
built according to his plans, and he laid down the general de- 
sign of cooperative agricultural settlements (moshavim). In 
Nahalal, he created an architectural model for the *moshav 
ovedim. Kaufmann also designed many urban settlements and 
neighborhoods, including Afulah, Kiryat Hayyim near Haifa, 
and Rehavyah, Talpiot, and Bet ha-Kerem in Jerusalem. He 
built many apartment houses in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, and 
also at the Dead Sea Works and in the Jordan Valley. These 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


last two undertakings were noteworthy for their efficient so- 
lutions to cooling problems in the difficult climate of these 
areas. He was one of the first modern architects in Palestine, 
and in his buildings achieved the new aims of European ar- 
chitecture of the 1920s. 

bibliography: Roth, Art, 741. 

[Abraham Erlik] 

KAUFMANN, WALTER (1921-1980), U.S. philosopher. Born 
in Freiburg, Germany, Kaufmann was raised as a Lutheran but 
returned to Judaism. He went to the U.S. in 1939 and studied at 
Williams College and Harvard University, where he received 
his B.A. from the former (1941) and his Ph.D. from the latter 
(1947). From 1944 to 1946, he served in the United States Army 
Air Forces and Military Intelligence Service. 

Kaufmann began teaching philosophy at Princeton in 
1947 and became a full professor in 1962. He remained at 
Princeton throughout his career. His main interests were phi- 
losophy of religion, social philosophy, and the history of ideas 
since the 19 th century. Kaufmann was a vigorous opponent of 
arguments for religion. He made an attack on theology of all 
kinds and favored a naturalistic, humanistic approach. 

His best-known writings include Nietzsche: Philosopher, 
Psychologist, Anti-Christ (1950), Critique of Religion and Phi- 
losophy (1958), The Owl and the Nightingale: From Shakespeare 
to Existentialism (1959), The Faith of a Heretic (1961), Hegel: 
Reinterpretation, Texts and Commentary (1965), Tragedy and 
Philosophy (1968), Religions in Four Dimensions (1976), Mans 
Lot (3 vols., 1979), and Discovering the Mind (Trilogy, 1980). 
He translated (with R.J. Hollingdale) Nietzsche's Will to Power 
(1967), as well as several of his other works. He also translated 
Goethe's Faust and Martin Buber's J and Thou. His Existen- 
tialism from Dostoyevsky to Sartre (1956), a selection of texts 
which he edited and introduced, helped popularize existen- 
tialist philosophy in the United States. 

[Richard H. Popkin / Ruth Beloff(2 nd ed.)] 

KAUFMANN, YEHEZKEL (1889-1963), biblical scholar, 
thinker, and essayist. Born in the Podolia region of the Ukraine, 
Kaufmann studied in the modern yeshivah of Ch. *Tcherno- 
witz (Rav Za'ir) in Odessa and at the advanced courses of 
Baron David Guenzburg in Petrograd (Leningrad). He re- 
ceived a Ph.D. from the University of Berne in 1918. After 
World War 1 he lived in Berlin, where he began to work on 
his scholarly writings. In 1928 he migrated to Erez Israel and 
taught in the Re'ali School in Haifa. In 1949 he was appointed 
professor of Bible at the Hebrew University, a post he held un- 
til his death. Of his many writings, two monumental works 
stand out: Golah ve-Nekhar, "Exile and the Alien Land" (4 vols, 
in 2, 1929-30), a sociological study on the fate of the Jewish 
people from ancient times to the modern period; and Toledot 
ha-Emunah ha-Yisreelit, "The History of Israelite Faith" (8 
vols, in 4, 1937-57), a history of Israelite religion from ancient 
times to the end of the Second Temple. The first seven volumes 
were condensed and translated into English by M. Greenberg 

under the title The Religion of Israel (i960). The beginning 
of volume 8 was translated into English by C. W Efroymson 
under the title The Babylonian Captivity and Deutero -Isaiah 
(1970). His other works include: Ha-Sippur ha-Mikrdi al Kib- 
bush ha-Arez (1956), of which an English version had been 
published previously (The Biblical Account of the Conquest 
of Palestine, 1953); Be-Hevlei ha-Zeman (1936), "In Troubled 
Times," a collection of articles and studies on contemporary 
problems; commentaries on the Book of Joshua (1959) and 
the Book of Judges (1962); and Mi-Kivshonah shel ha-Yezirah 
ha-Mikrait (1966), "From the Crucible of Biblical Creativity," 
a posthumous collection of studies on the Bible. His essay on 
"The Biblical Age" appeared in Great Ages and Ideas of the Jew- 
ish People (edited by L.W Schwarz, 1956). 

Biblical Period 

Kaufmann's main contribution to the study of biblical religion 
was his thesis that Israel's monotheism was not a gradual evo- 
lutionary development from paganism but an entirely new be- 
ginning, sui generis, in religious history. From its beginnings, 
Kaufmann asserted, the Israelite monotheistic structure was 
devoid of any element of polytheistic mythology. Kaufmann 
claimed that nowhere in the Bible is there any trace of mythi- 
cal elements - no battles among gods or birth of gods - and 
that theogony is totally absent. He suggested that this is due 
to the fact that the battle with myth had been waged and won 
long before the Bible was compiled. Israelite monotheism for 
Kaufmann began with Moses. 

To bridge the gap between the concept of the one God 
of all humankind, on the one hand, and on the other, the fact 
that God's grace and works were known for 1,000 years only 
to Israel, Kaufmann developed the principle of theoretical 
(or ideational) universalism. So long as Israel was in its na- 
tive land, this was expressed in the wish that all nations would 
some day acknowledge the one God, just as, according to Gen- 
esis, all humankind in the beginning knew only one God. In 
the exilic period, Israel began to move the monotheistic teach- 
ing beyond its territorial borders. 

On Kaufmann's reading, the Bible was so fundamentally 
the product of a monotheistic world view that it claimed that 
all humans were originally monotheistic; it was human rebel- 
liousness that produced the religious retrogression of pagan- 
ism. Kaufmann went so far as to argue that Israelites of the 
biblical period had no understanding of polytheism. Ancient 
Israelites did not even know how to worship gods other than 
Yahweh and assumed that their neighbors worshipped fetishes 
of wood and stone. Most Bible scholars, in the main Protes- 
tant, tended to paraphrase the biblical accounts of Israelite 
idolatry, and conclude that there was a vast difference between 
the official religion, which was either monolatrous or mono- 
theistic, and the popular religion, which was polytheistic. In 
contrast, Kaufmann maintained that there was no fundamen- 
tal difference between "popular" and "official" religion with re- 
gard to monotheism. The prophetic denunciations of Israelite 
"idolatry" were the rhetoric of zealots who equated low-level 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



superstition with full-blown apostasy from Yahweh. Much of 
the prophetic critique, argued Kaufmann, was due to the de- 
mands of theodicy; the prophets needed to account for Israel's 
frequent reversals. What were in reality minor superstitious 
lapses were transformed by the prophets into apostasy. 

Kaufmann's general approach to the Bible was conserva- 
tive. Although he accepted the Documentary Hypothesis of 
the sources of the Penateuch and the multiple authorship of 
Isaiah and Hosea, he resisted the tendency to analyze books 
into increasingly smaller units. In a similar vein, he main- 
tained that the Book of Joshua provides an accurate account 
of the conquest of the land. The banishment of the Canaan- 
ites was not a nationalist necessity but a religious one, whose 
purpose was the purification of the land that was to serve as 
the locale for Israel's monotheism. For Kaufmann, Isaiah is a 
watershed in the prophetic tradition. He is the creator of vi- 
sionary universalism, which envisages the end of paganism 
and the establishment of eternal peace. According to Isaiah, 
Israel's "chosenness" as the bearer of monotheism will then 
disappear and God's name will be acknowledged by all. Jere- 
miah brought this concept to its logical conclusion by stress- 
ing that idolatry was a sin for nations as well as for individu- 
als. Whereas Isaiah prophesied that "a man" would cast away 
his gold and silver idols (Isa. 2:20), Jeremiah said that "the 
nations shall come from the ends of the earth" to worship the 
one God (Jer. 16:19). With the preaching of Deutero- Isaiah 
monotheism came to the gentiles. 

Because Kaufmann wrote in Ivrit (Modern Israeli He- 
brew) at a time when few gentile scholars were competent 
in the language, Kaufmann's influence was largely confined 
to Israelis and Jewish religious moderates. (He was too radi- 
cal for Jewish fundamentalists.) One reason for Kaufmann's 
popularity in these circles was his early dating of the Priestly 
Code (p). In the classic scheme of *Graf and *Wellhausen, the 
post-exilic p had encased monotheism in a legalism leading 
finally to a Pharisaic notion of salvation through works, so 
stifling that it required no less a figure than Jesus to overturn 
it. Naturally, most Jews regarded this analysis as Christian 
suppressionism in scholarly garb. Tacitly accepting the Well- 
hausenian claim that earlier was better, Kaufmann attempted 
to demonstrate that p was pre-exilic in origin, rather than 
the product of later debased Jewish legalism. Another reason 
for Kaufmann's popularity among Jewish religious moder- 
ates was that although Kaufmann was a secularist, his argu- 
ment that monotheism was an original Israelite institution 
that had originated with Moses could be read as an empirical 
validation of the theological assertion of divine revelation. 
Through the efforts of H.L.*Ginsbergand Moshe *Greenberg, 
Kaufmann's work was very influential at the Jewish Theologi- 
cal Seminary of America (jts) in New York City, a religiously 
moderate institution, at which several generations of Jewish 
Bible scholars were introduced to the serious study of the 
Bible. Oddly, Kaufmann was never invited to teach or lecture 
there (Schorsch). 

[Emanuel Green / S. David Sperling (2 nd ed.)] 

Post-Biblical Period 

About the time of the Hasmonean era Judaism created a pros- 
elytization ceremony that was unique in the ancient world. It 
was a revolutionary innovation that obliterated all racial dis- 
tinctions and converted the foreigner as if he were born a Jew 
in every respect. Religious conversion is one of the great rev- 
elations of Judaism as a universal, supra-racial religion. The 
movement for conversion was especially strengthened dur- 
ing the Hasmonean period, when the monotheistic nation at- 
tained statehood and served as a powerful instrument of Jew- 
ish religious propaganda. During that era Judaism spread by 
means of religious conversion to all parts of the known world 
to which Jews came. 

Kaufmann says that had Israel succeeded in maintain- 
ing a large state, its faith would have spread among many 
peoples, to such an extent that the Jewish people would have 
later become absorbed among the Judaized masses. Its sub- 
sequent political weakness and decadence, the destruction of 
Jerusalem and the Temple, and the exile, prevented this from 
happening. The other nations were unable to accept the faith 
of a subjugated people. After cutting themselves off from Ju- 
daism, Christianity and Islam continued the Jewish mission 
of eradicating idolatry. 

Kaufmann regarded Christianity as a monotheistic reli- 
gion in which a revolutionary change occurred, in contrast to 
the Eastern mystery religions and Hellenistic paganism. Juda- 
ism rejected the new sacred symbols of Christianity concern- 
ing the status of Jesus as a redeemer, messiah, and son of God. 
Jesus and Muhammad were rejected as bearers of divine rev- 
elation, and with them everything connected with their name. 
"The quarrel between Judaism and Christianity and Islam is a 
quarrel of covenants" ("Golah ve-Nekhar" pt. 1, 322). 

Israel persisted in its national religious stance and alone 
preserved the inherited religion of its ancestors. Kaufmann 
saw Judaism as the enemy of Greek paganism and science; 
the war of Judaism with idolatry was also a war against intel- 
lectual idolatry, against the belief that intellectual knowledge 
will redeem man. Man will be redeemed only by moral good- 
ness and not by intellectual power. Judaism believes that man 
holds the key of his redemption in his own hands. The pro- 
phetic answer has not become dated. The hope of man lies in 
the prophetic pathos and the light of Isaiah's vision. 

Kaufmann's basic conception is that individual Israelites 
can become assimilated, but that the fundamental conclusion 
to be drawn from the whole of Jewish history is that the Jewish 
people will continue to exist. "The battle of the exile will not 
cease," however, "and in consequence the Jewish nation can- 
not achieve redemption from its exile by assimilation among 
other peoples. The end of being an alien and of the battle of 
the exile can only come through national redemption, by the 
conquest of the national heritage" (ibid. 11, 264). Kaufmann 
stressed that the Jewish people always preferred to live in 
ghettos in the midst of existing towns and countries and did 
not, in the course of its history, seek to obtain a national ter- 
ritory. Kaufmann, who wrote his book in Berlin, in the 1920s, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


believed that, in addition to rebuilding Erez Israel, its ancient 
birthplace, the Jewish people should establish for itself addi- 
tional territory in one of the empty spaces of the world. Re- 
search into the problem of the exile and the alien condition 
of Israel, coupled with analysis of problems of the past and 
the present, gave Kaufmann the status of an outstanding re- 
searcher in the sociology and thought of Judaism. In his effort 
to prove his outlook on the history of Israel as a monotheistic 
people, with its beginning in the time of Moses, Kaufmann 
shed light upon all the sectors and accomplishments of the 

book of the Bible. 

[Haim M.I. Gevaryahu] 

bibliography: Y Kaufmann Jubilee Volume (Eng. and Heb., 
i960), incl. bibl., 1-6 (Heb. sect.); M. Haran, in: Moznayim, 24 (1964), 
52-55; idem, Biblical Research in Hebrew (1970), 21-22, 25-28; Z. 
Woislavsky, Yehidim bi-Reshut ha-Rabbim (1956), 265-88; Potok, in: 
Conservative Judaism, 18 no. 2 (Winter, 1964), 1-9; S. Talmon, in: ibi- 
dum 25 no. 2 (Winter, 1971), 20-28. add. bibliography: J. Lev- 
enson, in: Conservative Judaism, 36 (1982), 36-43; T. Krapf, Yehezkel 
Kaufmann: Ein Lebens - und Erkenntnisweg zur Theologie der he- 
braeischen Bibel (1990); idem, Die Priesterschaft und die vorexilische 
Zeit: Yehezkel Kaufmanns vernachlaessigte Beitrag zur Geschichte der 
biblischen Religion (1992); M. Greenberg, in: idem (ed.), Studies on 
the Bible and Jewish Thought (1995), 175-88; J. Hayes, in: dbi, 2:16-17; 
S.D. Sperling, in: D. Snell (ed.), A Companion to the Ancient Near East 
(2005), 408-20; I. Schorsch, Conservative Judaism, 59 (2005), 3-22. 

KAULLA, family of German Court Jews and bankers. The 
family became prominent with chaila (Caroline) Ra- 
phael kaulla (1739-1809) who, as "Madame Kaulla," was 
one of the few woman court agents in German principalities. 
Born in Buchau, Wuerttemberg, she married Akiba Auerbach 
in 1757, a Jewish scholar who left business activities to his wife. 
She served the princes of Donaueschingen, Hechingen, and 
Wuerttemberg, as well as the Imperial Court in Vienna, as 
a banker, jeweler, and army contractor. Her brother, jacob 
Raphael kaulla (c. 1750-1810), who was also born in Bu- 
chau, a court banker, was among the members of the Kaulla 
family who were granted citizenship rights in Wuerttemberg 
by King Frederick for their services to the country in critical 
periods. The family later settled in Stuttgart. During the first 
decade of the 19 th century the Kaullas were said to be finan- 
cially stronger than most contemporary German-Jewish bank- 
ing houses. Their most significant achievement was the 1802 
establishment, in cooperation with the Duke of Wuerttem- 
berg, of the Wuerttembergische Hofbank which, until the ar- 
rival of modern corporate banking, was the country's leading 
credit institution; it was eventually absorbed by the Deutsche 
Bank. The family contributed generously to Jewish and gen- 
eral community projects. JOSEPH WOLF KAULLA (1805-1876), 
Madame Kaullas grandson, was ennobled in 1841 by the prince 
of Hechingen after the king of Wuerttemberg had refused a 
request to that effect. Among the Kaullas were a number of 
high-ranking economic and financial officials; many of them 
left the Jewish faith. Alfred von kaulla (1833-1899), man- 
ager of the Wuerttembergische Vereinsbank, another Kaulla 

affiliation, counted among its clients the Mauser rifle factory, 
a leading German arms manufacturer. When negotiating con- 
tracts for the Ottoman army he became interested in Turkish 
railway projects including the Baghdad railway and was suc- 
cessful in securing the participation of the Deutsche Bank in 
that famous plan. 

bibliography: H. Schnee, Die Hoffinanz und der mo- 

derne Staat, 4 (1963), 148-78. add. bibliography: K. Hebell, in: 

Hojjuden (2002), 332-48. 

[Joachim O. Ronall] 

KAUNAS (Pol. Kowno; Rus. Kovno; Ger. under Nazi occu- 
pation, Kauen), city in Lithuania situated at the confluence of 
the rivers Viliya and Neman. Formerly in Poland- Lithuania, it 
passed to Russia in 1795, was occupied by Germany in World 
War 1 (1915-18), and became capital of the independent Lithu- 
anian Republic from 1920 to 1939. In World War 11 it was un- 
der Soviet rule from June 1940 to June 1941 and subsequently 
under Nazi occupation to July 1944. Jews took part in the trade 
between Kaunas and Danzig in the 16 th century. Their compe- 
tition aroused opposition from the Christian merchants, and 
through their influence Jews were prohibited from Kaunas on 
numerous occasions. However, the ban was not strictly en- 
forced, and gradually a small group of Jews settled in Kaunas. 
The ban was renewed in 1682, and Jews were not permitted 
to settle in Kaunas and engage in trade until the 18 th century 
when they were permitted to reside in two streets. In 1753 they 
were expelled from land belonging to the municipality. The 
Jews were again expelled in 1761, when there were anti-Jew- 
ish riots. They found refuge in the suburb of * Slobodka (Vili- 
jampole) on the other side of the River Viliya, where a Jewish 
settlement had existed long before that of Kaunas. In 1782 the 
expelled Jews were permitted to return to Kaunas. 

After the partition of Poland in 1795 Kaunas became part 
of Russia. In 1797 the Christians in Kaunas again demanded 
the expulsion of the Jews, but the authorities in 1798 ordered 
that they should be left alone, and not be prevented from en- 
gaging in commerce and crafts. Restrictions on Jewish settle- 
ment there were again introduced in 1845 but abolished in 
1858. The Jewish population increased as the town expanded. 
There were 2,013 Jews living in Kovno (Kaunas) and Slobodka 
in 1847; 16,540 in 1864; 25,441 in 1897 (30% of the total popu- 
lation); and 32,628 in 1908 (40%). 

From the second half of the 19 th century, Kovno became 
a center of Jewish cultural activity in Lithuania. Prominent 
there were Isaac Elhanan *Spektor (the "Kovner Rav,"; offici- 
ated 1864-96), Abraham *Mapu, one of the first modern He- 
brew writers, and the literary critic * Baal Makhshoves (Israel 
Isidor Elyashev). The yeshivot of Slobodka became celebrated, 
in particular the Or Hayyim yeshivah, founded by Zevi Levi- 
tan about 1863, which attracted students from other coun- 
tries. It was headed by noted scholars. Nathan Zevi *Finkel 
introduced *musar ideals there; from 1881 it was known as the 
Slobodka yeshivah. Subsequently there was opposition among 
the students to the musar method, and in 1897 the yeshivah 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



was divided into two: the followers of musar established the 
Keneset Israel yeshivah, named after Israel *Lipkin (Salanter), 
while its opponents founded the Keneset Bet Yizhak yeshivah, 
named after Isaac Elhanan Spektor. In May 1869 a conference 
was convened at Kovno to help Jewish refugees from north- 
western Russia where the failure of the crops had led to fam- 
ine and an outbreak of typhus. Another was held in November 
1909 to work out a proposal for a law to establish Jewish com- 
munity councils in Russia. The Kovno community maintained 
numerous hadarim, schools, and libraries. It returned Jewish 
deputies to the first and second *Duma (L. *Bramson and Sh. 
*Abramson). The Jews in Kovno underwent many vicissitudes 
during World War 1. In May 1915 an edict was issued by the 
czarist government expelling the Jews from the entire prov- 
ince. When later the city was occupied by the Germans, about 
9,000 Jews returned, and communal life was revived with the 
help of Jews in Germany. Many who had been expelled to the 
Russian interior returned after the 1917 Revolution. 

After Kaunas became capital of independent Lithuania 
its community grew in importance. There were 25,044 Jews 
living in Kaunas according to the census of 1923 (over 25% of 
the total population) and 38,000 in 1933 (30%). The most im- 
portant Jewish commercial and industrial enterprises in in- 
dependent Lithuania were in the capital. Other Jewish institu- 
tions included a central Jewish cooperative bank, part of the 
share capital being held by the Jewish peoples banks, which 
numbered 81 in 1930, and were directed from Kaunas. Dur- 
ing the period when Jewish national cultural autonomy was 
authorized in Lithuania, at the beginning of the 1920s, Kaunas 
was the seat of the Ministry for Jewish Affairs, the Jewish Na- 
tional Council, and other central Lithuanian Jewish institu- 
tions and organizations. At the beginning of the 1930s five 
Jewish daily newspapers were published in Kaunas, the oldest 
being the Zionist daily Yidishe Shtime y founded in 1919. The 
network of Hebrew schools included kindergartens, elemen- 
tary and high schools, and teachers' seminaries. There were 
also schools where the language of instruction was Yiddish. 
Many of the youth belonged to the Zionist associations and 
*He-Halutz. Under Soviet rule from June 1940 to June 1941, 
the Jewish institutions were closed down. A Yiddish newspa- 
per Kovner Ernes was published. 

Holocaust Period 

During World War 11, after the outbreak of the German- So- 
viet war and even before the Germans occupied the city (June 
24, 1941), Jews were killed in Kaunas by Lithuanian Fascists. 
Immediately after the German occupation, large-scale anti- 
Jewish pogroms took place affecting some 35,000 Jews. At the 
instigation of Einsatzgruppe A, Lithuanian "partisans" carried 
out a pogrom in Slobodka (Vilijampole), in which 800 Jews 
were killed. Jews were also arrested in various parts of the 
city and taken to the Seventh Fort, a part of the old fortress, 
where between 6,000 and 7,000 of them were murdered in 
the beginning of July. An order issued on July 11, 1941, stip- 
ulated that between July 15 and August 15 all the Jews in the 

city and its suburbs were to move into a ghetto to be set up 
in Slobodka. This was followed by other anti-Jewish mea- 
sures. On Aug. 7, 1941, 1,200 Jewish men were picked up in 
the streets and about 1,000 put to death. In these pogroms, as 
in the later persecution and Aktionen, the Lithuanians again 
took a very active part. 

The Slobodka ghetto contained 29,760 people. Follow- 
ing an Aktion there, 9,200 Jews were killed at the Ninth Fort 
situated near Slobodka on October 29, 1941. Another 20,000 
with their belongings were sent there from Germany, Austria, 
France, and other European countries - for "resettlement in 
the East" - and murdered. Another 4,000 ghetto residents 
were murdered in various other Aktionen between August and 
December 1941. Two "resettlement actions" took place in 1942 
in which Jews from Kaunas ghetto were transferred to * Riga. 
On Oct. 26, 1943, approximately 3,000 Jews were deported to 
concentration camps in Estonia. The ghetto was then turned 
into "concentration camp Kauen." At this time the united Jew- 
ish underground, which had been operating in the ghetto from 
the end of 1941 and had 800 members, began sending people 
to the Augustova forests (74 mi. (120 km.) south of Kaunas) to 
join the partisan resistance against the Germans. Through lack 
of experience and the hostility of the local population many of 
the members of the underground were killed or captured. A 
group of them, who were employed by the *Gestapo in burn- 
ing the corpses of the victims in the Ninth Fort, managed to 
escape on Christmas Eve of 1943. They were then sent by the 
ghetto underground to the forests of Rudnicka (about 90 mi. 
(150 km.) east of Kaunas) and were absorbed into the Soviet 
partisan units, which comprised various national groups. From 
the fall of 1943 to the spring of 1944, the underground, aided 
by members of the Aeltestenrat (see *Judenrat), especially its 
chairman, Elhanan *Elkes, and the Jewish ghetto police, man- 
aged to send about 250 armed fighters to Rudnicka and other 
forests, where more than one-third were killed in action against 
the Germans. The leader of the underground, Chaim Yelin, 
was captured and killed by the Gestapo. A group of Jewish 
partisans died in a clash with Gestapo forces on the outskirts 
of Kaunas in April 1944. On March 27-28, 1944, another spe- 
cial Aktion took place in which 2,000 children, elderly and sick 
persons were hunted down. When the Soviet attack began in 
July 1944, the Germans liquidated the Kaunas ghetto and con- 
centration camps in the area, using grenades and explosives, to 
kill the Jews hiding in the bunkers. In this Aktion about 8,000 
Jews and others were sent to Germany. The men were sent to 
*Dachau and the women to *Stutthof, and over 80% of them 
died in these camps before liberation. Kaunas was taken by So- 
viet forces on Aug. 1, 1944. Most of the Jewish survivors did not 
return to Lithuania, but chose to remain in the ^Displaced Per- 
sons' camps, where they were later joined by other Jews from 
Kaunas who had left Lithuania after its liberation. 

Contemporary Period 

Most of the survivors from Kaunas eventually settled in Israel. 
Jews settled there from other places, however. The Jewish pop- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


ulation numbered 4,792 (2.24% of the total) in 1959. There was 
a synagogue. In 1961 a Jewish amateur theater troupe (Yidisher 
Selbsttetigkeyt Kolektiv), consisting of a drama group, choir, 
orchestra, and dance group, was organized in Kaunas, hold- 
ing public performances from time to time. In 1963 the Jewish 
cemetery was plowed up and Jews were ordered to bury their 
dead in the general cemetery. However, at their request, they 
were permitted a separate Jewish section. Several incidents 
in which Jews were beaten up in the streets were reported in 
1968. In independent Lithuania (from 1991), the Kaunas Jew- 
ish community made efforts to reconstitute itself, renovating 
the synagogue and opening a museum. Around 500 Jews re- 
mained there. 

bibliography: S.A. Bershadski, Litovskiye Yevrei 1388-1569 

(1883); D.M. Lipman, Le-Toldot ha-Yehudim be-Kovno u-ve-Slobodka 

(1931), 82-233; M. Sundarsky et al. (eds.), Lite-, 1 (1951), index; 2 (1965), 

641-72; Yahadut Lita, 1 (1959), index; 3 (1967), 273-83; J. Gar; Umkum 

fan der Yidisher Kovne (1948); In Geloyffun Khoreve Heymen (1952); 

Algemeyne Entsiklopedye; Yidn, 6 (1969), index; L. Garfunkel, Kovne 

ha-Yehudit be-Hurbanah (1959); Z.A. Brown and D. Levin, Toledoteha 

shel Mahterer (1962), with bibl. pp. 402-9; Edut Hayyah: Getto Kovna 

bi-Temunot (1958). 

[Joseph Gar] 

KAUSHANY (Rom. Causani), small town in Bessarabia, S.E. 
Moldova. A number of tombstones in the ancient Jewish cem- 
etery in Kaushany, thought to date from the 16 th century, indi- 
cate that there may have been Jews living in the place in this 
period. However, it is certain that there was a Jewish settle- 
ment in Kaushany by the beginning of the 18 th century, when 
it was the center of the Tatar rule in southern Bessarabia. By 
1817 it numbered 53 Jewish families. The community increased 
with the large Jewish immigration into Bessarabia in the 19 th 
century, and in 1897 numbered 1,675 persons (45% of the to- 
tal population). In 1853 over 80 families of Jewish farmers in 
Kaushany were granted landholdings by the state, and were 
reclassified as "state farmers." Due to difficult economic condi- 
tions, they were permitted to return in 1864 to the category of 
townsmen. A number of Jews in Kaushany continued in agri- 
cultural occupations, however, among whom there were large 
cattle and sheep farmers: in 1849 two Jewish farmers owned 
between them approximately one thousand head of cattle and 
three thousand sheep and goats. The Jews in Kaushany num- 
bered 1,872 in 1930 (35.1% of the total population). 

[Eliyahu Feldman] 

Holocaust Period 

After Kaushany passed to Soviet control in 1940, the new au- 
thorities immediately arrested the Zionist leaders and exiled 
them to Siberia, where they all perished. All but one of the 
synagogues in the town were closed down. When war broke 
out in the summer of 1941, the Soviet authorities lent their help 
to all who wanted to escape. Some Jews went to Odessa on foot 
and continued from there into the interior of the U.S.S.R. Oth- 
ers were handed over to the Germans by local collaborators. 
All those who remained, as well as those who had been caught 

while attempting to escape, were taken to the cemetery. The 

Germans, after removing their gold teeth and rings, poured 

petrol over them and burned them to death. Local Romanians 

and Ukrainians assisted in the massacre. 

Only three families returned to Kaushany after the war. 

All the Jewish houses were in ruins and the Jewish cemetery 

had been desecrated and destroyed. The community was not 

revived after the war. 

[Jean Ancel] 

°KAUTZSCH, EMIL FRIEDRICH (1841-1910), German 
Protestant Bible critic and Semitist who as editor of a number 
of works on Bible and Semitic philology helped educate a gen- 
eration of German theologians and biblicists. Born in Plauen, 
Saxony, he taught in Leipzig (until 1872), Basle (1872-80), 
Tuebingen (1880-88), and Halle (from 1888). Kautsch visited 
Ottoman Palestine in 1876 and 1904, which led him in 1877 to 
participate in founding the Deutscher Palastina Verein. From 
1888 he was one of the editors of the influential Theologische 
Studien und Kritiken. In the area of Bible studies Kautzsch 
published a translation and commentary on the Book of 
Psalms (1893) and a dissertation on biblical poetry (1902). In 
collaboration with other scholars he wrote about the sources of 
Genesis (1888, with A. Solchin), the books of the Bible (1894), 
and Proverbs in the Polychrome Bible (1901, with A. Mueller). 
He helped edit Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des Alien 
Testaments... (1899) and Textbibel des Alten und Neuen Tes- 
taments (1900, 1911 3 ). On the subject of Hebrew and Aramaic 
philology he edited the second to eighth editions of H. Scholz' 
Abriss der hebraeischen Laut-und Formenlehre (1874-99), 
and the 22 nd to 28 th editions of *Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar 
(1878-1908), and a valuable grammar of biblical Aramaic in 
1902, based on a similar work of 1888. Kautzsch's literary activ- 
ity also includes a study on the apostle Paul (1869), a history 
of the Moabites (1876, with A. Solchin), and the editorship of 
the tenth and 11 th editions of K.R. Hagenbach's Encyklopadie 
und Methodologie (1880-84). Kautzsch was an involved church 
member who attempted to bring the results of biblical schol- 
arship to the wider German Protestant community. 

bibliography: The New Schaff-Herzog Encylopedia of Reli- 
gious Knowledge, 6 (1953), 302 (incl. bibl.); Gesenius, Hebrew Gram- 
mar (1910), preface by Cowley includes bibliography, add. bibli- 
ography: C. Begg, in: dbi ii, 17. 

[Zev Garber] 

rabbi, communal leader, and educator. Few rabbis leave an 
imprint on a community as did Kauvar during the 69 years 
he served in ^Denver, Colorado, from 1902 to 1971, as active 
rabbi at the Beth HaMedrosh Hagadol Congregation for 50 
years and as rabbi emeritus for 19 years. Born in Vilna, Lithu- 
ania, he came to New York in 1881 at the age of two, received a 
B.A. from City College of New York and was ordained at the 
Jewish Theological Seminary in 1902, where he also earned a 
D.H.L. in 1909. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Kauvar brought Conservative Judaism to Denver at a time 
when it was predominantly Reform on the East Side of the city, 
with an Orthodox enclave growing on the West Side. He be- 
came an active communal leader, helping to found the Jewish 
Consumptive Relief Society in 1904 to aid traditional Jews who 
came to Denver for a cure of their tuberculosis. He was presi- 
dent of the Central Jewish Council from 1912 to 1920 and aided 
in the establishment of the Inter mountain Jewish. News. He was 
a life-long Zionist, a founder of Mizrachi in Denver, and has 
a colored stained glass window dedicated in his honor in the 
Beit Medrash of the Heichal Shlomo in Jerusalem. 

Although Kauvar helped found the United Synagogue 
of America (Conservative), serving as its first vice president 
from 1912 to 1914, and becoming the first president of the 
Midwest Region of the Rabbinical Assembly (Conservative) 
in 1923, he felt that by the 1950s the Conservative movement 
had lost its traditional moorings, and he was instrumental 
in having his congregation disaffiliate with the movement in 
1955. In 1956, the bmh Congregation, as it was known, elected 
its first Orthodox rabbi to the pulpit, and it became a mem- 
ber of the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations in 1972. 
Kauvar was one of the earliest professors of Judaic studies at 
universities in the United States, having joined the faculty at 
the University of Denver, a private institution established by 
the Methodist Church, in 1920, where he taught until 1966. An 
endowed Charles Eliezer Hillel Kauvar Publications Fund was 
established at the later formed university's Center for Judaic 
Studies in his honor in recognition of his intellectual contri- 
butions to the University and community. 

Among his published works are Pirkei Aboth Comments 
(1929), What Is Judaism? (1933), Religion, the Hope of the World 
(1949) and Torah Comments (1952). 

[Stanley M. Wagner (2 nd ed.)] 

KAVALLA, city in Macedonia, Greece. After the capture of 
Budapest by the Turks in 1526 Hungarian Jews were brought 
first to Sofia, and in 1529 to Kavalla. Eventually both Sephardi 
and Ashkenazi Jews settled there. Eventually, the Sephardi 
community influenced the Ashkenazim in matters of hala- 
khah y and they assimilated into the general Sephardi commu- 
nity. In the 16 th century, there were four synagogues and a total 
of 500 Jews in the community. In 1676 the Jews comprised a 
third of the general population. By 1740 the Jewish popula- 
tion had dwindled to barely enough families for a minyan. The 
city developed in the first half of the 19 th century due to the 
presence of local relatives of Mohammed Ali, who was born 
in Kavalla and as Egypt's ruler contributed greatly to local 
growth. In the mid-i9 th century, as the port developed, several 
affluent Jewish families from Salonika moved to Kavalla. In 
1880, the Jewish community numbered only 24 families, half 
of them from Salonika and Serres. The city's synagogue, Beth 
El, was built in 1885. In the 19 th century the Jewish community 
was augmented by an influx of tobacco merchants. A Jewish 
boys' school was founded in 1889 and in 1905 a coed Alliance 
Israelite Universelle school was established. Blood libel accusa- 

tions circulated against local Jews in 1894, 1900, and even 1926 
under Greek rule. In the latter incident, the Jews were falsely 
blamed for the murder of a girl, and Greek-Orthodox rioters 
destroyed Jewish property in the ensuing riots. 

By 1900, the local Jewish community had grown to 230 
families, comprising 1,000 to 1,300 people. About half the Jews 
worked in the tobacco industry and most of the others were 
storekeepers. There was also a group of poor Jews. In 1913 the 
Jewish population numbered 2,500, 3,200 in 1923, and 2,200 
in 1940. Many Jews worked in the tobacco warehouses. As the 
Jewish community grew, so did Jewish poverty. In 1900, the 
Jewish community had several welfare societies: Ozer Dalim, 
Ezra be-Zarrot, Ahavat Re'im, and a soup kitchen for children 
called Melo ha-Peh Lehem. 

In the First Balkan War, in November 1912, Bulgaria cap- 
tured the city, and seven prominent Jews were arrested on 
suspicion of collaborating with the Turks. The Jews suffered, 
like the rest of the population, from neglect, and in the win- 
ter 120 families received food and coal for heating from the 
Chief Rabbinate of Bulgaria, the Alliance Israelite Univer- 
selle in Paris, and donors from among Hungarian Jewry. The 
Greeks took over the city on July 6, 1913, and brought relief to 
the residents of the city. In 1916, the Bulgarians recaptured the 
city, and the Jews, like the other residents of the city, suffered 
from starvation. Many were affected by the bombings. Many 
were recruited for forced labor by the Bulgarians, and again 
suspicions of treason circulated. Greek rule returned on Oc- 
tober 19, 1918. That same month, 120 Jews and Muslims were 
mobilized for forced labor to repair war damages. Jews also 
had to do such menial work as cleaning the streets and Greek- 
Orthodox homes. The Jewish community complained to the 
French government via the Alliance Israelite Universelle and 
after six days the Jews were relieved from this burden. 

In 1913 the local Zionist Or Zion society was established. 
Judah Hayyim Perahia edited its weekly Judeo-Spanish news- 
paper, Ha-Ziyyonut. 

In the 1920s, two -thirds of the Jews worked in the to- 
bacco industry and a hundred were shopkeepers or worked 
for merchants. As early as 1921, there were accounts of the 
Greek government forcing Jews to work on the Sabbath and 
taking Sunday as their day of rest. In Kavalla, as opposed to 
many other cities where the Jews protested, many Jews opened 
their businesses, including the president of the Jewish com- 
munity himself. The community suffered greatly from the 
worldwide depression in the 1930s. In 1931, there were 200 
unemployed Jewish tobacco workers. Throughout the 1930s, 
the local Jews received financial assistance from the Saloni- 
kan Jewish community. 

In 1941 Kavalla came under Bulgarian occupation. The 
Jews were pressured to assist the Bulgarians against the Greeks 
but they resisted. In retaliation the Bulgarians, guided by the 
Nazis, applied the racial laws in 1942 (see ^Bulgaria, Holo- 
caust). In the summer of 1942 many hundreds of Jews were 
put to forced labor in Kavalla and a few months later in early 
1943 another group was sent to Bulgaria to work. On March 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


3, 1943, 1,800 Jews were arrested and later deported to the Tre- 
blinka death camp in Poland. Part of the Kavallan Jewish com- 
munity was on the Karageorge when the Bulgarians shot pas- 
sengers on the Danube River. The Jewish population in 1948 
numbered 42; according to the 1967 census there were 47 Jews 
living in Kavalla. By the beginning of the 21 st century, the last 
elders of the three remaining families had passed away and 
no more Jews resided in the city. There still remains a Jewish 
cemetery intact. 

bibliography: J.B. Angel, in: Almanak Izraelit (1923), 72-75 
(Ladino). add. bibliography: B. Rivlin, "Kavalla," in PinkasKe- 
hillot Yavan (1999), 327-39; Y. Kerem, "New Finds on Greek Jews in 
the Sobibor and Treblinka Death Camps in the Holocaust," in: I. Has- 
siotis (ed.), The Jewish Communities of Southeastern Europe from the 
Fifteenth Century to the End of World War Two (1997), 249-62; Central 
Zionist Archives, Jerusalem, S25/10746 and Karageorge photo file; Yad 
Vashem Archives, Jerusalem, tr 10/641, Beckerle Trial. 

[Simon Marcus / Yitzchak Kerem (2 nd ed.)] 

onym of Benjamin A. Zilberg; 1902-1990), Soviet Russian 
author. The son of a musician, Kaverin was born in Pskov. His 
training as a historian and specialist in Oriental languages left 
a strong imprint on his choice of literary themes. Several of his 
books have foreign settings, both eastern and western. Thus the 
plot of The Great Game (1926) involves both Englishmen and 
Ethiopians. Others deal with historical subjects, such as Baron 
Brambeus (1929), a scholarly biography of Osip Senkovski, one 
of the most picturesque figures in i9 th -century Russian litera- 
ture. At the same time Kaverin was one of the few Russian de- 
tective-story writers, and some of his stories - especially those 
published in the permissive atmosphere of the 1920s - make 
good use of many of the devices of the genre. One of the most 
notable is Konets khazy ("The End of the Gang," 1926), a cap- 
tivating account of the Leningrad underworld. 

Kaverin's most significant novel, Khudozhnik neizvesten 
(1931; The Unknown Artist, 1947), was a plea for the mainte- 
nance of the dignity of the individual in a collectivist society 
and for the preservation of beauty in a utilitarian age. Ispol- 
neniye zhelaniy (1935; The Larger View, 1938) dealt with the 
problems of adjustment facing an intellectual in Soviet society. 
His long novel Dva kapitana (1946; Two Captains, 1957) was a 
great favorite with Russian youngsters when it was originally 
serialized between 1938 and 1944. He received the Stalin Prize 
for it in 1946. Aside from introducing Jewish allusions in some 
of his works, he wrote, for the * Jewish Antifascist Committee, 
a biography of Hero of the Soviet Union Fisanovich, and "The 
Uprising in Sobibor" together with P. Antokolski. In post- 
Stalinist Russia Kaverin was among the leading exponents of 
liberalization, frequently incurring the wrath of the Stalin- 
ist establishment. His later works include Sempar nechistykh 
("Seven Pairs of the Unclean," 1962), which describes inmates 
of a Soviet concentration camp fighting for the right to defend 
their homeland in the ranks of the Soviet army, and speeches 
published by Samizdat in 1967. 

bibliography: G. Struve, Soviet Russian Literature 1917-50 
(1951), 107-11, 275 f., 360; M. Slonim, Mo dern Russian Literature (1953), 
294^, 297; M. Friedberg and R.A. Maguire (eds.), A Bilingual Collec- 
tion of Russian Short Stories, 2 (1965), 89-211. 

[Maurice Friedberg] 

KAVNER, JULIE (1951- ), U.S. actress. Born in Los Ange- 
les, California, Kavner is best known for her roles as Rhoda's 
sister, Brenda Morgenstern, on the television show Rhoda - 
one of the first television shows to feature an openly Jewish 
lead character - and as the voice of Marge Simpson on the 
animated show The Simpsons. On The Simpsons, Kavner also 
provided the voices for Patty, Selma, Jacqueline, and Gladys 
Bouvier. Kavner s most notable on-screen film role was her 
portrayal of a divorced Jewish woman struggling to reconcile 
her aspirations as a stand-up comedian with her responsibil- 
ities to her children in Nora Ephron's This Is My Life (1992). 
In addition to appearing as Treva in New York Stories (1989), 
Eleanor Costello in Awakenings (1990), and Lucy in Forget 
Paris (1995), Kavner worked extensively with Woody Allen, 
appearing in a number of his films, including the role of Allen's 
mother in the comedy Radio Days (1987), Alma in Shadows 
and Fog (1992), Nan Muhanney in III Do Anything and Grace 
in Deconstructing Harry (1997). 

[Walter Driver (2 nd ed.)] 

KAVVANAH (Heb. fl)13; lit. "directed intention"), the phrase 
used in rabbinic literature to denote a state of mental concen- 
tration and devotion at prayer and during the performance 
of mitzvot. Although the demand for kavvanah as an obliga- 
tory component of religious prayer and action is not explicitly 
mentioned in the Pentateuch, it is clearly referred to by the 
prophets. Isaiah, for instance, condemns those who "with their 
mouth and with their lips do honor Me, but have removed 
their heart far from Me" (Isa. 29:13). 

Kawanah in Prayer 

The Talmud attaches considerable importance to kavvanah 
in prayer. The Mishnah quotes R. Simeons dictum: "Do not 
regard your prayer as a fixed mechanical device, but as an ap- 
peal for mercy and grace before the All-Present" (Avot 2:13). 
It is, furthermore, related that the early hasidim used to wait 
an hour before and after prayer to achieve a state of kavvanah 
and emerge from it (Ber. 5:1). However, from the discussion 
in the Mishnah and the Gemara (Ber. 32b), it is clear that the 
rabbis, keenly aware of the "problem" of prayer were by no 
means unanimous in their interpretation of what proper ka- 
vvanah should be. Later medieval authors distinguished be- 
tween the preparation for kavvanah which precedes prayer 
and the achievement of kavvanah during prayer itself (e.g., 
Kuzari, 3:5 and 17), while repeatedly stressing the importance 
of both. Maimonides ruled as a matter of halakhah (which 
was not, however, agreed with by later codifiers) that "since 
prayer without kavvanah is no prayer at all, if one has prayed 
without kavvanah he has to pray again with kavvanah. Should 
one feel preoccupied or overburdened, or should one have just 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



returned from a voyage, one must delay one's prayer until one 
can once again pray with kavvanah.. . True kavvanah implies 
freedom from all strange thoughts, and complete awareness 
of the fact that one stands before the Divine Presence" ( Yad, 
Tefillah, 4:15, 16). The Shulhan Arukh states "better a little sup- 
plication with kavvanah, than a lot without it" (oh 1:4). 

Many talmudic decisions relating to kavvanah were mod- 
ified in the course of time. Thus, although the Mishnah (Ber. 
2:5) states that a bridegroom is not required to read the *Shema 
on his wedding night (because he would not be able to achieve 
a proper degree of concentration), it was later ruled that "since 
nowadays we do not pray with proper attention in any case" 
he must do so (Sh. Ar., oh 60:3). Similarly, "even if one did 
not recite the Amidah with kavvanah y it is not necessary to re- 
peat it," since it is assumed that the kavvanah of the repetition 
would be no better (ibid., 101:1, and see Isserles, ad loc). 

In the Kabbalah kavvanot (the plural of kavvanah) de- 
notes the special thoughts one should have at the recitation of 
key words in prayer. Very often these thoughts are divorced 
from the contextual meaning of the words and are of a mys- 
tical, esoteric nature. Some kabbalists were thus known as 
mekhavvenim (i.e., those who have kavvanot) and guides to 
kavvanot were written (cf. Emmanuel Hai Ricchi's Mafteah 
ha-Kavvanot, Amsterdam, 1740). 

Kavvanah in Mitzvot 

This is defined as the intention of the person performing the 
action to do so with the explicit intention of fulfilling the re- 
ligious injunction which commands the action. One example 
of a lack of kavvanah quoted in the Mishnah (Ber. 2:1) is the 
case of one who reads the Shema during the morning (or eve- 
ning), for the purpose of study and not fulfillment of the mitz- 
vah; another is the case of one who hears the shofar on Rosh 
Ha-Shanah accidentally and thus does not have kavvanah for 
the mitzvah (rh 3:7). All authorities agree that due kavvanah 
to perform such mitzvot is desirable. There is, however, a dif- 
ference of opinion as to whether mitzvot performed without 
kavvanah are valid, or whether they must be repeated (cf. Ber. 
13a; rh 28a; Sh. Ar., oh 60:4). 

bibliography: Enelow, in: Studies. . . K. Kohler (1913), 82-107; 

Scholem, in: mgwj, 78 (1934), 492-518; Weiss, in: jjs, 9 (1958), 163-92; 

A.J. Heschel, Torah min ha-Shamayim be-Aspaklaryah shel ha-Dorot, 

1 (1962), 168-9. 

[H. Elchanan Blumenthal] 

KAWKABAN, important mountain stronghold during the 
Ottoman occupation of the lower regions of *Yemen, north- 
west of Sana. Kawkaban is about one hour's walk from Shibam. 
Although the exact date of the city's origin is not precisely 
known, the existing ruins and artifacts of the city give us a 
clue to its ancient existence from the Himyari period. Re- 
corded history goes back 950 years and speaks of Kawkaban 
as a depository for grain. Kawkaban is known from the de- 
scription of Jacob *Saphir, who stayed in these places in 1858 
during his travels. The Jewish quarter of Kawkaban, in which 
some 60 families lived during the last generation before the 

emigration from there to Israel, was considerably distant from 
the Arab town; one had to descend into a wadi and climb a 
slope on the opposite side in order to reach the Jewish sec- 
tion. There was one synagogue. Most of the Jews made their 
living in pottery; others were shoemakers and tailors, espe- 
cially of leather jackets. 

bibliography: J. Saphir, Even Sappir (1864), 77-8; C. 

Rathjens and H. Wissmann, Landeskundliche Ergebnisse (1934), 94, 

134; C. Rathjens, Jewish Domestic Architecture in Sana, Yemen (1957), 


[YosefTobi(2 nd ed.)] 

KAY, BARRY (1932-1985), stage designer. Kay was born in 
Melbourne, Australia, but studied in Switzerland and at the 
Academie Julien, Paris. He moved to London in 1956 and be- 
gan designing for the Western Theater Ballet and the Alde- 
burgh and Edinburgh Festivals. His first complete produc- 
tion was for Shakespeare's Measure for Measure at the Old Vic 
Theatre in 1957. He designed productions for the Theatre de la 
Monnaie, Brussels, the Royal Shakespeare Company, England, 
the Royal Ballet Company, Covent Garden, the Staatsoper, 
Berlin, and the Stuttgart Ballet. His principal work was for 
ballet, notably in association with the choreographer Kenneth 
Macmillan for the ballets The Sleeping Beauty and Anastasia. 
Kay designed a number of ballets for Rudolph Nureyev includ- 
ing Raymonda and Don Quixote, which was also filmed with 
the Australian Ballet Company. His work is noted for brilliant 
decorative invention as well as remarkable psychological in- 
terpretation of the themes and subjects involved. He held a 
number of exhibitions of his stage designs in London, Berlin, 
Australia, and New York. Kay was noted for his pioneering use 
of three-dimensional sets in the 1960s. His work is in impor- 
tant museum collections, including the Victoria and Albert 
Museum, London, the National Gallery of Western Australia, 
and the National- Bibliothek, Vienna. 

[Charles Samuel Spencer (2 nd ed.)] 

KAYE, DANNY (David Daniel Kaminsky; 1913-1987), U.S. 
actor and entertainer. The son of a tailor, Kaye was born and 
brought up in Brooklyn, New York. He turned to entertaining 
after a brief career as an insurance agent and, starting in the 
Catskill Mountains, was a great success on the "Borscht Cir- 
cuit." In 1939 he played ten weeks on Broadway in The Straw 
Hat Revue, a show partly devised by Sylvia Fine, whom he 
married and who continued to write material for him. His 
spectacular rise to stardom began in 1941, when Moss *Hart 
saw him at a New York night club and decided to write a part 
for him in the musical Lady in the Dark, in which Kaye scored 
an immediate success. His other Broadway performances were 
in Lets Face It (1941-43); Danny Kaye Revue (Tony Award, 1953 
and 1963); and, later in his career, Two by Two (1970). 

He became a favorite on both sides of the Atlantic, with 
appearances on stage and screen. His versatile gifts were fully 
displayed in the film version of James Thurber's short story 
The Secret Life of Walter Mitty (1947). His other films include 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


The Kid from Brooklyn (1946), A Song Is Born (1948), The In- 
spector General (1949), On the Riviera (Golden Globe for Best 
Actor, 1951), Hans Christian Andersen (1952), White Christ- 
mas (1954), The Court Jester (1956) , Merry Andrew (1958), Me 
and the Colonel (Golden Globe for Best Actor, 1958), The Five 
Pennies (1959), On the Double (1961), and The Madwoman of 
Chaillot (1969). 

Kaye developed a highly individual style that relied on 
mime, song, irony, and a sunny personality His specialty was 
reciting tongue -twisting songs and monologues. Those powers 
were perhaps seen at their best in the theater, where he could 
hold an audience with an hour-long act of song and patter. 

In i960, he began doing specials on television, which led 
to his own tv series, The Danny Kaye Show (1963 to 1967). He 
won an Emmy for his variety show in 1964. In 1955 he won 
an honorary Academy Award for his unique talents, and in 
1982 he was honored with the Jean Hersholt Humanitarian 

He retired from show business in 1967, serving as ambas- 
sador- at -large for the United Nations International Children's 
Fund (unicef) and conducting symphony orchestras in fund- 
raising concerts. He was a frequent visitor to Israel and wrote 
Around the World Story Book (i960). 

bibliography: M. Gottfried, Nobody's Fool: The Lives of 
Danny Kaye (1994); M. Freedland, The Secret Life of Danny Kaye 


[Jo Ranson / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

KAYE, SIR EMMANUEL (1914-1999), British industrial- 
ist. Born in Russia, Emmanuel Kaye came to England as a 
small child and was educated at Twickenham Technical Col- 
lege. In 1940, he founded J.E. Shay Ltd., precision gauge tool 
and instrument makers; in 1943 he took over Lansing Bag- 
nail, making it the largest manufacturers of electric fork lift 
trucks in Europe. He supplied the Royal Household and won 
the Queens Award for exports and for technological innova- 
tion. Kaye served as chairman of the Kaye Organization and 
of Lansing Bagnall, and allied companies in Switzerland and 
Germany, and of many other companies. At its peak in the 
1970s, Lansing Bagnall employed 3,500 people and was the 
largest manufacturer of fork lift equipment in Europe. His 
public activities included the Confederation of British Indus- 
try and membership of the Reviewing Committee on the Ex- 
port of Works of Art. He was a trustee of the Glyndebourne 
Opera from 1979 to 1984. He was knighted in 1974. Kaye left 
a fortune of £46.3 million at his death. 

add. bibliography: odnb online; L.T.C. Rolt, Lansing Ba- 
gnall: The First Twenty-One Years at Basingstoke (1970). 

[Vivian David Lipman / Willian D. Rubinstein (2 nd ed.)] 

KAYE, JUDITH S. (1938- ), first woman to serve as chief 
judge of the State of New York . Kaye was born in Monticello, 
n.y., to Lena and Benjamin Smith. She attended Barnard Col- 
lege (B.A., 1958) and New York Law School (LL.B., 1962) and 
married attorney Stephen Rackow Kaye. Kaye and her family 

were long-time members of Sephardi Congregation Shearith 
Israel in New York City. Her meteoric career began as a litiga- 
tion associate at the New York law firm of Olwine, Connelly, 
Chase, O'Donnell, and Weyher (1969-83), where she became 
the firm's first woman partner. Recognizing Kaye's accom- 
plishments as a trial lawyer and her efforts on behalf of the 
Bar Association, and looking to diversify the court system, 
Governor Mario Cuomo appointed her as the first female as- 
sociate judge of the New York State Court of Appeals in 1983, 
and chief judge in 1993, a position that makes her head of the 
state judiciary as well as of the Court of Appeals. As chief judge 
she promoted jury reform and streamlined the court system 
by creating special courts throughout the state to deal with 
drug abuse, domestic violence, and family dysfunction. Her 
reanalysis of traditional legal roles and partnering of special- 
ized courts with outside agencies led to improved results and 
more public trust and became a model for other U.S. states. 
Kaye was also active in improving the status of women and 
children and in addressing domestic violence; in 1993, she 
convened the states first Matrimonial Commission to reform 
New York's divorce custody system, and in 2004 she created 
a new 32 -member panel State Matrimonial Commission to 
examine excessive costs in child custody divorce battles. She 
was a founding member and honorary chair of the Judges 
and Lawyers Breast Cancer Alert, co-chair of the Permanent 
Judicial Commission on Justice for Children, and a member 
of the American Bar Association Commission on Domestic 
Violence. Her publications address domestic issues and legal 
process, state constitutional law, women in law, professional 
ethics, and problem solving. Kaye's many honors include the 
American Bar Association Commission on Women in the 
Profession's Margaret Brent Women Lawyers of Achieve- 
ment Award, the National Center for State Courts' William 
H. Rehnquist Award for Judicial Excellence, New York Uni- 
versity Law School's Vanderbilt Medal, and the Barnard Medal 
of Distinction. 

bibliography: J.F. Rosen, "Kaye, Judith S.," in: Jewish 
Women in American: An Historical Encyclopedia (P.E. Hyman and 
D.D. Moore, eds.), Vol. 1 (1997), 733-34. 

[Judith Friedman Rosen (2 nd ed.)] 

KAYE, NORA (1920-1987), U.S. dramatic ballerina. She be- 
gan her ballet training when she was eight, and at 15 joined 
the corps of the Metropolitan Opera Ballet. When Ballet The- 
ater was founded in 1939, she entered the corps de ballet and 
quickly rose to prima ballerina status. She starred in classical 
repertory and in many contemporary ballets, but she was pri- 
marily identified with the English choreographer, Antony Tu- 
dor. Her characterization of Hagar in Pillar of Fire (1942) was 
regarded as a great example of tragic acting. Others of Tudor's 
works in which she appeared were Lilac Garden, Dark Elegies, 
and Dim Lustre. In 1951 Nora Kaye left Ballet Theater for the 
New York City Ballet, where she created the role of the nov- 
ice in Jerome Robbins' The Cage. Returning to Ballet Theater 
in 1954, she danced in the works of Herbert Ross, whom she 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



married in 1959. After a brief tour with a company organized 

by herself and Ross, Ballets of Two Worlds, she retired from 

dancing in i960. 

[Marcia B. Siegel] 

KAYFETZ, BEN (1916-2002), Canadian Jewish public ser- 
vant, journalist, broadcaster, human rights activist, Yiddish- 
ist. Kayfetz was born in Toronto's immigrant community In 
1939 he graduated from the University of Toronto with a B.A. 
in modern languages and, after a short stint as a high school 
teacher, he worked for the Canadian Wartime Information 
Board, then for the Canadian Control Commission in post- 
war Germany. After visiting Holocaust survivors in Displaced 
Person's Camps and attending the 1946 Zionist Conference in 
Basle, Kayfetz returned to Canada as director of public rela- 
tions for the Canadian Jewish Congress (cjc). He worked in 
the Central Region cjc for the next 37 years, becoming direc- 
tor of the Joint Community Relations Committee in 1955 and 
executive director of the cjc Central Region in 1973. During 
that time he was involved with numerous issues, including 
international affairs, Soviet Jewry, Yiddish, kashrut and Israel 
advocacy. He retired in 1985, but continued to advise cjc lead- 
ership until his death in 2002. 

Kayfetz is remembered for his important work advanc- 
ing human rights in postwar Canada. He was instrumental 
in organizing successful campaigns for passage of legislation 
banning discrimination in employment and housing, remov- 
ing nonsectarian teaching from Ontario public schools, and 
enactment of federal anti-hate legislation and legislation deal- 
ing with war crimes. He remained a backbone of the Canadian 
Jewish community's struggle against antisemites, Holocaust 
deniers, and racists, often organizing the secret infiltration 
of hate groups. 

While Kayfetz insisted that he was not a professional 
historian, he had an encyclopedic knowledge of the Cana- 
dian Jewish community and the Toronto community in par- 
ticular. He published many popular and scholarly articles 
on the Canadian Jewish community and freely shared his 
knowledge with scholars and students alike. Kayfetz was a 
founder and president of the Toronto Jewish Historical So- 
ciety; he wrote Toronto Jewry 60 Years Ago and edited Ca- 
nadian content entries in the first edition of Encyclopaedia 
Judaica. He was also a frequent contributor to the Globe and 
Mail, the Canadian Jewish Standard (under the pseudonym 
of Gershon B. Newman), The American Jewish Yearbook, 
The Jewish Chronicle of London, and the Jewish Telegraphic 
Agency. In his last years, he was a radio commentator in 

In 1985 Kayfetz was honored with membership in the 
Order of Canada in 1985 in recognition of his efforts in se- 
curing human rights. 

[Frank Bialystok (2 nd ed.)] 

KAYSER, RUDOLF (1889-1964), German author and liter- 
ary journalist. After studying in Berlin, Munich, and Wuerz- 

burg, Kayser was for several years a teacher in Berlin. In 1919 
he joined the editorial staff of the S. Fischer publishing house 
and became editor in chief of the literary periodical Die Neue 
Rundschau in 1924. Kayser was dismissed from these posts by 
the Nazis in 1933, settled in the U.S. two years later, and held 
the chair of German and European literatures at Brandeis Uni- 
versity from 1951 to 1957. His Jewish interests found expression 
in the essays and reviews that he contributed to Jewish peri- 
odicals, which included the Neue Juedische Monatshefte, Der 
Jude, and Historia Judaica, and in books such as Moses Tod. 
Legende (1921), Spinoza, Bildnis eines geistigen Helden (1932), 
and The Life and Time ofjehuda Halevi (1949). His biograph- 
ical studies also include Stendhal, oder das Leben eines Ego- 
tisten (1928), and Kant (1934). In his biographies he was less 
interested in discovering new facts about his subjects than in 
revealing their mental outlook and their Weltanschauung. He 
was especially influential in pre-Nazi Germany, discovering 
and encouraging literary talent not only through Verkuendi- 
gung (1921), his anthology of young lyricists, but also as editor 
of the Neue Rundschau, one of the most authoritative literary 
organs of the era. 

bibliography: Kuerschner, in: Literatur-Kalender (1931), 
s.v. add. bibliography: P. de Mendelssohn, S. Fischer und sein 
Verlag (1970); T.S. Hansen, "Rudolf Kayser," in: Deutschsprachige Ex- 
illiteratur seit 1933, J.M. Spalekand J.P. Strelka (eds.), 2 (1989), 421-32; 
C. Foucart, "Andre Gide, Rudolf Kayser et Die Neue Rundschau," in: 
Bulletin des Amis d'Andre Gide, 31/37 (2003), 67-79. 

[Sol Liptzin] 

KAYSERLING, MEYER (Moritz; 1829-1905), German rabbi 
and historian. Kayserling, born in Hanover, studied with S.R. 
Hirsch in Nikolsburg, S.J. Rapoport in Prague, and S.B. Bam- 
berger in Wuerzburg and at Halle University. From 1861 to 
1870 he was rabbi at Endingen, Switzerland, where he fought 
strenuously for Jewish rights; thereafter he was rabbi and 
preacher in Budapest. 

Kayserling published a large number of works on vari- 
ous aspects of Jewish history, literature, and religion, mostly 
in German, which were very popular in their day, including 
Moses Mendelssohn: sein Leben und seine Werke (1862, 1888 2 ); 
Bibliothek juedischer Kanzelredner (2 vols., 1870-72); Die jue- 
dischen Frauen in der Geschichte.. . (1879); and a popular Jew- 
ish history, Lehrbuch der juedischen Geschichte und Liter atur 
(1874); which ultimately went through ten editions. He also 
contributed the section on modern Jewish literature to Win- 
ter and Wuensche's handbook on post-biblical Jewish litera- 
ture, Juedische Literatur seit dem Abschluss des Kanons. . . (vol. 


But Kayserling s reputation rests on his long series of pio- 
neering publications on the history of Spanish Jewry and the 
Marranos, based to a great degree on original and, in some 
cases manuscript, sources. His Geschichte der Juden in Span- 
ien und Portugal, which in fact covered mainly Navarre and 
the Balearic Islands (vol. 1, 1861) and Portugal (vol. 2, 1867), 
was the first work in which Hebrew sources were consistently 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


used. His works on Marrano history and literature put the 
study on a new footing and were the basis of all subsequent 
treatments. They include Sephardim: Romanische Poesien der 
Juden in Spanien (1859); Menasseh ben Israel (1861); Christoph 
Columbus und derAnteil der Juden an den spanischen undpor- 
tugiesischen Entdeckungen (1894; Christopher Columbus and 
the Participation of the Jews in the Spanish and Portuguese Dis- 
coveries, 1894, repr. 1968), written at the request of the Spanish 
government on the occasion of the 400 th anniversary of the 
discovery of America; and his great bibliography of Marrano 
literature Bibliotheca espanola-portugueza-judaica (Fr., 1890, 
repr. 1962 and 1971). In addition, the articles he contributed to 
the Jewish Encyclopedia on these subjects have retained their 
importance. Many of his works were translated into English 
and some into Hebrew. More than 100 of his articles on Jew- 
ish history and literature published before 1900 are listed in 
M. Schwab's Repertoire des articles relatifs a Vhistoire et a la 
litter atur e juives. . . (1914-23). 

bibliography: L. Philippson, Biography of Meyer Kayser- 

ling (1898); W.A. Meisel, Ein Lebens-und Zeitbild. . . (1891); M. Weisz, 

Bibliographie der Schriften Dr. M. Kayserlings (1929); E. Neumann, 

Kayserling (Hg., 1906). 

[Cecil Roth] 

1962), Soviet Russian author. Born in the Ukrainian town of 
Kremenchug, Kazakevich grew up in a Yiddish -speaking mi- 
lieu. As a young man he went to ^Birobidzhan, capital of the 
autonomous Jewish region in the Soviet Far East, where he 
worked in a variety of jobs: managing a collective farm, di- 
recting a theater, and writing for a Yiddish newspaper. From 
1938 he lived in Moscow. In the 1930s Kazakevich was consid- 
ered one of the most promising young poets in Soviet Yiddish 
literature. Much of his original Yiddish verse is to be found 
in the antholoy Di Groyse Velt ("The Great World," 1939). He 
was also known for his Yiddish translations of prere volution - 
ary and Soviet Russian writers, including Pushkin, Lermon- 
tov, and Mayakovsky 

During World War 11 Kazakevich served in the Red 
Army and was wounded four times. He rose from ordinary 
scout to the rank of deputy commander of an army recon- 
naissance unit. Most of his later writings were inspired by his 
wartime experiences. After the war he began to write exclu- 
sively in Russian. Indeed, his former career as a Yiddish poet 
appears to have caused him some embarrassment. His first 
Russian novel, Zvezda (1947; The Star, 1950), was followed 
by Dvoye v stepi ("Two on a Steppe," 1948) and Vesna na 
Odere (1949; The Spring on the Oder, 1953). He was severely 
criticized for these works, because he emphasized the prob- 
lems of honor and free choice. Although Kazakevich, twice a 
Stalin prize-winner, escaped the tragic fate of many So- 
viet Jewish intellectuals during the virulently antisemitic 
purges of Stalin's last years, he was undoubtedly aware of 
the constant danger to his life during that period. This may 
explain his novel Dom na ploshchadi (1956; The House on 

the Square, i960), published at the height of the post-Stalin 
"thaw." The book describes the atmosphere of morbid sus- 
picion prevalent in the Soviet army during the early post- 
war years. The 1962 novella Vragi ("The Enemies"), a thinly 
veiled appeal for tolerance, even toward political dissenters, 
depicted Lenin's magnanimity to his Menshevik opponents. 
The work was severely criticized as politically dangerous. 
Some of his works remained unpublished, such as "The Call 
for Help," about a ghetto seen through the eyes of a Russian 
officer. In the 1950s he went back to writing in Yiddish, and 
his articles were published in the Yiddish press in Warsaw, 

bibliography: A. Bocharov, Emanuil Kazakevich (Rus., 

1965); O.D. Galubeva et al., Russkiye Sovetskiye Pisateli, 2 (1964), 


[Maurice Friedberg] 

KAZAKHSTAN, former Soviet republic in Central Asia, and 
from 1991 an independent republic of the cis. It numbered 
19,240 Jews (0.3% of the total) in 1939. In 1979 its Jewish pop- 
ulation totaled 23,500 and in 1989, 19,900. By the early 2000s 
the figure had dropped to around 4,000 after the mass emi- 
grations of the 1990s. 

The Jewish community is very assimilated. In 1987 47.2% 
of children born to Jewish mothers had non-Jewish fathers. 
Nonetheless a Jewish educational system and synagogue were 
operating in Alma-Ata in 2006 under Rabbi Menachem Ger- 
shovich and a rabbi was also installed in Kavaganda. 

[Michael Beizer (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZAN, capital of Tatarstan autonomous republic, in the 
Russian Federation, an important commercial and industrial 
center, mainly of the oil industry. Until the 1917 Revolution, 
Kazan was outside the Jewish *Pale of Settlement. In 1861, 184 
Jews lived in the city, most of them veterans of the army of 
Nicholas 1. By 1897, their numbers had increased to 1,467 (1.1% 
of the total population). Pogroms broke out in the city in Oc- 
tober 1905. During World War 1 many exiles from the battle 
areas and from Lithuania arrived in Kazan. In 1926, there were 
4,156 Jews in the city (2.3% of the population), which grew to 
5,278 (1.33% of the total) in 1939. During the subsequent years, 
under the Soviet regime there was no possibility of develop- 
ing any Jewish communal life. During wwn many refugees 
reached the city and remained there after the war. The Jewish 
population of Kazan was estimated at about 8,000 in 1970. 
One synagogue existed until 1962, when it was closed down 
by the authorities. Jews prayed in private houses (minyanim), 
even though this was prohibited. The Jewish cemetery was 
still in use in 1970. 

[Yehuda Slutsky / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZAN, LAINIE (Levine; 1940- ), U.S. singer, actress. A 
Brooklyn native, Kazan has achieved considerable success as 
an actress in film, television, and the stage and as a singer in 
both musicals and nightclub acts. Her big break came as Bar- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



bra ^Streisand's understudy in the Broadway production of 
Funny Girl, replacing Streisand for two shows and earning 
rave reviews. Kazan began starring in nightclub acts and mu- 
sicals before making the jump into film and television. In 1982, 
she received a Golden Globe nomination for her portrayal of 
Jewish mother Belle Carroca in My Favorite Year (1982). She 
would later receive a Tony award nomination for her reprisal 
of the same role in the Broadway musical adaptation. Kazan's 
other notable film credits include a role in fellow Hofstra 
alumnus Francis Ford Coppola's One From the Heart (1982) 
and such films as Lust in the Dust (1985), Harry and the Hen- 
dersons (1987), Beaches (1988), The Cemetery Club (1993), My 
Big Fat Greek Wedding (2002), and Gigli (2003). Kazan has 
made many television appearances over a period of four de- 
cades, receiving an Emmy nomination for her guest role on St. 
Elsewhere, appearing in repeat roles on The Nanny, Veronicas 
Closet, Beverly Hills 90210, and My Big Fat Greek Life as well as 
making guest appearances on shows such as The Paper Chase, 
Touched By An Angel, and Will and Grace. 

[Walter Driver (2 nd ed.)] 

sian inorganic chemist. Kazarnovski studied in Switzerland 
and received his doctorate in Zurich in 1914 and in 1922 he 
joined the Karpov Physico-chemical Institute of the Uni- 
versity of Moscow. He became a corresponding member of 
the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences in 1939 and was awarded 
the Stalin Prize in 1941. Kazarnovski wrote on chlorides and 
peroxides of metals, the production of anhydrous aluminum 
chloride from clays, and of sodium peroxide, and methods for 
regenerating air. He discovered sodium dioxide Na-0 2 and 

potassium ozonide K0 3 . 

[Samuel Aaron Miller] 

KAZATIN, city in Vinnitsa district, Ukraine, an important 
railroad junction. A Jewish community developed in the late 
19 th century, numbering 1,731 (20% of the total population) in 
1897. During the civil war (1917-20) the Jews suffered greatly 
at the hands of the various armies passing through the town. 
In 1926 the Jewish population reached 3,012 (20%). During 
the Soviet period many Jews worked in a sugar refinery, on 
the railroad, and in two Jewish kolkhozes. Most of the chil- 
dren studied in a Yiddish school. In 1939 there were 2,648 Jews 
(15.8% of the total). The Germans entered Kazatin on July 14, 
1941. They set up a ghetto. On June 4, 1942, they killed 508 
Jews and another 250 in early July. In August they murdered 
183, and the last 30 in December 1942. Jews returned after the 
war but their last synagogue was closed by the authorities in 
i960. In 1970 the Jewish population was estimated at about 
300 families. Most left in the emigration of the 1990s 

[Yehuda Slutsky / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZAZ, ELIJAH BEN ELIJAH (1832-1912), important 
Karaite public figure and pedagogue, a member of the Has- 
kalah. Born in Armyansk, Crimea, he studied there in a bet 

midrash, moved to Evpatoria, and became the disciple of 
Abraham ben Yosef *Lutski (Aben Yashar). He started writ- 
ing poems in Hebrew at an early age. He lived for a while in 
Kherson, where he studied secular subjects with a priest and 
was on friendly terms with Yekuti'el Berman, a member of the 
Haskalah, who introduced him to the world of modern Jew- 
ish literature. He studied at St. Petersburg University, at the 
faculty of Oriental Studies. After graduating, he founded in 
1859 a Karaite school in Odessa. In the 1860s he taught general 
history and Latin in Simferopol. In 1886 he became director of 
the Tatar pedagogical college in Simferopol. In 1895, when the 
officials, after his endeavors, opened the Alexander in School 
for Karaite teachers and hazzanim, Kazaz became its director, 
holding the position until 1908. 

He published numerous poems in Hebrew periodicals. 
The collections of poems appearing in book form, Shirim 
Ahadim (1857) and Yeled Shaashuim (1910, Ashdod 2002), are 
among the few Karaite contributions to secular Hebrew liter- 
ature. Later, influenced by the teachings advocated by Abra- 
ham * Firkovich, he tried to sever all connection between the 
* Karaites and the mainstream of Jewry. He asserted that the 
Karaites were not Semites, but a Tatar or * Khazar tribe which 
had become converted to the Jewish faith. His works include 
a Hebrew textbook in Tatar, Le-Regel ha-Yeladim (1868-69), 
intended for the Karaite youth speaking the Tatar language; 
Torat ha-Adam (1889), an adaptation of Elements de morale 
by P. Janet (1870); Kivshono shel Olam (1889), after La religion 
naturelle by J. Simon (1856); Emet me-Erez (1908), a shortened 
version of F. Vigouroux's La Bible et les decouvertes modernes 
en Palestine... (1879); Cicero, Ziyyur Biografi (a biographical 
sketch; 1908). He also translated the Karaite prayer book en- 
titled Ketoret Tamid into Russian (1905). The Russian authori- 
ties regarded him as the official Karaite representative. 

bibliography: B. Elyashevieh, Materialy k serii narody i kul- 
tury xiv, kn. 2 (1993), 79-82; S. Poznariski, in: zhb, 13 (1909), 117-8, 
146, 148; 14 (1910), 114; Reshumot, 1 (1925), 476-83; R. Fahn, Sefer ha- 
Karaim (1929), 138 ff., mgwj, 74 (1930), 141-4. 

[Isaak Dov Ber Markon / Golda Akhiezer (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZDAN, HAYYIM SOLOMON (Shlomo; 1883-1979), 
Yiddish educator, editor, and essayist. A teacher in Yiddish 
schools in Eastern Europe, Kazdan began his career in 1902 
as a teacher in the Girls' Professional School in his native 
Kherson (Ukraine). As contributor to pedagogical journals, 
textbook writer, supervisor of schools and classroom teacher, 
he advanced the teaching of Yiddish language and literature. 
Kazdan was active in Jewish Socialist circles in Kherson, Kiev, 
and Warsaw. In the 1930s, he was the director of c.y.s.o. (Cen- 
tral Yiddish School Organization) in Warsaw. He was a key 
figure among those educators who believed that Yiddish was 
not only an educational means but also an end in itself. Flee- 
ing the Nazis, Kazdan arrived in the U.S. in 1941, where for 
more than a decade he was instructor at the Workmen's Cir- 
cle high school ("mitlshul"), and from 1955 professor of Yid- 
dish language and literature at the Jewish Teachers Seminary. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


The author of many books and monographs, his major works 
are: In di Tegfun Revolutsye ("In the Days of the Revolution," 
1928); In Eyner a Shtot ("Once in a City," 1928); Di Geshikhte 
fun Yidishn Shulvezn in Umophengikn Poyln ("The History 
of the Jewish School System in Independent Poland," 1947); 
and Fun Kheyder un Shkoles biz Tsisho ("From Kheyder and 
Shkoles to Tsisho," 1956). 

bibliography: Rejzen, Leksikon, 3 (1929), 413-7. add. bib- 
liography: lnyl, 8 (1981), 36-38. 

[Judah Pilch] 

KAZIMIERZ (Kuzhmir), hasidic dynasty, especially known 
for their development of hasidic melody. Its founder, ezekiel 


disciple of * Jacob Isaac ha-Hozeh of Lublin and of other 
hasidic leaders. He began as a merchant in his home town of 
Plonsk, and eventually settled in Kazimierz, where he estab- 
lished himself as a zaddik. He became celebrated for his mu- 
sical gifts, and composed numerous hasidic melodies char- 
acterized by joyful lyricism. He used to say: "I do not feel the 
delight of Sabbath without a new melody." His sermons were 
collected in Nehmad mi-Zahav (1909). 

david zevi of neustadt (d. 1882) Ezekiel's eldest 
son, and one of the outstanding disciples of Menahem Men- 
del Morgenstern of Kotsk, founded the hasidic dynasty of 
Yablonov. His sermons are collected in Hemdat Dodo (1930). 
His grandson ezekiel of yablonov founded the Nahalat 
Ya'akov society in 1924, and in the following year settled in 
Erez Israel at the head of a group of Hasidim. They established 
an agricultural settlement, Nahalat Ya'akov, at the western ap- 
proaches to the Jezreel Valley (later part of *Kefar Hasidim). 


of Ezekiel, like his father had musical gifts, but as a zaddik 
suppressed this bent and led the prayers only on rare occa- 
sions. He said: "In every melody there is a soul, and a spirit is 
breathed into it by the singer- creator; within the melody there 
is both youth and old age; it is like a living being, and there- 
fore whoever subtracts a note from or adds to it is as though 
he harms, as it were, the 248 organs of the human body." His 
son, moses aaron taub of nowy dwor (d. 1918), suc- 
ceeded his father, first at Zwolen and later at Nowy Dwor 
near Warsaw, hayyim jerahmeel taub (d. 1942), son of 
Moses Aaron, lived in Zwolen, Mlawa, and finally Warsaw; 
he headed a hasidic community and composed hasidic mel- 
odies. He perished in *Treblinka. eleazar solomon ben 
ephraim taub (d. 1938), of Wolomin, the grandson of the 
first Ezekiel, moved to Warsaw during World War i. He also 
possessed musical gifts. 

bibliography: M.S. Geshuri, Neginah ve-Hasidut (1952). 

[Avraham Rubinstein] 

KAZIN, ALFRED (1915-1998), U.S. author, critic, and edi- 
tor. Born to immigrants and educated in New York, Kazin 
pointed out that he was temperamentally drawn to the idea 
of revolution and social transformation. Kazin first made his 

reputation as a book reviewer for the New York Herald Tri- 
bune and as an editor for The New Republic and other newspa- 
pers and periodicals. His first and best-known work, On Na- 
tive Grounds (1942), was an explication of modern American 
literature, studying the estrangement of the American writer 
from American culture. His critical articles and reviews have 
been collected in a number of books, including Contempo- 
raries (1962). His autobiographical reflections can be found in 
A Walker in the City (1951), Starting Out in the Thirties (1965), 
and New York Jew (1978). They are also descriptions of the 
generation which grew up in the depression years and ma- 
tured under the impact of the Spanish Civil War and Nazism. 
A Lifetime Burning Every Moment (1996) consists of selections 
from his journals. In his Writing Was Everything (1995), Ka- 
zin reflected on his literary heritage and life. Kazin also ed- 
ited works by William Blake (1946), and others on Dreiser 
and Emerson. Together with A. Birstein he edited The Works 
of Anne Frank (1959). 

add. bibliography: T. Solotaroff (ed.) y Alfred Kazin s Amer- 
ica: Critical and Personal Writings (2003). 

[Milton Henry Hindus / Lewis Fried (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZIN, JUDAH BEN YOM TOV (1708-1783), rabbi and 
halakhic authority of *Aleppo, whose rabbinical office he 
filled for many years. Kazin was involved in the controversy 
which broke out among the rabbis of Aleppo over the impo- 
sition of the authority of the local rabbis on the "Francos" 
(Jewish merchants of Western European origin who arrived 
in Aleppo during the late 17 th century). The chief rabbi Ra- 
phael Solomon *Laniado demanded that the local customs be 
imposed on them, while the rabbis of Aleppo, led by Kazin, 
were opposed to this. During his last years he wrote Mahaneh 
Yehudah (Leghorn, 1803), which includes his arguments con- 
cerning this controversy and the approbations of the rabbis 
of Aleppo and * Jerusalem. It appears that with the deaths of 
Laniado and Kazin at the end of the 18 th century the dispute 
subsided. Kazin also wrote responsa, which form the first part 
of the work Roei Yisrael (1904), and sermons, Ve-Zot li-Yhu- 
dah (still in Ms.). 

bibliography: M.D. Gaon, Yehudei ha-Mizrah be-Erez Yis- 

• ■ 

rael, 2 (1937), 630; D.Z. Laniado, Li-Kedoshim Asher ba-Arez, 1 (1952), 
32; A. Lutzky, in: Zion, 6 (1940/41), 73-79. 

[Abraham David] 

KAZIN, RAPHAEL BEN ELIJAH (1818-1871), rabbi of 
Baghdad. Kazin was born in Aleppo. On the death of his fa- 
ther he left his birthplace, visiting Erez Israel and Persia, and 
in 1846 went to Baghdad as a "self-appointed emissary." He was 
an outstanding scholar and accomplished speaker. At that time 
the av bet din in Baghdad was Elijah Obadiah b. Abraham ha- 
Levi, who had come from Erez Israel. With the arrival of Kazin 
a violent controversy arose which split the community. Most of 
the wealthy men sought to depose Obadiah and appoint Kazin 
in his place, while most of the rabbis supported Obadiah. So 
deep-seated was the animosity that was engendered between 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



the rival factions that for many years they did not even inter- 
marry. Finally the supporters of Obadiah triumphed and in 
1847 Kazin left Baghdad. He went to Constantinople where 
he succeeded in obtaining a firman from the sultan appoint- 
ing him hakham bashi ("chief rabbi") of Baghdad, an office 
that previously did not exist. He filled this office from 1849 to 
1852, and according to ^Benjamin 11 he exercised his authority 
with firmness. Four soldiers were stationed as guards at the 
entrance of his house and when he went out he was preceded 
by five Jews in uniform carrying scepters in their hands, as 
was the custom for nobles at that time. In 1852 the "Obadiah 
faction" rose to power and Kazin was compelled to return to 
Aleppo. There is no information available on the activities of 
Kazin after his return to Aleppo. Three of his seven works have 
been published: Iggeret Maggid Mezarim (1837), an appeal to 
the Jews of Europe to come to the aid of the Jews of Persia, and 
two polemics against Christianity, Derekh ha-Hayyim (1848) 
and Likkutei Amarim (second ed. 1855, with a Ladino transla- 
tion). His other works, including a third polemic on Christi- 
anity, Derekh Emet, are in manuscript. 

bibliography: A. Ben-Jacob, Yehudei Bavel (1965), 156-61. 

[Abraham Ben-Yaacob] 

KAZIR HARISH (Heb. ttfnn TJj?), urban community in 
northern Israel. Kazir Harish is located in the eastern hills of 
Wadi Arra, and is an amalgamation of two settlements, with 
an area of 2.3 sq. mi. (6 sq. km.). Kazir was established as a 
community in 1982 by a group *Hitahdut ha-Ikkarim (Farm- 
ers Association) settlers, with assistance from the *Jewish 
Agency. Harish was established as a kibbutz by Ha-Kibbutz 
ha-Artzi, also with the assistance of the Jewish Agency, south- 
west of Kazir. Neither settlement succeeded in expanding as 
expected. In the beginning of the 1990s, Kazir numbered just 
30 families, while Harish was abandoned by its founders in 
1993. But with the mass immigration of the 1990s, Kazir and 
Harish were selected to be included in the "star plan" aimed 
at populating settlements bordering on Judea and Samaria. In 
1992 the government decided to unite the two settlements in 
a single municipal council. In 2002 its population was 3,500. 
The majority of the residents work outside the settlement, 
mainly in Haderah, Haifa, and Tel Aviv. 


[Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZNELSON, SIEGMUND (1893-1959), publisher and edi- 
tor. Born in Warsaw, Kaznelson completed his studies at the 
German University in Prague. During his student days, he 
began publication of articles on Jewish and Zionist subjects 
in Die Welt and Selbstwehr y the Zionist periodical of Prague 
which he edited during World Wan. After the war, he moved 
to Berlin, where he first worked on the editorial staff of M. 
*Buber , s monthly, Der Jude. From 1920 he managed the Jue- 
discher Verlag publishing house, which he developed into the 
largest publishing house of German Jewry. Under his man- 

agement it published Herzl's diary, Dubnow's history, the 
Juedisches Lexikon, the works of Ahad ha- Am, and other im- 
portant Jewish works. In 1937 Kaznelson immigrated to Erez 
Israel and took up residence in Jerusalem. While still in Ger- 
many he began his scientific- literary project on the role of 
the Jews in German culture. Part of this work was published 
during his lifetime; the rest was published posthumously as 
Juden im deutschen Kulturbereich (1962 3 ), Beethovens feme und 
unsterbliche Geliebte (1954); Juedisches Schicksal in deutschen 
Geschichten (anthology, 1959); The Palestine Problem and its 
Solution (1946); and Zionismus und Voelkerbund (1922). 

bibliography: F. Weltsch, in: Haaretz (April 3, 1959); idem, 

in: mb (Mar. 26, 1954); Juedischer Verlag, Almanack: 1902-1964 


[Getzel Kressel] 

KAZRIN (Heb. H?i?)> urban community in the *Golan 
Heights. Kazrin was established in 1977 following the gov- 
ernment's decision to settle and populate the Golan Heights. 
In 1979 the town received municipal status. It was planned as 
an urban center that would provide a variety of services to the 
rural communities and military bases scattered throughout 
the Golan. At the end of 2002 the population of Kazrin was 
6,280, among them 30% immigrants from the former Soviet 
Union. The town has an area of 4.7 sq. mi. (12.2 sq. km.). Its 
industrial area includes the Golan Heights Wineries and the 
Eden natural mineral water bottling plants, making it "the 
city of water and wine." In addition, Kazrin's industries in- 
clude dairy, plastic, and electronics factories. The town has 
an academic center, which includes the Ohalo Teachers Train- 
ing College, a branch of Haifa University, and a branch of the 
Open University. The Museum of Golan Antiquities exhibits 
archeological finds. The town's name is derived from the an- 
cient talmudic village of Qasrin, which was destroyed in an 
earthquake 1,300 years ago. The remains of the ancient syna- 
gogue and other buildings are open to the public. 


[Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZVIN, a town situated between *Teheran and the Caspian 
Sea. The name of the town is probably related to the word 
"Caspian." * Benjamin of Tudela (1167) mentions the exis- 
tence of Jews in mountains and areas adjacent to Kazvin. The 
local tradition relates that in the "Imam mosque" in Kazvin 
are buried the biblical friends of the prophet Daniel, namely 
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah. Kazvin for some time was 
the capital city of the first Safavids. Later, Shah *Abbas I made 
"Isfahan the capital (1588). However, Jews continued to live in 
Kazvin, and it is known that around 1746 Nader Shah trans- 
ferred many Jews from the city and its neighborhood to the 
northeast of *Iran. According to Levy at the beginning of the 
19 th century there were 6,000 Jews in Kazvin. According to 
Neumark some Jewish families of Kabul in * Afghanistan orig- 
inated from Kazvin. He avers that there were no Jews living 
in Kazvin in his time (1884). According to the unpublished 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


memoirs of Solayman Cohen- Sedeq, a prominent Iranian Jew, 
reported by Levy (p. 1029), there were in 1876 in Kazvin 11 
Jewish families who had two synagogues. Most of them were 
immigrants from *Kashan and *Hamadan. Israeli contract- 
ing firms were active in Iran, particularly in reconstruction 
and development works in the area of Kazvin, which suffered 
heavily from an earthquake in 1962. It has been reported that 
Kazvin ceased to be a dwelling place of Jewish families some 
time during the 20 th century. 

bibliography: M.D. Adler (ed.), The Itinerary of Benjamin 
ofTudela (1907); H. Levy, History of the Jews of Iran, 3 (i960); E. Neu- 
mark, Massa he-Erez ha-Kedem, ed. by A. Yaari, 1947. 

[Amnon Netzer (2 nd ed.)] 

KAZYONNY RAVVIN (Rus. "an official rabbi"; Heb. expres- 
sion, rav mi-taam), title of the officials elected by the commu- 
nities of Russia between 1857 and 1917 in accordance with the 
instructions of the government. Their official function was "to 
supervise public prayers and religious ceremonies so that the 
permanent regulations be respected; to regularize the laws of 
the Jews and clarify the problems connected with them; to ed- 
ucate them in the true spirit of the law." In practice the "official 
rabbis" represented their communities before the authorities. 
They delivered patriotic speeches, mostly in Russian, on festi- 
vals and on the birthdays of the czars. They supervised Jewish 
government schools, administered the oath to those who had 
been enlisted into the Russian army, and kept the records of 
births, marriages, and deaths in their communities. The insti- 
tution of kazyonny ravvin was linked with the attempts of the 
Russian government to influence and control Jewish commu- 
nal activities. As early as in the "Jewish constitution" of 1804 it 
was stated that, as from 1812, only those who could read and 
write Russian, Polish, or German would be authorized to of- 
ficiate as rabbis. In the "Jewish legislation" of 1835, the rab- 
bis' functions were defined as "to guide the Jews in the fulfill- 
ment of their moral duties, the observance of the states laws, 
and obedience to the authorities." The rabbi was to officiate at 
circumcision, marriage, and burial ceremonies, and keep the 
records of births and deaths. In 1836, when the government 
decided to censor the books of the Jews, the task was imposed 
on the rabbis of the large communities, to whom books were 
presented for inspection by their owners. 

With the growth of the Haskalah movement, the maskilim 
began to call for the appointment of rabbis who had a general 
education also. Projects were advanced for the establishment 
of a body of official rabbis after the example of the ^Consis- 
tory in France. It soon became evident, however, that there 
were no men suitable for such positions among the Russian 
Jews. The suggestion of inviting "enlightened" rabbis from 
Western Europe was rejected on political grounds. As an ex- 
ception, the election of "enlightened" rabbis was approved for 
Riga (Abraham Neumann, 1854) and Odessa (Simeon Aryeh 
*Schwabacher, i860). In 1847 two government seminaries for 
the training of rabbis in the spirit of Haskalah were estab- 
lished in Vilna and Zhitomir, financed from the revenues of 

the *candle tax. In 1857, on the occasion of the graduation of 
the first classes of these institutions, a law was passed which 
declared that henceforward the Jewish communities were only 
to "appoint such rabbis who had completed their studies in the 
government seminaries, and the government Jewish schools 
of the second grade, the general schools, high, secondary, or 
district schools." 

The application of the law encountered opposition from 
the communities. Poor salaries were granted to the rabbis 
thus appointed, and since they were dependent on reelection 
by their communities every few years their influence was in- 
significant. The maskilim called on the government to impose 
the election of such rabbis on the communities or to appoint 
them itself and pay their salaries so that they should be in- 
dependent of their congregants. These demands, which were 
at times supported by the local authorities, were rejected by 
the central government with the argument that they contra- 
dicted the fundamental right of the Jewish communities to 
elect their own rabbis. The government rabbinical seminaries 
did not achieve their objective, and in 1873 were closed down 
and converted into government schools for Jewish teachers. 
In practice, every Jew who had completed six, or even four 
classes of a Russian secondary school could present his can- 
didature for the post of kazyonny ravvin. 

The Jewish communities generally regarded the institu- 
tion of official rabbis with hostility and endeavored to restrict 
their activities as far as possible. On many occasions, men 
without any knowledge of Judaism and its contents were ap- 
pointed to this position, which they merely considered a si- 
necure. At times, even the moral conduct of the incumbents 
of this office was doubtful. The true religious influence within 
the communities continued to be wielded by the rabbis of the 
traditional style whom the Russian government recognized, 
though not officially, under the title of "spiritual rabbis." Jewish 
folklore abounds in descriptions of the official rabbi as cov- 
etous, an ignoramus, and one who despises the values of the 
Jewish religion. Their connections with the authorities, and 
at times even with secret police, occasionally led them to be 
suspected as informers. At the same time, the official rabbin- 
ate became a source of livelihood for many Jewish maskilim, 
some of whom elevated this function to the level of a valuable 
public service (Z.S. Minor, in Minsk and later in Moscow; A. A. 
Pumpianski, in Riga; J.L. *Kantor, in Libava (Liepaja), Vilna, 
and Riga; J. *Mazeh, in Moscow; H.Y. Katzenelson, in Oriol; 
LB. *Levner, in Lugansk; S.Z. Luria, in Kiev; and also *Shalom 
Aleichem, in Lubny, 1880-83). 

With the growth of nationalism and Zionism, Zionist 
circles, with the slogan "Conquest of the Communities," at- 
tempted to convert the function of kazyonny ravvin into a 
channel for nationalist influence, and in many communities 
leaders and activists of the movement were elected to this of- 
fice through the influence of the Zionists. They attempted 
to influence their communities in a nationalist direction, 
to strengthen Jewish education, and to educate the youth 
and bring it nearer to Judaism. This was a thankless func- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



tion, however, and its incumbents were compelled to tread a 
tightrope between the czarist authorities and their nationalist 
conscience. Rabbis of this category included Vladimir *Tiom- 
kin (Yekaterinoslav), Shemariah *Levin (Grodno, Yekateri- 
noslav), Menahem *Sheinkin (Balta, 1901-05), Y.N. Vilenski 
(Nikolayev, 1903-05), and Mordecai Rabinsohn (Bobruisk). 
J. Mazeh, Shemariah Levin, Y.N. Vilenski, A.I. Freudenberg 
(Kremenchug), and Isaac *Schneersohn (Chernigov) de- 
scribed their public activities as official rabbis in their mem- 


bibliography: A. Margulis, Voprosy, yevreyskoy zhizni 
(1889), 168-92; Yu. Hessen, in: ye, 13 (c. 1910), 226-31. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

KECSKEMET (Hung. Kecskemet), city in central Hungary. 
The first Jews arrived there when the area was under Turk- 
ish domination in the 16 th to 17 th centuries. Subsequently the 
city came under Austrian rule. In 1715 the municipal coun- 
cil was requested to order the Jews attending the fairs there 
to do their business separately from the other merchants. In 
1746 four Jewish families from Obuda (Alt-Ofen) settled in the 
city. At first the Jews mainly engaged in the trade of hides and 
feathers. Later, they organized the internationally celebrated 
trade of the region in cattle, poultry, preserves, alcoholic li- 
quor, and wine. 

A community was established in 1801, and in 1814 the 
Jews were authorized to use a house which they had pur- 
chased as a synagogue. The Jews in Kecskemet were attacked 
during the revolution of 1848 and their shops were looted. The 
community was declared neologist (see * Neology) in 1868. A 
magnificent synagogue was erected in 1871; it was destroyed 
by an earthquake in 1911 but was rebuilt in 1913. A separate 
Orthodox community was founded in 1917. After the end of 
World War 1, following the collapse of the brief Communist 
regime, the White Terror fomented pogroms in the town and 
eight Jewish victims lost their lives. 

Rabbis of Kecskemet included Simeon Fischmann, Ar- 
min Perls, later rabbi of Tecs, Joseph Barany, Joseph Borsodi 
(1916-42), and Joseph Schindler (1942-50) who, after his re- 
turn from the concentration camps, continued to hold rab- 
binical office in the city. There was a Jewish school in the city 
from 1844 to 1870. 

In the wake of the growing antisemitism after 1930 there 
was an increase in Zionist activity, particularly after 1939. The 
Jewish population numbered 47 in 1785, 441 in 1840, 1,514 in 
1869, 1,984 in 1900, 1,860 in 1920, 1,567 in 1930, and 1,346 in 

Holocaust Period 

In May 1944, after the German invasion of Hungary (March 19, 
1944), the Jews in Kecskemet were rounded up and treated 
with exceptional brutality by members of the ss from among 
the Hungarian Volksdeutsche. Their suffering was so great 
that 70 of them committed suicide by taking poison; 13 people 
were smuggled out at the last minute with the aid of forged 

documents. At the end of June, the 940 remaining Jews in 
the ghetto were sent to Auschwitz, from which only 150 re- 

Between 1945 and 1947, there were 410 Jews living in Ke- 
cskemet, including refugees from the siege in Budapest. The 
Jewish population numbered 221 in 1949, 84 in 1954, and 40 
in 1970. 

bibliography: J. Barany, in: imit, 9 (1899), 102-26; M. Sand- 
berg, Shanah le-Ein Kez (1966). 

[Alexander Scheiber] 

KECSKEMETI, ARMIN (1874-1944), Hungarian rabbi and 
scholar. Kecskemeti was born in Kecskemet, Hungary. He 
studied in Budapest at the rabbinical seminary and the uni- 
versity. He served as rabbi in Mako, Hungary, from 1898 to 
1944 and also lectured on Jewish history at Szeged University. 
He died in the Strasshof concentration camp. For his stud- 
ies Kecskemeti was able to use the rich library of Immanuel 
*Loew. Kecskemeti s works, which were mainly popular, in- 
clude A zsido irodalom tortenete ("History of Jewish Litera- 
ture," 2 vols., 1908-09); Azsidok tortenete ("Uni- 
versal History of the Jews," 2 vols., 1927); Izrael tortenete a 
bibliai korban ("History of Israel in Biblical Times," 1942); 
and A csanddmegyei zsidok tortenete ("History of the Jews in 
the District of Csanad," 1929), which discusses his own com- 
munity, Mako. 

[Alexander Scheiber] 

KECSKEMETI, GYORGY (1901-1944), Hungarian journal- 
ist, born in Mako, the son of Rabbi A. Kecskemeti. From 1929 
to 1936 Kecskemeti taught at the Jewish secondary school of 
Budapest and in 1931 joined the staff of the governments Ger- 
man newspaper Pester Lloyd. From 1936 he was editor in chief, 
and held the position in spite of anti- Jewish legislation until 
the Nazi occupation. He wrote a book of poems Vdltozatok 
hat temdra ("Variations on Six Themes"), and contributed to 
periodicals. When the Germans occupied Hungary, he was 
among the journalists deported to Auschwitz, where he died. 
He left several manuscripts. 

KECSKEMETI, LIPOT (1865-1936), Hungarian rabbi and 
scholar. Kecskemeti was born in Kecskemet. He studied at the 
rabbinical seminary and the University of Budapest and at the 
Lehranstalt fuer die Wissenschaft des Judentums in Berlin. He 
served as rabbi of Nagyvarad from 1890 to his death. Kecske- 
meti, a magnificent orator and a highly respected leader, was 
a convinced anti- Zionist and assimilationist and a Hungar- 
ian patriot, courageously resisting attempts to Romanianize 
Nagyvarad and the other Hungarian regions transferred to 
Romania after World Wan. He founded a Jewish high school 
there. Among his published works are Zsido koltokbol ("By 
Jewish Poets," 1887), an anthology of medieval Jewish poetry; 
his Ph.D. thesis, A pokol a kozepkori zsido kolteszetben ("Hell 
in Medieval Jewish Poetry," 1888); Egy zsido vallds van-e y 
tobb-e? ("Is There One Jewish Religion or More?" 1913); Az 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


izraelita vallds tortenete ("History of Jewish Religion," 4 vols., 
1932); Jeremids profeta es kora ("The Prophet Jeremiah and His 
Age," 3 vols., 1932); Ezsajds ("Isaiah," 3 vols., 1935); and many 
articles in Hungarian -Jewish periodicals. He also translated 
the Prophets for a Hungarian edition of the Bible. 

bibliography: F. Fischer, Das Buck von Dr. L. Kecskemeti 

"Gibt es bios eine juedische Religion oder mehrere" (1934); Emlekkonyv 

Dr. Kecskemeti Lipot (1936). 

[Alexander Scheiber] 

KEDAINIAI (Rus. Keidany; Yid. Kaidan), town in central 
Lithuania, founded during the 14 th century. From 1490 the 
locality was ruled by the Kishkis family, which invited Jewish 
merchants to settle there. The town became a Calvinist center 
in 1560 under the rule of the princes Radziwill, and the Jews 
were granted civic rights and religious freedom. Jews there 
engaged in the import and export trades, winemaking, and 
moneylending. Jewish craftsmen, ritual slaughterers, butchers, 
and cattle dealers were organized in guilds. The community 
played an important economic and social role in the Coun- 
cil of Lithuania (see ^Councils of the Lands). There were 501 
Jewish poll-tax payers in the town in 1766. The rabbis of the 
*Katzenellenbogen family made Kedainiai a center of Jewish 
learning. After Kedainiai passed to Russia in 1795, the Jews 
there lost their specific rights. The community, which num- 
bered 4,987 in 1847, decreased by emigration during the 1880s, 
and by 1897 numbered 3,733 (64% of the population). During 
World War 1, in May 1915, the Jews were expelled from Ke- 
dainiai to the interior of Russia, but some returned after the 
war. There were 2,500 Jews living in Kedainiai in 1923 (33% of 
the population), of whom approximately 15% were engaged in 
the cultivation and marketing of vegetables and agricultural 
exports. In 1939 Jewish refugees from Poland including the 
scholars of the yeshivah of *Mir settled in Kedainiai. On June 
24, 1941, the Germans occupied the town, executing around 
325 Jews in the forests by July, and on Aug. 28, 1941, with the 
cooperation of the Lithuanians, the rest of the Jewish popu- 
lation - including 1,000 from surrounding towns - was mas- 
sacred at the Smilaga Creek. Senior *Sachs and M.L. *Lilien- 
blum were born in Kedainiai. 

bibliography: B.H. Kasel, Kaidan (1930). 

[Dov Levin] 

KEDAR (Heb. 11 j?) , a nomadic tribe or league of tribes in 
the Arabian Desert. Kedar is mentioned in Genesis 25:3 and 
1 Chronicles 1:29 among "the sons of Ishmael," the latter be- 
ing tribes of Arabs known from the eighth century B.C. e. on- 
ward in the desert tracts surrounding Palestine (see *Ishma- 
elites). The mode of life of the Kedarites, as reflected in the 
Bible, was associated with the rearing of sheep and camels (Isa. 
60:7; Jer. 49:28-29, 32; Ezek. 27:21), and with dwelling in tents 
(Jer. 49:29; Ps. 120:5; Song 1:5) and in unfortified villages and 
camps (Isa. 42:11; Jer. 49:31). 

Biblical information on their locality and history is ex- 
tremely scant, but many details about these are known from 

other sources, in particular from inscriptions of Assyrian 
kings. The earliest document which refers to the Kedarites 
is the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser 111 found in Iran (unpub- 
lished). In it they are mentioned together with other nations 
in the west of the Fertile Crescent who surrendered to the As- 
syrian king and whose rulers paid him tribute in 738 b.c.e. 
From parallel inscriptions of Ashurbanipal it is evident that 
Hazail, king of the Arabs, against whom Senacherib's army 
fought between 691 and 689 b.c.e. in the region of Duma 
(Jawf ) in Wadi Sirhan, and who surrendered to Esarhaddon, 
was the king of Kedar. Close to 652 b.c.e. the Kedarites un- 
der Uate 5 the son of Hazail, who broke his oath of allegiance 
to Ashurbanipal, raided the frontier regions on the western 
border of the Assyrian empire, but were repulsed and de- 
feated by King Kamashtalta of Moab and by units of the As- 
syrian army stationed along the border from the Valley of 
Lebanon to Edom. 

Another leader who took part in these raids and is 
likewise described as "king of Kedar" in the inscriptions of 
Ashurbanipal was Ammuladi(n). Following the defeat of 
Uate' the leadership of the Kedarites passed to Abiate 3 the 
son of Te'ri, who in 652 b.c.e. sent soldiers to Babylon to help 
Shamash-shum-ukin king of Babylonia in his war against his 
brother Ashurbanipal. In the period of the intensive mili- 
tary operations of the Assyrian army in Babylonia and Elam 
(652-646 b.c.e.), the Kedarites under Abiate 5 and Aamu sons 
of Te'ri were among other units of nomads that exerted pres- 
sure on the inhabited area along the frontier of the desert, 
from the region of Jebel Bishri to the vicinity of Damascus. 
The grave situation resulting from the pressure of the nomads 
compelled the king of Assyria to launch an extensive cam- 
paign against them mostly in the desert and under difficult 
conditions (Ashurbanipal's ninth campaign). The information 
in Jeremiah 49:28 ft. combined with that in the Babylonian 
Chronicle (bm 21946 rev. 9-10) shows that in 599 b.c.e. units 
of Nebuchadnezzar's army raided the encampments of the Ke- 
darites in the western region of the Syrian desert. 

With the ending of the political existence of the Transjor- 
danian kingdoms in the first half of the sixth century b.c.e., 
the Kedarites together with other units of "the children of the 
east" penetrated to the settled country whose borders were 
breached. The dimensions of their expansion and the area of 
their operations in the west are attested by the votive inscrip- 
tion "n^Klrf? TTp "f?tt Dt2tt 13 Tp mp n" on a silver bowl orig- 
inating from the temple of the Arab goddess Han-Ilat at Tell 
al-Maskhuta (in the neighborhood of Ismailia) at the eastern 
approach of Egypt. On the basis of paleographical and ar- 
chaeological considerations, the bowl and the inscription have 
been dated to the fifth century b.c.e. Accordingly, some hold 
that Geshem king of Kedar is the Arab Geshem, Nehemiah's 
enemy (Neh. 2:19; 6:1 ft.). However the data for this identifica- 
tion are inconclusive. 

Later references to the Kedarites occur not only in in- 
scriptions dating from the centuries close to the Common Era 
and found in a temple at Ma'in in southern Arabia but also in 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Pliny (Historia Naturalis, 5:65), who mentions them among the 
peoples of northern Arabia, alongside the Nabateans. 

The wide dispersion of the Kedarites, extending as it did 
from the region of Duma (Jawf) in Wadi Sirhan to Palmyrene 
and to the eastern port of the Nile Delta, lends probability to 
their having been a union of various sub-units. Evidence of the 
existence of such a social organization occurs in the inscrip- 
tions of Ashurbanipal, according to which Uate' son of Hazail 
and Ammuladi(n) flourished at the same time and in which 
both are referred to as "king of Kedar." Similarly Ezekiel 27:21 
refers to "Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar." 

bibliography: A. Musil, Arabia Deserta (1927), 490-91; K. 

Mlaker, Die Hierodulenisten von Ma K in (1943), 40; J. Rabinowitz, in: 

jnes,i5 (1956), 1-9. 

[Israel Ephal] 

KEDEM, ORA (1924- ), physical chemist. Kedem was born 
in Vienna and immigrated to Erez Israel in 1940 as an "ille- 
gal" immigrant on the ill-fated Patria. She graduated from the 
Hebrew University and received her doctorate from the Weiz- 
mann Institute in 1953. Together with Prof. Aharon *Katzir she 
initiated the analysis of biomembrane processes in terms of 
nonequilibrium thermodynamics, defining the energy conver- 
sion in active transport and muscle action. In the 1960s and 
early 1970s she helped to found Ben-Gurion University (the 
University of the Negev). She founded and chaired the De- 
partment of Membrane Research at the Weizmann Institute 
and was scientific director of membrane products there and 
then of rpr). She contributed to the understanding and de- 
velopment of membrane processes for desalination and other 
separation technologies. In 1965 she was appointed associate 
professor in the Department of Polymer Research at the In- 
stitute and full professor in 1970. She was awarded the Israel 

Prize for science in 1961. 

[Bracha Rager (2 nd ed.)] 

KEDEMITES OR EASTERNERS (Heb. Dl|7 »1? (benei ke- 
dem, bene qedem), adjective qadmoni, ^blj?; Gen. 15:19) is a 
general designation for the peoples living on the eastern bor- 
der of Syria and Palestine, from as far north as Haran (Gen. 
29:1-4) to as far south as the northern end of the Red Sea (Gen. 
25:1-6). In Israelite ethnology, all these peoples, and the Ish- 
maelites as well, who ranged from the border of Egypt to As- 
syria (i.e., the Middle Euphrates), and who included the in- 
habitants of Tema and Dumah (Gen. 25:12-18), were all related. 
Their center of dispersion was the Middle Euphrates region - 
called Aram-Naharaim (Gen. 24:10; Deut. 23:5), Paddan-Aram 
(Gen. 28:2, 5, 6, 7; 31:18 (or Paddan, Gen. 48:7)), "the country 
Aram" (Hos. 12:13), or simply Aram (Num. 23:7). From here 
Abraham and Lot moved to Canaan (Gen. 12:5). Lot eventu- 
ally moved to Transjordan and became the ancestor of Moab 
and Ammon (Gen. 19:30 ff.), while Abraham became the an- 
cestor of all the other Kedemites, including the Ishmaelites, 
and of the Israelites as well. His son Isaac and the latter s son 
Jacob -Israel married wives from Abrahams original home- 
land, where Jacob even lived for 20 years. Hence the confes- 

sion, "My father was a wandering/ fugitive Aramean who mi- 
grated to Egypt" (Deut. 26:5). The Israelites acknowledged all 
those peoples as their kin in contrast to the Canaanites. The 
Kedemites enjoyed among the Israelites a great reputation for 
wisdom. Not only does David quote a Kedemite proverb which 
he characterizes as such, but the wisdom of the Kedemites is 
rated only lower than Solomons though higher than that of 
the Egyptians (1 Kings 5:10), and Isaiah represents the Egyp- 
tian king's wise men as seeking to impress him by claiming 
descent from sages of Kedem (this, not "of old," is the mean- 
ing of qedem in Isa. 19:11). A wise instruction by the mother 
of a Kedemite king, *Lemuel, to her royal son is preserved, ac- 
cording to the superscription, in Proverbs 31:1-9; for Massa is 
the name of an Ishmaelite tribe (Gen. 25:14; on the Aramaiz- 
ing diction, see * Job). *Agur son of Jakeh was doubtless of the 
same nationality as Lemuel, according to Proverbs 30:1, where 
ha-massa'iy "the Massaite," is to be read. The reputed wisdom 
of the Edomites (included among the Kedemites in Isa. 11:14) 
is alluded to in Jeremiah 49:7; Obadiah 7 end, 8. 

add. bibliography: M. Cogan, 1 Kings (ab; 2000), 220. 

[Harold Louis Ginsberg] 

KEDEMOTH (Heb. Dblj?, TflfflR), city and desert E. of the 
Jordan. It was from the wilderness of Kedemoth that Moses 
sent messengers to Sihon, the Amorite king of Heshbon, ask- 
ing for peaceful passage through his lands, and was refused. 
The city of Kedemoth is mentioned among the cities of the 
tribe of Reuben together with Jahaz and Mephaath (Josh. 
13:18); "Kedemoth with the open land about it" was a levitical 
city of the tribe (1 Chron. 6:64). 

The identification proposed for the wilderness of Kede- 
moth is the desert east of the settled area of Moab where the 
Arnon River begins. The city of Kedemoth has been identified 
with one of the tells in the adjoining cultivated area, either Qasr 
al-Za 5 faran or Khirbat al-Rumayl. Both mounds have upper 
Nabatean levels followed by Early Iron Age strata; Khirbat al- 
Rumayl also contains the remains of a large Moabite fortress. 

bibliography: Glueck, in: basor, 65 (1937), 27; Press, Erez, 

s.v.; Aharoni, Land, index. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEDUSHAH (Heb. ntfTj?). The biblical term for holiness 
is kodesh; mishnaic Hebrew, kedushah, and that which is re- 
garded as holy is called kadosh. Jewish exegetes, following early 
rabbinic interpretation (Sifra) of Leviticus 19:2: "You shall be 
holy, for I the Lord your God am holy," have consistently taken 
the verb kadesh to mean "distinguished, set apart." The Sifra 
paraphrases the command with the words "You shall be set 
apart" (Heb. perushim). The traditional interpretation coin- 
cides with the findings of modern phenomenologists of reli- 
gion who describe the holy as "the wholly other" and as that 
which is suffused with a numinous quality. The latter is both 
majestic and fearsome (The Idea of the Holy, Rudolph Otto, 
1923, ch. 8) or to use the term Otto popularized, "the myste- 
rium tremendum." 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


General Considerations 

The concept of holiness, because of its centrality in the Bible, 
affords an excellent illustration of how the biblical authors, un- 
der the dominance of the monotheistic idea, radically refash- 
ioned, in whole or part, notions of the sacred in the religions 
of the Near East. In primitive Semitic religions, as in primitive 
religions generally, the holy is considered an intrinsic, imper- 
sonal, neutral quality inherent in objects, persons, rites, and 
sites, a power charged with contagious efficacy and, therefore, 
taboo. Seldom is the quality of holiness ascribed to the deity. 
In biblical religion, on the contrary, holiness expresses the very 
nature of God and it is He who is its ultimate source and is de- 
nominated the Holy One. Objects, persons, sites, and activi- 
ties that are employed in the service of God derive their sacred 
character from that relationship. The extrinsic character of the 
holy is reflected in the fact that by consecrating objects, sites, 
and persons to God, man renders them holy. Further, since 
holiness is conceived as the very essence of God, biblical reli- 
gion, in both the priestly and prophetic writings, incorporates 
moral perfection as an essential aspect of holiness, though by 
no means its total content. Therefore, unlike contemporary 
ancient Near East religions, biblical Judaism does not confine 
the sacred to the sphere of the cult. God's moral perfection and 
purpose is not in static terms alone but in its redemptive acts 
in history. Indeed, holiness, since it is derived from God, is 
related to the realm of nature, history, human experience and 
conduct as well as to the election of Israel and the covenant. 
"The energy with which from the time of Moses onward the 
person of the divine Lord concentrates all religious thought 
and activity upon himself gives even the statements about holi- 
ness an essentially different background from that which they 
possess in the rest of the Near East" (Theology of the Old Testa- 
ment, Walther Eichrodt, 1961, vol. 1, p. 271). Finally, since pagan 
religions regard holiness as a mysterious intrinsic power with 
which certain things, persons, locales, and acts are charged, 
the division between the realms of the holy and the profane are 
permanently, unalterably fixed. In fact, the latter represents an 
ever-present danger to the former. By contrast, biblical religion 
looks forward to the universal extension of the realm of the 
holy in the end of days so as to embrace the totality of things 
and persons. 

While biblical religion recognizes an area of the profane 
("impure") as capable of defiling and polluting the sacred, no- 
where does it regard the former as possessing a threatening 
dangerous potency. The following elements of the concept of 
holiness are, however, held by the Bible in common with other 
ancient Near Eastern religions: 

(1) the concept of the mortal danger involved in unau- 
thorized approach to or contact with the sacred; 

(2) the notion of various degrees of holiness; and 

(3) the contagious, communicable character of the sacred. 
In the words of Eichrodt: "The whole system of taboo is pressed 
into the service of a loftier idea of God" (ibid., p. 274). 

The following sections offer specific and varied biblical 
illustrations of the general considerations set forth above. 

The Holiness of God 

Seeking to express the ineffable holiness of God, an ultimate 
category, the biblical authors drew on a vast and varied series 
of predicates. With the single exception of God's moral per- 
fection and action, they all fall within the scope of the "mys- 
terium tremendum." The most frequent is "fearsome," "awe- 
some," (Heb. nora; Ps. 89:7, 8; 99:3; 111:9). A site at which a 
theophany has been experienced is described as "awesome" 
and induces in the visioner a state of fear (Gen. 28:17). God's 
works are called "fearful" (Ex. 15:11; 34:10; Ps. 66:3, 5). This 
aspect of the divine holiness and man's attitude toward it are 
perhaps best summed up in the verse (1 Sam. 6:20), "Who is 
able to stand before the Lord, the Holy God?" In several pas- 
sages, e.g., Joshua 24:19, God's fearful, unapproachable holi- 
ness is equated with His jealousy, His unrelenting demand 
for exclusive virtue. 

The fearful aspect of the divine holiness is reflected in the 
warning to keep one's distance from the outward manifesta- 
tion of the divine presence (Ex. 3:5; 19:12, 13, 23; Num. 18:3; Josh. 
5:15). To gaze directly upon the divine manifestation or even 
upon the sacred vessels when the latter are not in actual use 
may cause death (Ex. 33:20; Num. 4:20; 18:13; Judg. 13-22; 1 Kings 
19:13). God is "glorious in holiness" (Ex. 15:11); His holiness is 
unique (1 Sam. 2:2); His "way" is that of holiness (Ps. 77:14). 

Preeminently, it is the divine name which is characterized 
as holy since the name of God expresses His essence (Lev. 20:3; 
22:2, 32; Ps. 103:1; 105:3; 145:21; 1 Chron. 16:10). Noteworthy is 
Ezekiel's repeated use of the phrase "My Holy Name." To Isa- 
iah, we owe the appellation of God as the "Holy One of Israel" 
(Isa. 1:4; 5:19, 24; 10:20; 12:6; 17:7; 29:23; 30:12, 15; 31:1; 37-23)- 
The term is employed even more consistently by Deutero-Isa- 
iah (Isa. 41:14; 43:3, 14; 45:11; 47:4; 48:15; 49:7; 54:5; 60:14). It 
appears once in Jeremiah (50:29) and in Psalms (71:22). Isa- 
iah's tendency to characterize God as the "Holy One of Israel" 
may be assumed to derive from the divine call to the prophet 
(ch. 6) in which he hears the dramatic thrice -repeated proc- 
lamation of the seraphim (the trisagion) of "Holy, holy, holy, 
the Lord of Hosts, the whole earth is full of His glory" (6:3). 
In this encounter, in the presence of the absolute holiness of 
God - the apparent intention of the dramatic repetition - the 
prophet is overcome by an acute sense of his own sinfulness 
and that of the people among whom he dwells (v. 5). The pas- 
sage clearly implies, and indeed emphasizes, the moral aspect 
of God's holiness. 

However, it is erroneous to assert, as is frequently done, 
that the interpretation of the divine holiness as essentially an 
expression of God's moral perfection is the unique contri- 
bution of the prophets. Distinctly priestly writers associate 
God's holiness with moral qualities. This is to be seen in the 
so-called Holiness Code (Lev. 17-26). In priestly law (Lev. 19) 
the purely ritualistic aspects of holiness are combined with 
distinctly moral injunctions. Priestly liturgy (Ps. 15; 24:3-6) 
stresses that only he who "has clean hands and a pure heart" 
can stand on God's holy mountain (Ps. 24:3, 4). The prophets 
deepen and broaden the moral dimension of the divine holi- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



ness. For Amos (2:7) oppression of the poor and sexual prof- 
ligacy are tantamount to the profanation of God's holy name. 
For Hosea, divine compassion constitutes a basic element in 
God's holiness (Hos. 11:8 f ), and the prophet insists on purity 
of heart and a radical break with moral offense as precondi- 
tions for any intimacy with the holy God. For Isaiah, it is righ- 
teousness that sanctifies the holy God (5:16). Deutero- Isaiah 
conceives of God's holiness as active in the realm of history as 
a redemptive power. The "Holy One of Israel" is the redeemer 
of Israel (Isa. 41:14; 43:3, 14; 47:4; 48:17; 49-7> 54:i5)- Divine 
holiness is thus conceived less as a state of being than as an 
expression of the fulfillment of divine purpose. It manifests 
itself in divine judgment and destruction (Isa. 1:4-9; 5 :l 3> 16; 
30:8-14; Ezek. 28:22; 36:20-32) as well as in divine mercy and 
salvation (Isa. 10:20-23; 12: 6; 17:7-9; 29:19-21). For Ezekiel, 
God manifests His holiness in the sight of the nations (20:31; 
28:25; 36:23; 38:23), when He vindicates Himself as supreme 
Lord of the world. 

Fire as Symbol of God's Holiness 

Perhaps the ambivalent effects of fire, at once warming and 
creative yet consuming and destructive, suggested it as an 
apt symbol of the divine holiness, itself conceived as essen- 
tially polar in effect (see below). Whatever the origin of fire 
as a symbol for the sacred, its employment in the Bible is as 
vast as it is varied. Only some of the passages in which it is 
associated with holiness can be cited here (Ex. 3:2, 3; 19:18; 
24:17; Deut. 4:12, 24; 5:22-27; 9:3; Ezek. 1:4-28; Hab. 3:3, 4). 
Repeatedly in the laws and practices of the cult, fire imagery 
is used in those passages that emphasize holiness (Lev. 2:3, 9, 
10; 6:16-18; 7:3-5). 

The Transitive Effects of God's Holiness 

As stated above, whatever or whoever is engaged in the ser- 
vice of God and therefore stands in intimate relationship 
with Him becomes endowed with holiness. Essentially, that 
which brings man or things or locales into the realm of the 
holy is God's own activity or express command. The nation 
is sanctified and commanded to be holy since it has entered 
into a covenant relationship with the holy God (Ex. 19:6; Lev. 
11:44 ff.; 19-2; 20:7; Deut. 7:6; 26:19). The *Ark of the Covenant 
is holy since it is regarded as the throne of the invisible God. 
Though the phrase "Holy Ark" (Heb. Avon Kodesh) is not 
found in the Bible, numerous contexts indicate that it was re- 
garded as sacred as were all the vessels employed in the ^tab- 
ernacle, as well, of course, as the sanctuary itself. The prophet, 
having been summoned and consecrated to God's service, is 
looked upon as a holy man (11 Kings 4:9). Initially, it is God 
who ordains the holy seasons and places - "And God blessed 
the seventh day and declared it holy" (Gen. 2:3). But the Sab- 
bath, having been declared holy, must be sanctified by Israel 
(Ex. 20:8; Deut. 5:12; Jer. 17:22; Neh. 13:22). In the case of the 
^festivals, the divine declaration is joined with the injunction 
that they should be proclaimed: "These are my fixed times, 
the fixed time of the Lord, which you shall proclaim as sacred 

occasions" (Lev. 23:21). Likewise, it is God who sanctifies the 
Tent of Meeting, the altar, Aaron and his sons (Ex. 29:43) but 
each of these undergoes rites of consecration performed by 
humans (see Ex. 29 for the description of the elaborate rites 
of consecration of Aaron and his sons). 

War, since it is carried out under the aegis of God as 
"Man of War" (Ex. 13:3), is service rendered to Him. In his 
martial activity, the warrior enters the sphere of the holy and 
becomes subject to the particular prohibitions incumbent 
upon those directly involved in that sphere (1 Sam. 21:5-7; 
11 Sam. 11:11). This concept serves as the basis for the verbal 
usage "to consecrate war" (Heb. kiddesh milhamah; Micah 
3:5; Jer. 6:4). Frequently, the enemy's goods and chattels are 
declared banned (Heb. herem); that is to say, banned from 
human use. For the priestly biblical authors, the concept of 
holiness, as might be expected, finds its focus in the realm of 
the cult and everything involved in it. Accordingly, there is 
mention of "holy garments" (Ex. 28:2, 4; 29:21; 31:10); "holy of- 
ferings" (Ex. 28:36; Lev. 19:8); the "holy priestly crown" (Ex. 
29:6; 39:30); "holy flesh" (Ex. 29:37); "holy anointing oil" (Ex. 
30:31-37); the "holy tabernacle" and its furnishings (Ex. 40:9); 
"holy fruit" (Lev. 19:24); and "holy food" (Lev. 22:14). 

The Polarity of Holiness 

As has been noted, the concept of God's holiness is rooted in 
a basic polarity; the quality of holiness is majestic and hence 
attractive, and yet it remains fearsome. It is, therefore, no 
cause for wonder that this polarity finds expression in both 
the rituals and objects of holiness. In the law of the "red heifer," 
whereby the ashes of the sacrificial victim are used in a rite 
to purify one who has become defiled through contact with 
a corpse, the priest who ministers the rite becomes defiled 
(Num. 19:8-10; Lev. 16:26-28). This polarity is to be discerned 
in several biblical episodes describing an improper entrance 
into the inner precincts of the sanctuary. Here, in the holy of 
holies, the ritual of expiation is carried out. Yet, when *Nadab 
and *Abihu, the sons of Aaron, bring "strange fire" into the in- 
ner sanctuary, they are consumed by divine fire (Lev. 10:1-11; 
cf. Num. 16-17; 11 Sam. 6:6; cf. the warning in Ex. 19:10 ff.). 

The idea that holiness can be conveyed by mere touch or 
intimate approach is illustrated in various biblical passages. 
Those, for instance, who come in physical contact with the 
altar automatically become holy (Ex. 29:37; 30:29; Lev. 6:11, 
20). The notion is likewise reflected in the divine command 
that the vessels used by * Korah and his company were to be 
added to the altar as an outer covering because, once having 
been brought "into God's presence," they had become holy 
(Num. 17:2). 

Holiness and Glory 

Glory (Heb. kavod) is intimately associated with Gods ho- 
liness and signifies the self- manifesting presence of God, 
whereas holiness (Heb. kodesh) is expressive of God's transcen- 
dence (Ex. 14:4^; Lev. 10:3; Num. 20:13; Ezek. 20:41), though 
the polar concepts of holiness and glory are strikingly joined 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


by Isaiah - "Holy, holy, holy, the Lord of Hosts, His glory fills 
the whole earth" (6:3). The hope that the divine glory will fill 
the whole earth takes on a messianic tinge in Numbers 14:21. 
The latter is conceptually linked with Zechariah 14:20, 21. 
There, in a messianic prophecy, Zechariah anticipates the day 
when even the bells of the horses will be engraved with the 
legend "Holy unto the Lord" as well as every pot in Jerusalem 
and Judah. The ultimate extension of the sphere of the holy 
so that it will embrace even the mundane and profane under- 
scores the biblical concept of holiness not as a natural, inher- 
ent quality, but rather as a quality conferred both by God and 
man. This aspect of holiness in the messianic age is reflected 
in the prophet Joel's promise that prophecy - an endowment 
of holiness - will become a gift possessed by young and old, 

by servants and handmaids (3:1,2). 

[Theodore Friedman] 

Comparative Considerations 

The derivation of the common Semitic root q-d-s is still uncer- 
tain. It has been suggested that it means "pure, brilliant, daz- 
zling," or the like, but this is questionable, tempting though 
it is, and no theory as to the character of holiness may legiti- 
mately be based on this alleged meaning. More important 
than etymology, is the actual history of the terms "holiness," 
and "holy." The comparative evidence suggests that nominal 
and adjectival forms of the root q-d-s were first used in pro- 
fessional titles given to various types of priests and priestesses. 
Usage was subsequently expanded to apply to divine beings, 
holy persons, sacred places, cultic objects, and to rites and cel- 
ebrations. Finite verbal forms were used to convey the process 
of consecration by which holiness could be attributed; espe- 
cially kiddesh (qiddesh), "to consecrate," and its derivatives, 
in biblical Hebrew. 

Beginning in the Old Babylonian period the title qadistu 
(Heb. kedeshah (qedeshah)) designates a class of priestesses. 
It should be noted, however, that the same term, both in 
Akkadian and in Hebrew, can mean "prostitute, harlot," in 
contexts where no cultic associations are overtly evident (cf. 
Gen. 38:16, 21-22, where kedeshah (qedeshah) alternates with 
zonah, "harlot"). This connotation probably relates to the 
institution of temple prostitution, or at least to the orgias- 
tic rites often associated with fertility cults. In Deuteronomy 
23:18 and Hosea 4:14 the term kedeshah (qedeshah) is clearly 
related to the cult. 

The masculine plural qdsm, "priests, cultic servitors," oc- 
curs in Ugaritic administrative lists, so that there are precur- 
sors to both kadesh (qadesh), the masculine, as well as kede- 
shah (qedeshah) y the feminine, in biblical Hebrew. Ugaritic 
yields additional relevant evidence: the Ugaritic mqdst par- 
allels the Hebrew mikdash (miqdash, "temple, sanctuary"), 
and the Ugaritic qds, like the Hebrew kodesh (qodesh), means 
"holiness; sanctuary." There can be little doubt, therefore, that 
the biblical kadesh (qadesh, qedeshim) designates a cultic func- 
tion, as the biblical evidence itself strongly indicates (cf. Deut. 
23:18; 1 Kings 14:24; 15:12; 22:47; 11 Kings 23:7). Another line 

of comparative inquiry relates to the Ugaritic designation bn 
qds ("son (s) of holiness," i.e., "deities, divine beings"), which 
occurs in parallelism with Urn ("gods"). In this connection 
Aramaic yields qdsm, "gods," and b c l qdsn, "chief of the gods." 
The connotation "deity, divine being" is preserved in usages of 
the Hebrew kadosh (qadosh) which, in addition to serving as 
an adjective, may be a substantive. Thus in Hosea 11:9, kadosh 
(qadosh) is parallel to el ("deity"), and Job 5:1 reads: "Pray - 
call out! Is there any who answers you? And, to whom of the 
divine beings (Heb. kedoshim (qedoshim)) may you turn?" 
(cf. Isa. 10:17; 43 :1 5> Ezek. 39:7; Hab. i:i2(?); 3:3; Ps. 16:3; Job 
15:15, according to the keri y and possibly Deut. 33:3, a cryptic 
passage). It is this connotation which underlies the frequent 
epithet Kedosh Yisrael (Qedosh Yisrael) y "the holy one (deity) 
of Israel" (frequently in Isaiah, in 11 Kings 19:22; Jer. 51:5; Ps. 
71:22, et al.). All of this is in addition to the adjective kadosh 
(qadosh) that designates an attribute of God, of holy persons, 
places, objects, etc. Isaiah 6:3 contains the well-known liturgy 
proclaiming God's holiness in the dramatic repetition: Kadosh, 
Kadosh, Kadosh (Qadosh, Qadosh, Qadosh). 

Mention should be made of the Syrian goddess Qudsu, 
who is known in Ugaritic literature, and whose cult was im- 
ported into Egypt during the New Kingdom, along with those 
of other Syrian and Canaanite deities. From literary references 
and graphic representations of Qudsu it appears that this god- 
dess was at times known as "the queen of heaven, mistress 
of all the gods," and that she was identified with the Egyp- 
tian goddess Hathor. It is difficult to ascertain exactly how 
the evidence concerning Qudsu relates to the Semitic root q- 
d-s and its associated phenomena. It would be unwarranted 
to conclude that the priests and priestesses known as kadesh 
(qadesh) and kedeshah (qedeshah) were so called because they 
were devoted to the cult of Qudsu, although this might have 
been true in certain cases. It is more likely that such priestly 
functionaries were devoted to various goddesses of fertility, 
one of whom was probably Qudsu. Biblical traditions are con- 
sistent in their abhorrence of such cultic servitors, and it may 
be deduced from various allusions that the objection was at 
least partially based on their sexual practices, characteristic 
of idolatrous cults (cf. Deut. 23:19; Jer. 2:20; Micah 1:7, et al.; 
and probably the use of the verb zanah "to commit harlotry" 
as a way of characterizing idolatry, as in Hos. 9:1, et al.). It is 
not certain, however, whether the particular vocalizations 
of kadesh (qadesh) and kedeshah (qedeshah) represent a ten- 
dentious change from the model of kadosh (qadosh), so as 
to express abhorrence, or whether these vocalizations actu- 
ally reflect earlier vocalizations in Semitic, such as qadistu in 
Akkadian, and the probable qadisuma in Ugaritic (cf. contem- 
porary qadisim/in in Aramaic). 

[Baruch A. Levine] 

In Rabbinic Literature 

In rabbinic theology, holiness is repeatedly defined as separ- 
ateness. The Sifra (Lev. 19:2) paraphrases the verse (Lev. 19:2) 
"Ye shall be holy" by "You shall be separated." While separation 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



(Heb. perishut) is frequently equated with abstinence from il- 
legitimate sexual relations as well as from lewdness generally 
and he who abstains from such practices is called holy (tj, Yev. 
2:4, 3; cf. Lev. R. 24:6; Ber. 10b), the concept of holiness is by 
no means restricted to the connotation of sexual purity despite 
the emphasis placed on the latter meaning. An examination 
of a variety of contexts in which "separateness" (equated with 
holiness) appears yields the following distinct meanings: 

(1) Strict abstention from all practices even remotely re- 
lated to idolatry, e.g., attending circuses or cutting one's hair 
in the heathen fashion (Sifra, Kedoshim, Perek 9:2, Aharei, 
Perek 13:9; Sif. Deut. 85). Separation from the nations and 
their "abominations" (idolatrous practices) is tantamount to 
holiness. Accordingly, R. Nahum b. Simai is called a holy man 
because he never looked at the figure of the emperor engraved 
on a coin (tj, Av. Zar. 3:1, 42c). (Presumably, his refusal to do 
so was based on emperor worship prevalent in his time.) 

(2) Separation from everything that is impure and thus 
defiling. This is suggested by the context of the verse (Lev. 
11:44), one among several, on the basis of which the Sifra 
equates separateness with holiness. 

(3) Abstention from meat and wine (bb 60b; Tosef. Sot. 
15:11. See also Ta'an. 11a where the biblical designation of the 
Nazirite as holy is attributed to the latter s abstention from 

(4) Moderation or complete abstention from marital in- 
tercourse (Sot. 3:4; Shah. 87a; Gen. R. 35:1). 

The connotation of sexual modesty and restraint is re- 
flected in the reason given (Shab. 118b) for the appellation of 
R. Judah ha-Nasi as "Our Holy Master" (Heb. Rabbenu ha- 
Kadosh). It is probably the latter meaning of holiness that R. 
Phinehas b. Jair had in mind when he described some of the 
rungs of the ladder of virtue as "separateness leads to purity, 
purity leads to holiness" (Mid. Tannaim to Deut. 23:15; Av. Zar. 
20b; tj, Shek. 3:4, 47c). However, in the case of other tannaim 
who earned the epithet holy (R. Meir-Tj, Ber. 2:75b; Gen. R. 
100:7 an d R« Hiyya Gen. R. 33:3), the respective contexts indi- 
cate that the epithet bears no particular or especial reference 
to sexual matters. In this connection, it may be noted that in 
keeping with rabbinic thought, the human body too could be 
regarded as holy since sin defiles the body as well the soul. 
The rabbis state (Gen. R. 45:3) that Sarah declared to Hagar: 
"Happy art thou, that thou clingest to a holy body" (i.e., that 
of Abraham). 

Holiness is considered God's very essence and the "Holy 
One, Blessed be He" (Heb. Ha-Kadosh Barukh Hu) is the most 
frequent name of God found in rabbinic literature. God's holi- 
ness is incommensurate with that of man and is permanently 
beyond human attainment (Gen. R. 90:2). "For God is holy in 
all manner of holiness" (Tanh. B. Kedoshim 3). Even though 
the divine holiness is absolute, Israel sanctifies God (Ex. R. 
15:24) just as God sanctifies Israel (ibid.), "As much as to say, 
if you make yourselves holy, I impute it to you as though you 
hallowed Me; and if you do not make yourselves holy, I impute 
it to you as though you did not hallow Me. Can the meaning 

be, if you make Me holy, I am holy, and if not, I am not made 
holy? Scripture, however, teaches: 'For I am holy' I abide in 
My holiness whether you hallow Me or not." (Sifra Kedoshim 
Parashah 1:1.) Unlike God's holiness, that of Israel is not in- 
herent. It is contingent upon its sanctification through the 
performance of the commandments. Their fulfillment lends 
holiness to Israel. The latter concept originated with the tan- 
naim. Preeminent among the commandments whose obser- 
vance sanctifies Israel are the Sabbath (Mekh. Shabbat 1) and 
the ritual fringes (Sif. Num. 115). This notion is expressed in 
the formula of the traditional benediction ". . . who has sancti- 
fied us by His commandments," the benediction recited on the 
performance of a commandment. It has been suggested that 
in this way rabbinic thought sought to strip the material ob- 
jects involved in the performance of various commandments 
of any inherent holiness magico -mythical thought ascribed 
to them. Clearly implied is the notion that the observance of 
a commandment endows the observer with sanctity and that 
the object is merely a means thereto (Heb. tashmish kedushah). 
Material objects such as a Scroll of the Torah, phylacteries, and 
mezuzah possess sanctity only if they have been prepared by 
someone who is legally bound to perform the commandment 
involved and for the purpose for which they were originally 
intended (Git. 45b). The Mishnah (Kel. 1:6-9) enumerates 
ten ascending degrees of holiness beginning with the Land 
of Israel and concluding with the Holy of Holies. The notion 
of ascending degrees of holiness is reflected in the halakhic 
principle that sacred objects or, more precisely, objects that 
serve a sacred purpose should only be sold or exchanged for 
objects that possess a higher sanctity (Meg. 9b). 

The epithet holy as applied to man is used sparingly in rab- 
binic literature. The angels, the Midrash declares, upon seeing 
Adam at the time of his creation wanted to sing and praise him 
as a holy being. But when God cast sleep upon him, they real- 
ized that he was a mere mortal and they refrained (Gen. R. 8:10). 
The Patriarchs, according to the Midrash (Yalkut Job 907), were 
not called holy until after their death. But here, as elsewhere in 
rabbinic thought, there is no dogmatic consistency. Thus, the 
Talmud declares (Yev. 20a) that he who fulfills the words of the 
sages is called holy. Man has it in his power to sanctify himself 
and, if he does so, even in small measure, he is greatly sancti- 
fied from above (Yoma 39a). Man is bidden to sanctify himself 
by voluntarily refraining from those things permitted to him 
by the Law (Yev. 20a). Nor is it abstemiousness alone that wins 
sanctity for man. When men fulfill the requirements of justice 
and thus exalt God, God causes His holiness to dwell among 
them (Deut. R; 5:6). The sanctity of man's deeds invokes God's 
aid (Lev. R. 24:4). An extraordinary act of charity is deemed a 
sanctification of the name of God (pdRK 146b). It is supremely 
hallowed when men are prepared to lay down their lives rather 
than abandon their religion or violate the law of God. Such an 
act is known as "sanctification of the Name" (Heb. *kiddush ha- 
Shem). It may fairly be said to embody the highest ideal of rab- 
binic Judaism (Ber. 61b). Solomon Schechter wrote "Holiness is 
the highest achievement of the Law and its deepest experience 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


as well as the realization of righteousness. It is a composite of 
various aspects not easily definable, and, at times, seemingly 
contradictory" (Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology ', 199). 

In Jewish Philosophy 

Medieval Jewish philosophers rarely use the term "holiness" 
as a technical term. When they do use this term, it appears, as 
a rule, in connection with quotations from Scripture or from 
the sages, and its explication derives from these sources. Thus, 
"holiness" describes the distinction between spirit and flesh, 
between the eternal and temporal, and between the absolute 
and changing. God is holy, for He has been "hallowed [dis- 
tinguished] from any like Him" and He is "aloof and above all 
change." The people of Israel is holy, because it separated itself 
from worldly pursuits and turned to the worship of God. The 
Sabbath is holy, since it is devoted to spiritual matters rather 
than worldly affairs (Abraham b. Hiyya, Meditat ion of the Sad 
Souly passim). There is, therefore, a close connection between 
the notions of "holiness" and "uniqueness" in the sphere of 
theology, and "holiness" and "separation" in the sphere of eth- 
ics, though the term "holiness," in its primary meaning refers 
to the realm of ritual. 


*Maimonides associates holiness with the idea of distinction 
and uniqueness, giving it an extreme intellectual interpreta- 
tion. God is holy for He is absolutely different from creation. 
He is not similar to it in any of His attributes, and is indepen- 
dent from its being (Yad, Yesodei ha-Torah, 1:3). The angels 
are holy, for they are separate from any body (ibid. y 4:12), and 
the heavenly spheres are holy, for their body can neither be 
destroyed nor changed (ibid. y 3:9). Sanctification, therefore, 
means separation from the body. A place, name, or object are 
holy only insofar as they have been set aside from the outset 
to divine worship (ibid.y 6 passim). Sanctification through the 
precepts of the Torah also implies uniqueness and separation. 
There are three ways, according to Maimonides, of sanctifica- 
tion through the precepts (Guide of the Perplexed, 3:47): 

(1) sanctification by virtue, i.e., the restraint of physical 
desires and their satisfaction only up to the limits of necessity, 
in order to devote oneself wholly to God; 

(2) the fulfillment of those precepts which remove man 
from concern with this world and its errors, and prepare him 
for the attainment of truth; 

(3) the holiness of worship, which means observance of 
the laws of pollution and purity, which are not of primary im- 
portance in the doctrine of Maimonides. 

A man who has attained the highest degree of sanctifica- 
tion, as did the Patriarchs or Moses, is freed from his depen- 
dence upon his flesh, and thus he imitates God, for he too acts 
without being involved in creation (ibid., 3:33). 

Judah Halevi 

* Judah Halevi also states that God is holy because He is of 
the spirit, aloof from the defects which inhere in matter, and 
governs creation without being dependent on it (Kuzari, 4:3). 

Nevertheless, Halevi is far from the intellectual and distinc- 
tive conception of Maimonides. Holiness, according to Judah 
Halevi, is a power that engulfs the soul which unfolds toward 
it. This is a living spiritual power flowing from God and pres- 
ent in everybody who worships Him (ibid.; see also 1:103). T^he 
people of Israel is called holy, for such a power, manifested 
mainly in prophecy, inspires the people, the Hebrew language, 
in the Land of Israel, and the Temple. There is some notion 
of separation in Judah Halevi s conception of holiness. The 
prophet and the worshiper must purify themselves from sin, 
from negative emotions, from sorrow and weariness, exactly 
as they have to be pure from vice and wicked acts; but this 
does not mean separation from the world. Nor is the purpose 
of purification the attainment of truth; it is rather a prepara- 
tion for the proper performance of the commandments and 
rituals prescribed by the Torah. The consecrating person has 
to separate himself from the polluted, but not from the liv- 
ing flesh; he has to overcome dullness, tiredness, frustration 
and stupidity, but not to remove himself from the life of the 
senses and emotions. 

Nachman Krochmal 

The discussion of the term "holiness" in modern Jewish phi- 
losophy is associated with medieval ideas, but has undergone 
changes under the influence of various secular systems. Nach- 
man *Krochmal, influenced by * Hegel, defines the holy as a 
static and lasting spiritual attribute, whose opposite is pro- 
fane, which is dynamic and variable (Moreh Nevukhei ha-Ze- 
man (1824), ch. 6). The holy is a symbol of the spiritual, i.e., 
it arouses spiritual thoughts. The precepts sanctify, for their 
fulfillment reflects perception and enforces it. Objects are pure 
insofar as the idea embodied in them can be perceived clearly, 
i.e., they are capable of receiving holiness, while the polluted 
is the body which is impenetrable to reason, i.e., a barrier to 
holiness (ibid.). This appears to be an integration of elements 
from both Maimonides and Judah Halevi, but actually, con- 
trary to them, Krochmal conceived the spiritual as innate in 
nature and history, identifying it with reason. Sanctification, 
therefore, is not withdrawal from the world, but the self-real- 
ization of reason within existence itself. 

Moritz Lazarus 

Under the influence of neo- Kantianism, a change took place. 
Moritz *Lazarus identified the holy with conduct, according to 
the pure moral postulates of reason, which is free from causal 
necessity existing in nature. According to this system, God is 
identified with the idea of moral conduct. He has no reality 
beyond this ideal and only in this respect is He holy. Divine 
worship is, therefore, identical with ethics (the ritual is only a 
symbol of pure ethics). Thus, one is holy through moral con- 
duct, and society is sanctified by subordinating it to the cat- 
egorical imperative (Ethik des Judentums, 1 (1904), 3iiff.), al- 
though, according to Lazarus, this can never be achieved. 

Hermann Cohen 

Hermann * Cohen, similarly, defines the holy as the sphere of 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



ethical activity, the meeting place between human and divine 
reason. God is holy because the ideal of ethics is inherent in 
Him; but only man can accomplish this ideal, with God's help, 
thus consecrating himself and society by his conduct (Reli- 
gion der Vernunft (1929), 116-29). Thus, according to him, 
holiness is the sphere where the human and the divine meet 
to perfect each other. 

Franz Rosenzweig 

A diametrically opposite view is to be found in the existential- 
ist doctrine of Franz *Rozenzweig. He returns to the emphasis 
of the "otherness" or separation contained in holiness. God 
is placed opposite the world. He is holy, for He is eternal and, 
therefore, exists beyond the world. The world attains holiness 
only through revelation, which is the grace of God granted to 
man. Facing God, man is freed from the temporal and tran- 
sient, and becomes associated with the eternal. This is the 
function of the biblical commandments, which consecrate the 
life of the Jew within the framework of his community (Der 
Stern der Erloesung, 3 (1954), passim). It should be pointed 
out that new trends have emerged, which derive directly from 
the * Kabbalah philosophy of the Middle Ages. Outstanding 
among them is the doctrine of R. Abraham I. *Kook, who in- 
terpreted holiness, in the spirit of the Kabbalah, as the all-em- 
bracing existence of the divine in its absolute unity. 

[Eliezer Schweid] 

bibliography: G. van der Leuw, Religion in Essence and 
Manifestation (1938); A.L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (1964), 
171-205; c.h. Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook (1965), glossary, no. 2210, s.v. 
qds; C.F. Jean and J. Hoftijzer, Dictionnaire des Inscriptions Semitiques 
de I'Ouest (1965), 253-4, s.v. qds 1, 11, 11, esp. in, 1; Pritchard, Texts, 
428; J. Milgrom, Studies in Levitical Terminology, 1 (1970); B.A. Levine, 
in: jaos, 85 (1965), 307-18; idem, in: Religions in Antiquity, ed. by J. 
Neusner (1967), 71-87; idem, in: Eretz Israel, 9 (1969), 88-96; idem, in: 
Leshonenu, 30 (1965-66), 3-4; M. Haran, in: huca, 36 (1965), 191-226; 
J. Pedersen, Israel, its Life and Culture, 1-2 (1926), 187-212, 244-59; 
3-4 (1940), 150-534; Kaufmann Y., Toledot, vols. 1 and 2, index, s.v. 
Kedushah, esp. vol. 1, 537-59; J. Liver, in: em, 5 (1968), 507-8, 526-31; 
R. Otto, The Idea of the Holy (19433), 30-41, 52-84; M.D. Cassuto, 
in: em, 2 (1954), 354-8; J. Reenger, in: Zeitschrift fuer Assyriologie, 58 
(1967), 110-88; R. Stadelmann, Syrisch-Palaestinensische Gottheiten 
in Aegypten (1962), 110-23; de Vaux, Anc Isr 221-9, 345 _ 57> 406-13. 
in rabbinic literature: S. Schechter, Some Aspects of Rabbinic 
Theology (1909), index s.v. holiness; G.F. Moore, Judaism (1927), in- 
dex, s.v. holiness; A. Buechler, Types of Jewish-Palestinian Piety (1922); 
M. Kadushin, The Rabbinic Mind (1952), 167-88; E.E. Urbach, Hazal, 
Pirkei Emunot ve-Debt (1969), index s.v. Kadosh, Kedushah; Monte- 
riore and Loewe, Rabbinic Anthology (i960 2 ), index s.v. holiness. 

KEDUSHAH (Heb. TW^IJ?; lit. "holiness"), the third blessing 
of the *Amidah. The blessings full appellation is Kedushat ha- 
Shem (Sanctification of the Name) to distinguish it from Ke- 
dushat ha-Yom (Sanctification of the Day), the central blessing 
of the Sabbath and festival Amidah (rh 32a). Popularly, how- 
ever, the term Kedushah refers to the additions and responses 
recited by the cantor and congregation in the third benedic- 
tion during the repetition of the Amidah. The word kadosh 

(t^il|7, "holy") is the main theme of this doxology, hence the 
name Kedushah. 

During public worship, the Kedushah is inserted at the 
start of the third benediction when the reader repeats the Ami- 
dah. It is recited only when a quorum often men (*minyan) 
is present, since it is written: "I will be hallowed among the 
children of Israel" (Lev. 22:32), which is interpreted to infer 
that at least ten children of Israel must be present (Bet. 21). 
The nucleus of the different forms of the Kedushah consists of 
the following three biblical passages: "Holy, holy, holy, is the 
Lord of hosts; The whole earth is full of His glory" (Isa. 6:3); 
"Blessed be the glory of the Lord from His place" (Ezek. 3:12); 
"The Lord will reign for ever, Thy God, O Zion, unto all gen- 
erations, Halleluyah" (Ps. 146:10). 

To these sentences various additions were made during 
the first millennium c.e. Some of the changes were adopted 
in all liturgies, while others remained solely part of one or 
two local rites. The actual text of the basic Kedushah is not 
cited in the Talmud, although the prayer is mentioned (Ber. 
21; Sot. 49a). It may be that the essential Kedushah text was 
already standardized during the tannaitic period, if not ear- 
lier. *Natronai Gaon (second half of the ninth century) op- 
posed any change in the Kedushah text because "We do not 
change our usage from that which the scholars of the Talmud 
taught" (Seder Rabbi Amram, ed. by D. Hedegard, 1 (1951), no. 
57; J. Heinemann, Ha-Tefillah bi-Tekufat ha-Tannaim ve-ha- 
Amoraim (1966 2 ), 23, 141). 

The following is the most common form of the short Ke- 
dushah, incorporating the three basic texts, and recited daily 
during the morning and afternoon services and during the 
afternoon service on Sabbath and festivals: 

Reader - We will sanctify Thy Name in the world even as they 
sanctify it in the highest heavens, as it is written by the hand 
of thy prophet: 

And they called one unto the other and said, 

Cong. - Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord of Hosts: the whole earth 
is full of His glory. 

Reader - Those over against them say, Blessed - 

Cong. - Blessed be the glory of the Lord from his place. 

Reader - And in Thy Holy Words it is written, saying 

Cong. - The Lord shall reign for ever, thy God, O Zion, unto all 
generations, Praise ye the Lord (Hertz, Prayer, 135-7). 

There are three different introductions to the Kedushah which 
are preserved in the various rituals and recited on different 
occasions: (1) Naarizkha ve-Nakdishkha - "We will reverence 
and sanctify thee according to the mystic utterance of the holy 
Seraphim, who sanctify thy Name in holiness, as it is written 
by the hand of thy prophet. . ." (Sof. 16:72). This introduction is 
retained in the Sephardi, the later Italian, the Persian, and the 
Yemenite rituals. It is based on Isaiah 29:23 and is utilized by 
these rituals for weekday, Sabbath, and festival *Shaharit and 
*Minhah Kedushot. The Ashkenazi and Egyptian rituals use 
this introduction for the Kedushah. (2) Keter yittenu lekha - 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


"Unto Thee, O Lord our God, shall the heavenly angels above, 
with Thy people Israel assembled beneath, ascribe a crown; 
all shall repeat thrice with one accord the holy praise unto 
Thee, according to the word spoken by Thy prophets. . ." (see 
Hul 91b). The Sephardi, Italian (originally also for Shaharit), 
Romanian, Yemenite, and most hasidic rituals (following 
Nusah Ari) have this introduction for the Musaf Kedushah. 
(3) Nekaddesh - "We will sanctify Thy Name in the world. . . ," 
introduces the Kedushot in Ashkenazi rite in both the Shaharit 
and Minhah services on weekdays, Sabbaths, and festivals. 

Additional changes in the body of the various daily, 
Sabbath, and festival Kedushot have been inserted. The most 
important of these insertions is the Shema -"Hear, O Israel" 
(Deut. 6:4) in the Musaf Kedushah - which dates from the 
sixth century c.e., when the Jewish communities of the Byzan- 
tine Empire attempted to circumvent a prohibition against its 
recitation in the synagogue. The Jews thought that its presence 
in the Kedushah of the Musaf service would not be suspected 
by the authorities (Baer, Seder, 237). *Saadiah and *Maimo- 
nides later abrogated the recitation of the Shema during the 
Musaf service, and as a result the Yemenite and Persian ritu- 
als do not retain the insertion. All other rituals continue the 
tradition of reciting the Shema. 

The Kedushah recited during the repetition of the Ami- 
dah is called Kedushah de-Amidah (Kedushah recited while 
standing), since it may be recited only when standing. An 
abridged form of the Kedushah, called Kedushah de-yeshivah 
(Kedushah recited while seated), is recited after *Barekhu dur- 
ing the Shaharit service. It is permissible to recite this Kedu- 
shah when seated since it is essentially descriptive of the an- 
gels' acknowledgment of God's sovereignty as related in Isaiah 
6:3 and Ezekiel 3:12. A third Kedushah, Kedushah de-Sidra 
(Kedushah recited at the conclusion of study), is also recited 
daily toward the end of the morning service for those who 
missed the previously recited Kedushah during the repetition 
of the Amidah. The collection of verses composing this Kedu- 
shah begin with "And a redeemer shall come to Zion" (Hertz, 
Prayer, 202), and also includes the passages from Isaiah 6:3 
and Ezekiel 3:12, and their Aramaic translations. The Kedu- 
shah de-Sidra probably derives its name from the Babylonian 
custom of having rabbinical discourses after the morning ser- 
vice. Along with a prayer for the observance of the To rah, this 
Kedushah would be recited upon the conclusion of the lecture. 
The Kedushah de-Sidra is also recited before the reading of the 
Torah during the Minhah services on Sabbath and festivals, 
and after reading Psalm 91 at the conclusion of the Sabbath. 
"The world is maintained by the Kedushah" (Sot. 49a) refers 
to the Kedushah de-Sidra. 

is considered a vehicle for the hazzan or synagogal composer 
to give it a suitably brilliant yet solemn rendition. The early 
cantorial manuals contain many examples of especially ornate 
settings of Naarizkha (such as the "more than forty" settings 
in the so-called "Hanoverian Compendium" of 1744 described 
by Nadel). Solomon de *Rossi's Kedushah for four voices, in 
his Ha-Shirim asher li-Shelomo (Venice 1622/23, no - 7), follows 
the Sephardi version (Keter). However, S. *Naumbourg, in his 
1877 edition of the Shirim y substituted for this the Ashkenazi 
version (Naarizkha). Because of the mystical connotations of 
the Kedushah , controversies arose in the 17 th century about 
the repetitions of the Divine name and the word keter in ar- 
tistic compositions, since these were thought to contain the 
dangerous implication of "two authorities" (shetei rashuyyot), 
i.e., a negation of the unity of God. 

bibliography: E. Levy, Yesodot ha-Tefillah (1952 2 ), 164-7; 
Elbogen, Gottesdienst, 61-67; J- Heinemann, Ha-Tefillah bi-Tekufat 
ha-Tanna'im ve-ha-Amora'im (1966 2 ), index; Werner, in: huca, 19 
(1945-46), 292-307; Idelsohn, Liturgy, 94-98; Abrahams, Compan- 
ion, lx-lxi, cxlv-cxlvi, clxv-clxvi. 

[Bathja Bayer] 

KEFAR AKKO (Heb. iDy "15?), village mentioned in the 
Tosefta as the seat of R. Judah b. Agra (Kil. 1:12) and in the 
Babylonian Talmud as a place from which 1,500 people made 
a pilgrimage to Jerusalem (Ta'an. 21a). Some scholars have 
identified it with the Caphareccho appearing in one version 
of Josephus' writings (Wars, 2:573). If, however, the location 
of Kefar Akko at Tell al-Fukhkar outside Acre is accepted, 
it cannot correspond to the locality mentioned by Josephus 
since the latter is included in the list of his fortifications and 
Josephus would hardly have fortified a suburb of Acre, the 
headquarters of his enemy Vespasian. 

bibliography: Saarisalo, in: jpos, 9 (1929), 27fF.; Avi-Yo- 

nah, in: iej, 3 (1953), 96-97 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR AZAR (Heb. TTK 1D3), moshav in central Israel, 
about 6 mi. (10 km.) E. of Tel Aviv, affiliated to Tenu'at ha- 
Moshavim, and founded in 1932 by veteran agricultural la- 
borers of the Second and Third Aliyah. Engaged in suburban 
truck farming from the outset, Kefar Azar principally raised 
vegetables, dairy cattle, and poultry. In the largely urbanized 
surrounding area, the moshav preserved to an extent its char- 
acter of a rural "island." Kefar Azar is named after the writer 
Alexander Siskind *Rabinovitz (abbr. "Azar"). In 1968 its pop- 
ulation was 330, rising to 460 in the mid-1990s and 539 inhab- 
itants in 2002 after expansion. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

Musical Rendition 

The Kedushah has no standard melodic pattern of its own. In 
the East European Ashkenazi tradition there is a tendency to 
render the first Kedushah in a minor and the second in a major 
key, and on the High Holidays it follows the intonation of the 
*Shema Israel and Ve-ha-kohanim. In general, the Kedushah 

KEFAR BARAM (Heb. D^ll ID •)), locality in Upper Galilee, 
7 mi. (11 km.) N.W of Safed. Its Jewish settlement is mentioned 
only in the Middle Ages (by R. Samuel b. Samson, 1210, and R. 
Jacob, mid- 13 th century). Later travelers (including R. Moses 
Basola, 1522) mention two synagogues there. In 1762 Kefar 
Baram was destroyed; Maronites resettled the village in the 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



19 th century. The remains of a synagogue from the third cen- 
tury c.e. were found, built on the highest point of the village. 
It measures 59 ft. (18 m.) by 43 ft. (13 m.). In front of the main 
building stands a porch with a row of six columns, of which 
one has survived in situ. The building, entered through three 
ornate doorways, contains two rows of columns joined by one 
transverse row. Traces of stairs leading to an upper (women's) 
gallery have been found in the northwestern corner. The lin- 
tels of the doors and the window pediments are elaborately 
decorated with floral ornaments; two angels holding a wreath 
above the main entrance have been hammered away. An in- 
scription below a window mentions the builder as Eleazar b. 
Judan. The synagogue has been partly restored by the Israel 
Department of Antiquities. Kibbutz Baram, affiliated to Ha- 
Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad, was founded near the ruins of Kefar 
Baram in 1949 by former members of the *Palmah. The main 
farming branches included fruit orchards, poultry, dairy cattle, 
and field crops. The kibbutz owns a plastics factory producing 
medical equipment. Its tourist attractions include a spa and 
alternative medicine center. A small museum with a Judaica 
collection is located in the kibbutz. In 2002 the population of 
Kibbutz Baram was 488. 

bibliography: H. Kohl and C. Watzinger, Antike Synagogen 
in Galilaea (1916), 89 ff. website: 

[Michael Avi-Yonah / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR BARUKH (Heb. ^112 1D3), moshav near the Kishon 
reservoir of the National Water Carrier in the Jezreel Valley, 
Israel, affiliated to Tenu'at ha-Moshavim. It was founded in 
1926 by settlers from Kurdistan, Iraq, Romania, Poland, Ger- 
many, and also "Mountain Jews" from the Caucasus. In its 
initial years, Kefar Barukh suffered from a lack of water and 
difficulty of access (although it was a station on the then-ex- 
isting Jezreel Valley narrow-gauge railway). Its field crops, 
dairy cattle, and fruit orchards constituted prominent farming 
branches. Later on, other farming branches such as flowers, 
poultry, fishery, and goose fattening were added. The moshav 
is named after Baruch Kahana of Ploesti, Romania, who dedi- 
cated his wealth to the * Jewish National Fund. In 1968 its pop- 
ulation was 202; in 2002, 261. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR BIALIK (Heb. ptye? 133), moshav in Haifa Bay, 
Israel, affiliated to Ha-Ihud ha-Hakla'i, and founded in 1934 by 
immigrants from Germany who were later joined by settlers of 
different origin. Kefar Bialik, separate from the nearby Kiryat 
Bialik suburb, preserved its agricultural character and moshav 
form. Nevertheless, in the late 1960s housing estates were built 
within its confines. Kefar Bialik, named after the poet H.N. *Bi- 
alik, had 610 inhabitants in 1968. The population maintained 
its size through the-mid-i990s and rose to 768 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR BILU (Heb. Y'b'l IDS), moshav in the Coastal Plain 
of Israel, near Rehovot. Affiliated to Tenu'at ha-Moshavim, 

it was founded in 1932 in the framework of the "Thousand 
Families Settlement Scheme." The village was partly based 
on intensive farming, but due to the limited farm area at the 
villages disposal, many settlers held jobs in Rehovot or in the 
Tel Aviv area. The village is named after the *Bilu movement. 
In 1968 its population was 370, rising to 450 in the mid-1990s 
and 978 in 2002 after residential expansion. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR BLUM (Heb. DlV? 1D3), kibbutz in the Huleh Valley, 
Israel, affiliated to Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve- ha -Kibbutzim. It was 
founded in 1943 on the edge of the malarial swamps existing 
at the time, by the so-called "Anglo -Baltic" kibbutz, composed 
of pioneers from the Baltic countries and the first group of 
the * Ihud Habonim movement of England. The settlers en- 
deavored to make their kibbutz a focal point for pioneers 
from English-speaking countries. The kibbutz engaged in in- 
tensive farming, including field crops, orchards, poultry, and 
dairy cattle, and has developed several industrial enterprises, 
with factories manufacturing automatic irrigation equipment 
and electric grids. The kibbutz has a large guesthouse, kayak- 
ing, and a cultural center. In 2002 its population was 527. The 
American Nationaler Arbeter Farband (Farband Labor Zionist 
Order) contributed toward the establishment of Kefar Blum 
and named it in honor of the French Jewish statesman and 
socialist leader Leon *Blum. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR DAROM (Heb. Di"l7 1D3), locality in the southern 
coastal plain of Philistia. It is first mentioned in the Talmud 
as the seat of R. Eleazar b. Isaac (Sot. 20b). It was captured by 
the Arabs in 634 and in Crusader times it was a fortress called 
Darum. Taken by Saladin in 1188, it was destroyed in 1192 by 
Richard the Lionhearted and later rebuilt by the Ayyubids. 
Arab writers describe it as one hour distant from Gaza (whose 
southern gate was known as Bab al-Darum) on the border of 
the desert in an area famous for its vines. It is generally iden- 
tified with the village of Dayr al-Balah, 10 mi. (16 km.) south 
of Gaza. The village contains an ancient mound and the ruins 
of an old mosque. Kefar Darom was also the name of a mod- 
ern kibbutz founded in 1946 which fell to the Egyptians in the 
Israel War of Independence (1948-49). Settlers from Kefar Da- 
rom then moved to a new site which they called Benei *Da- 
rom. In 1970 a *Nahal group moved back to the original site 
of kibbutz Kefar Darom, making it the first settlement in the 
*Gush Katif area. In 1973 it became a civilian settlement and 
served as a training farm for *Gush Emunim settlers. A few 
years later, it was abandoned, until 1989, when new inhabit- 
ants settled there. From the 1990s, Kefar Darom came under 
terror attacks. In the mid-1990s the population was approxi- 
mately 150 and at the end of 2002 the population of Kefar Da- 
rom increased to 324 residents. In August 2005 Kefar Darom 
was evacuated along with the other settlements of Gush Katif 
as part of the government s disengagement plan. Resistance 
was particularly strong, with settlers barricading themselves 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


inside the synagogue and on its roof before being forcibly re- 
moved by the police and army. 

bibliography: Abel, in: rb, 49 (1940), 6yff. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah /Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR EZYON (Heb. ]V?y ID?), kibbutz in the Hebron Hills 
about 14 mi. (23 km.) S. of Jerusalem, affiliated to *Ha Kibbutz 
ha-Dati. A first attempt at settlement there was made by reli- 
gious Jews from Iraq who established Migdal Eder (1926/27; 
the place is not identical with the biblical site of that name). 
The site was abandoned in the 1929 Arab riots. In 1935, a Jew- 
ish citrus grove owner, S.Z. Holzmann, acquired the land, pre- 
pared it for setting up a mountain village and country resort, 
and named it Kefar Ezyon, a translation of his own name. His 
work was brought to a standstill by the 1936-39 Arab rebel- 
lion. In 1943, Kevuzat Avraham of Ha- Kibbutz ha-Dati, whose 
members hailed from Poland, founded Kefar Ezyon, the first 
of the four villages constituting the Ezyon Bloc (the others 
were *Massubt Yizhak, *Ein Zurim, and *Revadim). The kib- 
butz members worked in afforestation and developed farm 
branches. From the end of 1947 the kibbutz repelled frequent 
Arab attacks. It also improved its strategic position and ha- 
rassed Arab communications sent to reinforce Arab forces on 
the Jerusalem front. A unit of 35 men (remembered in Hebrew 
as "Ha-Lamed-He") of *Palmah and *Haganah members from 
Jerusalem making its way on foot from Hartuv to reinforce 
the Ezyon Bloc was intercepted by Arabs and all its members 
killed (Jan. 16, 1948). A relief convoy suffered severe losses on 
March 27. On May 12, the Arab Legion and vast numbers of 
Arab irregulars mounted the final assault on the Bloc, which 
two days later succumbed against overwhelming odds. Most 
of the defenders of Kefar Ezyon, men and women, were mas- 
sacred by an Arab mob after having capitulated to the Arab 
Legion. The Arabs totally obliterated all traces of the Jew- 
ish villages and an Arab Legion camp was set up on the site. 
The Bloc area, together with the Hebron Hills, was taken by 
the Israel Army in the *Six-Day War on June 7, 1967. In Sep- 
tember 1967, kibbutz Kefar Ezyon was renewed by a group of 
Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati which included children of the original 
settlers massacred in 1948. The new kibbutz set up industrial 
branches along with farming. Its farming was based on poul- 
try, turkeys, and orchards. Industry included the Mofet ballis- 
tic armor plant. Kefar Ezyon operates a guest house and has a 
nature preserve. In 2002 its population was 408. 


[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR GAMALA (Heb. KV&3 15?), ancient village in the 
territory of Jerusalem. It is mentioned in Byzantine sources 
as the place where the tomb of R. * Gamaliel, the grandson of 
Hillel the Elder, the teacher of the apostle * Paul, was discov- 
ered following a dream by Lucian the local priest (pl 41:807, 
809). Interred together with the Jewish sage were the remains 
of his two sons and of St. Stephen the deacon, the first Chris- 
tian martyr. The distance of Kefar Gamala from Jerusalem is 

given as 20 miles. After the discovery of the tomb, the body 
of the saint was exposed in Jerusalem and then transferred 
to Constantinople in 415. Kefar Gamala is generally placed at 
Jammala, a ruin 7 mi. (11 km.) west of Ramallah and this iden- 
tification is supported by the fact that Kefar Gamala is men- 
tioned in the sources together with Arimathea (Rantis) and 
Selemia (Khirbat Salamiyya) in the vicinity. From 1851 it was 
proposed to identify it with Beit Jimal, 16 mi. (26 km.) south- 
west of Jerusalem, but this village was outside the territory of 
Jerusalem in Byzantine times. 

bibliography: Abel, in: rb, 33 (1924), 235ff. 306; Beyer, in: 
zdpv, 51 (1931), 225-6; A. Sacchetti, Studi Stephaniani (1934). 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR GIDEON (Heb. J13TJJ ID-)), moshav in the Jezreel 
Valley, Israel, 1.2 mi. (3 km.) N. of Afulah, affiliated to *Agu- 
dat Israel, and founded in 1923 by religious Jews from Roma- 
nia. An insufficient water supply at first deterred the moshavs 
progress, but in the 1940s ample groundwater reserves were 
discovered. After 1948, new immigrants were absorbed into 
the moshav, which engaged mainly in field crops and dairy 
cattle. The moshav is named after the biblical figure of Gideon. 
In 1968 its population was 140; in 2002, 198. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR GILADI (Heb. Tjfa 133), kibbutz in N. Israel, on the 
N.W. rim of the Huleh Valley, affiliated to Ihud ha-Kevuzot 
ve-ha-Kibbutzim. Founded in 1916 on *Jewish Coloniza- 
tion Association (ica) land, Kefar Giladi was established by 
*Ha-Shomer (Guardsmen Association) to guard outlying Jew- 
ish land in the area during World War 1 and to increase the 
food supply to the starving yishuv. By 1919 two more small 
outposts, one of them *Tel Hai, were established in the vicin- 
ity. When the area was marked for inclusion in the French 
Mandate territory of Syria, Arabs revolting against the French 
in 1920 attacked these Jewish settlements. Kefar Giladi had 
to be temporarily abandoned, but the settlers returned 10 
months later. In 1926 the settlements of Kefar Giladi and Tel 
Hai merged. During World War 11 (1941), Kefar Giladi, to- 
gether with *Metullah, guarded the country's northern bor- 
der against an invasion of Vichy French troops. In 1946 Kefar 
Giladi suffered casualties when British forces besieged and 
searched the kibbutz, known for its assistance in organiz- 
ing "illegal" Jewish immigration across the nearby border. 
In 1952 Kefar Giladi decided to join Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve-ha- 
Kibbutzim after the split in Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad move- 
ment. In 1968 the kibbutz had 680 inhabitants, in the mid- 
1990s the population was approximately 710, but by 2002 it 
had dropped to 559. Its economy is based mainly on irrigated 
field crops, deciduous fruit orchards, dairy cattle, and fishery. 
Kefar Giladi also runs a quarry, plant nursery, and rest home. 
The kibbutz is named after Israel *Giladi, one of the found- 
ers of Ha-Shomer. 

[Efraim Orni] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



KEFAR GLICKSON (Heb. JlDp'V? ">??)> kibbutz in the N. 
Sharon, Israel, on the rim of the Manasseh Hills, affiliated to 
Ha-Oved ha-Ziyyoni. It was founded in 1939 on ^Palestine 
Jewish Colonization Association (pica) land. The founding 
settlers, from Romania, erected a permanent village only in 
1945. In 1969 Kefar Glickson's economy was based on intensive 
farming and on a factory processing lime. Later on it set up 
guest rooms and a youth hostel. The kibbutz was linked to a 
neighboring youth village, *Allonei Yizhak, and is named after 
the journalist and General Zionist leader Moshe *Gluecksohn 
(Glickson). Its population in 1968 was 250; in 2002, 284. 


[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR HABAD (Heb. ran IDS), village in central Israel near 
the Lydda-Tel Aviv railway, established by Habad Hasidim 
in 1949. Founded on the initiative of the Lubavitch rabbi Jo- 
seph Isaac Shneersohn, Kefar Habad was initially intended 
for Habad immigrants from Russia. The original settlers were 
later augmented by families from North Africa. At the end 
of 1969, it had 1,540 inhabitants, in the mid-1990s the popu- 
lation was approximately 3,460, and in 2002 it was 4,220. It 
became a center for Habad Hasidim in Israel and the loca- 
tion of many religious and educational institutions. In addi- 
tion to its yeshivot and a teachers' seminary for girls, Kefar 
Habad also sponsored institutions for vocational education 
including a printing school dedicated in memory of the five 
children and their teacher murdered in the village in 1955 by 
fedayeen raiders while at evening prayers. Kefar Habad is the 
focal point for Habad celebrations, such as Yod-Tet Kislev, 
the anniversary of the release of the founder of Habad, Rabbi 
*Shneur Zalman of Lyady, from a Czarist prison in 1798. A 
community center known as the "House of the President," in 
honor of President Zalman * Shazar, serves as a meeting place 
for the youth of Kefar Habad and its neighboring settlements. 
In 1970, an absorption center for new immigrants was opened 
there. Many of the settlers engage in farming of field crops, 
poultry, and dairy cattle. 

bibliography: Challenge: An Encounter with Lubavitch- 

Chabad (1970), 136-50. 

[Aaron Rothkoff ] 

KEFAR HA-HORESH (Heb. Bhlnn 1D3; "Woodland Vil- 
lage"), kibbutz in Lower Galilee, Israel, W. of Nazareth, affili- 
ated to Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve- ha -Kibbutzim. It was founded in 
!933 by a group from the *Gordonia youth movement in Po- 
land. In the initial years, the settlers were employed in planting 
forests in the neighborhood, notably the King George v For- 
est. Citrus groves, poultry, and field crops constituted promi- 
nent farming branches. The kibbutz also operated a margarine 
factory. In 1969 Kefar ha- Horesh had 244 inhabitants. In 2002 
its population was 421. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR HA-MACCABI (Heb. 'IDftn IDS), kibbutz in the 
Haifa Bay area, Israel, affiliated to Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve-ha- 

Kibbutzim. It was founded in 1936 by pioneers from Aus- 
tria, Czechoslovakia, and Germany, who were members of 
the *Maccabi Sports Organization and the Maccabi ha-Za'ir 
youth movement. Some of them had come to participate in 
the *Maccabiah which took place in the country that year, and 
stayed on "illegally" (see ^Immigration, "Illegal"). The kibbutz 
developed intensive, irrigated farming based on field crops, 
avocado orchards, dairy cattle, poultry, and fishery; it also 
went into partnership in a food factory with the neighboring 
kibbutz, *Ramat Yohanan. In 1969 it had 310 inhabitants; in 
2002, 291. Kefar ha-Maccabi is named after the Maccabi Or- 
ganization which contributed funds toward the purchase of 

its land. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR HANANYAH (Heb. rran 1D3), ancient Jewish vil- 
lage, situated, according to the Mishnah, on the border be- 
tween Upper and Lower Galilee (Shev. 9:2). It was known as 
a village of potters, who utilized the black (Tosef., bm 6:3) or 
white soil (bm 74a) found there. Vessels of special forms pro- 
duced in the potters' workshops of Kefar Hananyah are men- 
tioned in the Jerusalem Talmud (Pe'ah 7:4, 20a) and the Mi- 
drash (Lam. Zuta 1:5). Hawkers living there visited four or five 
villages in the vicinity, returning home to sleep (tj, Ma'as. 2:3, 
49d). At least one rabbi, Abba Halafta, lived there (bm 94a). 
Cattle and goats were raised in the vicinity. 

Kefar Hananyah is usually identified with Kafr c Anan, 
6 mi. (c. 9V2 km.) southwest of Safed. In 1522, according to 
R. Moses Basola, there were 50 priestly Jewish families and a 
synagogue in Kafr c Anan. This community is also mentioned 
in the middle of the 16 th century by R. Samuel b. Judah and it 
seems to have endured until the end of the 17 th century. Re- 
mains of an ancient synagogue and tomb caves of talmudic 
times have been found on the site. 

bibliography: Braslavski, in: bjpes, 1 (1933), i8ff. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR HA-NASI (Heb. K>pJ3 ID •)), kibbutz in Upper Gali- 
lee, Israel, S. of the Huleh Valley, affiliated to Ihud ha-Kevuzot 
ve-ha-Kibbutzim. It was founded on July 2, 1948, during the 
Israeli War of Independence, just when the Syrians estab- 
lished their bridgehead at nearby *Mishmar ha-Yarden in an 
attempt to cut off the whole of Upper Galilee. When fighting 
was renewed a week later to contain and reduce the bridge- 
head, the kibbutz found itself in the middle of battle. The set- 
tlers were graduates of the *Ihud Habonim youth movement 
of England, Australia, and other English-speaking countries. 
Its economy was based on intensive farming (orchards, cit- 
rus groves, field crops, a plant nursery, and poultry), a factory 
producing industrial valves, a small hydroelectric plant, and 
guest rooms. The communal system was gradually phased 
out, with members receiving salaries or working outside the 
kibbutz and covering their own expenses. In 2002 the popu- 
lation of Kefar ha-Nasi was 489. Its name (Presidents Village) 
commemorates Chaim *Weizmann. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR HA-RO'EH (Heb. 7\"$in IDS), moshavin the Hefer 
Plain, Israel, affiliated to Ha-Po'el ha-Mizrachi Moshavim As- 
sociation, founded in 1934 by pioneers from Eastern Europe. 
It became a spiritual center for the religious moshavim in the 
country. In 1968, Kefar ha-Ro'eh had 860 inhabitants including 
the students in its yeshivah, which was the study institute of the 
*Bnei Akiva youth movement. Its population rose to approxi- 
mately 1,050 in the mid-1990s and 1,430 in 2002. Its economy 
was based on intensive farming, such as poultry, dairy cattle, 
citrus (mainly citrons), and flowers. The moshav s name is com- 
posed of the initials of Rabbi Avraham ha-Kohen *Kook. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR HASIDIM (Heb. DTPQ ID-)), moshav and suburban 
area in the Zebulun Valley, 7V2 mi. (12 km.) S.E. of Haifa, Israel. 
The moshav, affiliated to Ha-Po'el ha-Mizrachi Moshavim 
Association, was founded in 1924 by two groups of Hasidim 
from Poland who, together with their leaders, the rabbis of 
Kozienice and Yablonov, initially settled on two sites further 
east, on the Jezreel Valley border. In 1927 they together estab- 
lished a permanent village at Kefar Hasidim and with great 
dedication drained the malarial swamps and developed farm- 
ing there. In 1937 an agricultural school, Kefar ha-No'ar ha- 
Dati, was established near the moshav. 

In 1950 a second religious village, Kefar Hasidim Bet, was 
set up (unaffiliated to a country- wide organization). Simul- 
taneously, two large mabarot (transitory immigrant camps) 
were established nearby, whose inhabitants were later grad- 
ually transferred to the suburban religious community of 
Rekhasim whose construction began in 1951. In 1968 Rekha- 
sim had 2,540 inhabitants, while Kefar Hasidim and Kefar 
Hasidim Bet together had 675, and Kefar ha-Noar ha-Dati, 
590. In the mid-1990s Kefar Hasidim and Kefar Hasidim Bet 
together had approximately 650 residents, and Kefar ha-Noar 
ha-Dati dropped to approximately 484. At the end of 2002 
the population of Kefar Hasidim was 508 residents and the 
population of Kefar Hasidim Bet was 188, while Rekhasim's 
population was 7,750. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR HATTIN, Hittaya (Heb. K^tpn 1D3), village in Gali- 
lee, the seat of R. Jacob (Hag. 5b) and R. Azariah (pdRK 54). It 
had a synagogue (Gen. R. 65:16) and served as a refuge for R. 
Simeon b. Lakish, who escaped from the wrath of the patri- 
arch Judah 11 (tj, Sanh. 2:1, i9d). According to the Jerusalem 
Talmud (Meg. 1:1, 70a), it was identified with the Ziddim-Zer 
of Joshua 19:35. The name of the village ("Grain Village") in- 
dicates its fertile surroundings. It is identified with the Arab 
village of Hittin or Hattin al-Qadim ("ancient Hattin"), which 
gave its name to the Horns of Hittin, where the Crusaders were 
defeated by Saladin in 1187. In this village, the Druze vener- 
ate the tomb of al-Nabi Shuayb, who is identified with Jethro, 

Moses' father-in-law, and hold an annual festival. Building re- 
mains and ancient tombs have been found there. 

bibliography: S. Klein (ed.) y Sefer ha-Yishuv (1939), s.v.; G. 
Dalman, Sacred Sites and Ways (1935), index, s.v. Hattin. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR HAYYIM (Heb. D"n 1D3), moshav in the Hefer Plain, 
central Israel, affiliated to Tenu at ha-Moshavim. Kefar Hayyim 
was one of the first settlements established in the region (1933), 
founded by two groups of veteran pioneers - Third Aliyah im- 
migrants from Russia, of which one had attempted settlement 
in the Negev as early as the 1920s and had defended *Huldah 
in the 1929 riots. Citrus groves and dairy cattle were promi- 
nent farming branches. The kibbutz name commemorates 
Chaim *Arlosoroff In 1968 its population was 360, increas- 
ing to 468 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR HESS (Heb. OH 133), moshavin the southern Sharon, 
Israel, affiliated to Tenu at ha-Moshavim, founded in 1933 by 
settlers from Eastern Europe. After 1948, the moshav was en- 
larged by newcomers from Hungary. Its economy was based 
on intensive farming: citrus groves, field crops, poultry, flow- 
ers, and beehives. In 1967 its population was 410, rising to 
around 650 in the mid-1990s and 971 in 2002 after additional 
expansion. Kefar Hess is named after Moses *Hess. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR HITTIM (Heb. D^DPl "ID-)), moshav shittufi north- 
west of Tiberias. After earlier attempts at settlement failed, 
the settlement was renewed in 1924 by a Ha-Po'el ha-Mizra- 
chi moshav group, which was replaced in 1932 by a group of 
Sephardi Jews who left two years later. In 1936 the immigrant 
group "Ha-Kozer" from Bulgaria permanently established the 
first moshav shittufi in the country there. Farming was based 
on field and garden crops, deciduous and other fruit trees, 
dairy cattle, and poultry. In the mid-1990s the population was 
approximately 290, rising to 330 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR JAWITZ (Heb. pST 1D3; Kefar Ya'bez), moshav in 
the southern Sharon, Israel, near Tel Mond, affiliated to Ha- 
Po'el ha-Mizrachi moshavim association. First founded as a 
moshav in 1932, it suffered from insufficient cultivable land 
and, situated on what was then the eastern rim of the Jew- 
ish settlement zone, it came under frequent attacks in the 
1936-39 Arab riots. In the 1948 *War of Independence, Kefar 
Jawitz was in the line of battle. That year, it was taken over by 
kibbutz Nezer Yissakhar, which later became a moshav shit- 
tufi but eventually dispersed. In 1953, a moshav of immigrants 
from Yemen was established and developed intensive farming 
(citrus groves, cattle, poultry, flowers, and vegetables). In 1969 
there were 360 inhabitants, rising to 496 in 2002 due to expan- 
sion. The village is named after the historian Zeev *Jawitz. 

[Efraim Orni] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



KEFAR KANNA (Kenna; Ar. Kafr Kanna), a village in Gali- 
lee, 4 mi. (6V2 km.) N.E. of Nazareth. Owing to its convenient 
position on the main Nazareth-Tiberias road, it has been iden- 
tified since Byzantine times with the *Kanah of the Gospels. 
A mosaic inscription found in the present church of the vil- 
lage indicates that it stands on the ruins of a Byzantine syna- 
gogue whose mosaic pavement, according to the inscription, 
was made by Yose, the son of Tanhum, and his sons. A Jew- 
ish settlement existed in Kefar Kanna in the i5 th -i6 th centu- 
ries; in 1481 there were 80 families there and in 1522, 40 fam- 
ilies (as attested by the travelers Obadiah of *Bertinoro and 
Moses b. Mordecai *Basola). Since its identification with the 
Kana of the Gospels was firmly established by Quaresmius in 
the 17 th century, several churches were erected in the village 
and it has been included in the itineraries of pilgrims. It has 
recently been proposed to identify it with Garis (Jos., Wars, 
3:129; 5:474; Life, 395, 412). In 1968, the village numbered 4,550 
inhabitants, the majority Christian (Greek- Orthodox, Roman, 
and Greek Catholic), and the rest Muslim. Over the years, the 
ratio between Christians and Muslims has been reversed, so 
that by the end of 2002 the majority of Kefar Kanna's popula- 
tion (16,100 residents) were Muslims. The population growth 
rate is a high 2.7% per year. Income in 2000 was about half 
the national average. In 1968 Kefar Kanna received municipal 
council status. Its jurisdiction extends over 4.1 sq. mi. (10.7 sq. 
km.). In the vicinity of Kefar Kanna there is a large industrial 
area employing workers from all over the region and includ- 
ing cinder block and tire factories. 

bibliography: Clermont- Ganneau, in: pefqs, 43 (1901), 

374 ff.; RD. Baldi, Enchiridien Locorum Sanctorum (1955), 205 ff.; Abel, 

Geog, 2 (1938), 291-2. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR KISCH (Heb. ttf'j? 133), moshav in eastern Lower 
Galilee, Israel, about 2 J /2 mi. (4 km.) E. of Kefar Tavor, affili- 
ated to Tenuat ha-Moshavim. It was founded in 1946 by de- 
mobilized soldiers who in World War 11 served with the Royal 
Engineer Corps and other units. The original settlers estab- 
lished a moshav shittufi, but most of them left in the ensu- 
ing years, and in 1953, Kefar Kisch was renewed, this time as 
a moshav, by immigrants from Poland, Romania, and Hun- 
gary. Its principal farming branches were field crops, fruit or- 
chards, and dairy cattle. In 1969 there were 189 inhabitants in 
Kefar Kisch and in 2002 around 300. The moshav is named 

after Frederick H. *Kisch. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR MALAL (Heb. V'Vtt 133), moshav in the southern 
Sharon, Israel, affiliated to Tenu'at ha-Moshavim, first founded 
on privately owned land in 1911 and named Ein Hai. It was de- 
stroyed in the battles of World War 1. Renewed by a laborers' 
group after the war, it was again destroyed in the 1921 Arab 
riots, but was rebuilt as a moshav in 1922, when the land be- 
came * Jewish National Fund property. In the 1929 Arab riots, 
Kefar Malal successfully repelled several attacks. Its settlers 
hail from Eastern Europe. Citrus groves and dairy cattle con- 

stituted the principal farming branches. Kefar Malal's name 
is composed of the initials of Moses *Lilienblum. In 1967 its 
population was 270, rising to 443 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR MANDI (Heb. HJ& 1DD), village in Galilee, the seat 
of R. Issachar (tj, rh 1: 3, 57a). A document found in the 
Cairo *Genizah indicates that in 1065 Jews lived there, in 
particular one Abraham b. David al-Kafrmandi. Later trav- 
elers located the tombs of *Akavyah b. Mahalalel, and Rab- 
ban *Simeon b. Gamaliel, in the village. Arab sources, con- 
fusing Mandi with Midian, located there the tomb of Saffura 
(*Zipporah), the wife of Moses, and the well from which he 
rolled the stone, which was shown to travelers. The tombs of 
Athir (*Asher) and *Naphtali, sons of Jacob, were also placed 
there. The present-day Arab village Kafr Manda, with an area 
of 4.1 sq. mi. (10.7 sq. km.), is situated between Tiberias and 
Acre, 8 mi. (c. 13 km.) north of Nazareth. In 1964 it received 
municipal council status. In 1968, it had 3,180 inhabitants, 
increasing to 13,800 in 2002. Olive and other fruit trees, field 
crops, sheep, and cattle have constituted its principal farm- 
ing branches. 

bibliography: Assaf, in: Tarbiz> 9 (1937/38), 201; A.-S. Man- 
nardji, Textes Geographiques Arabes. . . (1951), 175-6. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR MASARYK (Heb. pnOtt 1D3), kibbutz in the Haifa 
Bay area, Israel, S. of Acre, affiliated to Kibbutz Arzi ha- 
Shomer ha-Za'ir. It was founded as a *stockade and tower set- 
tlement in 1938 by pioneers from Czechoslovakia. The partly 
brackish swamps near the Na'aman Stream mouth required, 
in the first years of the settlement, concentrated reclamation 
and drainage work. Beside intensive farming branches (field 
crops, orchards, fishery, dairy cattle, and poultry), the kibbutz 
has also developed industrial enterprises such as a plant pro- 
ducing printed cartons, a company servicing satellite equip- 
ment, and an R&D plant for electronic devices. Its population 
was 480 in 1967 and 592 in 2002. It is named after Tomas G. 
Masaryk, first president of Czechoslovakia. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR MENAHEM (Heb. D037? IDS), kibbutz in the south- 
ern Coastal Plain of Israel, about 9 mi. (14 km.) S.E. of Ged- 
erah, affiliated to Kibbutz Arzi Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir. The origi- 
nal settlers set up a moshav on the site in 1936, but the local 
soil and security conditions were inimical to the smallholder 
type of settlement, and the moshav group moved west to found 
*Kefar Warburg. In 1937, the village was refounded as a kib- 
butz by a group composed of pioneers from North America, 
Germany, and Poland. The kibbutz developed intensive farm- 
ing (field crops, poultry, and dairy cattle) and industrial en- 
terprises (a quarry, ceramics plant, and metal plant). In 1968, 
it had 555 inhabitants, rising to 600 in the mid-1990s but then 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


dropping to 460 in 2002. The kibbutz is named after Menahem 
Mendel *Ussishkin. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR MONASH (Heb. Eftifc ID-)), moshav in the central 
Sharon (Hefer Plain), Israel, affiliated to Tenu at ha-Moshavim, 
founded in 1946 by demobilized soldiers who had served with 
the British Royal Engineer Corps in World War 11. They were 
later joined by settlers from South Africa and other countries. 
Kefar Monash was initially a moshav shittufi and engaged in 
farming and maintained a photolithographic printing plant. 
Later it became a moshav based exclusively on farming. The 
main farming branches included citrus groves, flowers, and 
turkeys. The moshav is named after the Australian Sir John 
*Monash. The land on which the moshav was founded is part 
of Wadi Kabani in the eastern *Hefer Plain, acquired through 
contributions of Australian Jewry. In 1967 it had 320 inhabit- 
ants. In the mid-1990s the population was approximately 450, 
further increasing to 690 in 2002 after expansion. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR MORDEKHAI (Heb. ^rHItt 1D3), moshav in the 
Coastal Plain of Israel, W of Gederah, affiliated to Ha-Ihud 
ha-Hakla'i (middle-class settlers' association), founded in 1950 
by pioneers from England. It was later joined by newcomers 
from Australia and other English-speaking countries, and by 
Israeli-born settlers. Citrus groves and dairy cattle constituted 
its principal farming branches. Kefar Mordekhai is named af- 
ter Mordecai *Eliash, Israel's first minister in Great Britain. 
Its population in 1968 was 230 rising to 305 in the mid-1990s 

and 476 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR NEBURAYA (Nibborayya; Heb. nnil? 1DD), vil- 
lage in Upper Galilee, the home of Jacob of Kefar Neburaya, 
a popular preacher of the third century c.e., who was often 
in conflict with the rabbinical authorities and was suspected 
of heresy (tj, Yev 2:5). It has been identified with Khirbat al- 
Nabratayn, a ruin 2.5 mi. (4 km.) north of Safed. Here were 
found the remains of an ancient synagogue measuring 55 by 
39 ft. (17 x 12 m.) whose facade is oriented toward Jerusalem. 
Inside are two rows of four columns. The limestone lintel 
is decorated with a laurel garland and a menorah within a 
wreath. An inscription added to the lintel in 564 c.e. records 
the reconstruction of the building by Hanina son of Lezer 
(Eliezer) and Luliana (Julianos) son of Judah. A sculptured 
figure of a lion was also found there. 

bibliography: H. Kohl and C. Watzinger, Antike Synago- 

gen in Galilaea (1916), ioiff.; Alt, in: pjb, 21 (1925), 37; Avigad, in: 


[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR NETTER (Heb. 1UJ ID •)), moshav in the southern 
Sharon, Israel, about 4 mi. (7 km.) S. of Netanyah, initially a 
member of Tenu at ha-Moshavim, but later unaffiliated. It was 

founded in 1939 by graduates of the *Mikveh Israel agricul- 
tural school. After 1948, Kefar Netter was enlarged when new 
immigrants from Poland settled there. Its farming was highly 
intensive, but subsequently only citrus groves and avocado 
plantations have remained. In 1967 the population was around 
420; in 2002, 510. The moshav is named after the founder of 
Mikveh Israel, Charles *Netter. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR OTNAY (Otnai; Heb. 'KJflly 133), ancient village, 24 
Roman mi. from Caesarea, 24 from Scythopolis (Beth-Shean), 
and 16 from Sepphoris. It is defined in talmudic sources as the 
farthest limit of Galilee in the direction of Judah and anyone 
passing it was considered to have left Galilee (Git. 7:7). It was 
the hometown of R. Shemaiah, a pupil of R. Johanan b. Zak- 
kai, and the patriarch Gamaliel occasionally visited there. Sa- 
maritans living in the vicinity (Git. 1:5) cultivated vegetables 
on the land of the village (Tosef., Dem. 5:23). In the time of 
Hadrian, Kefar Otnay (Gr. Caparcotnei - KcmapKOTvsi) was 
chosen as the camp of the sixth legion and renamed *Legio. 
Previously proposed identifications with Kafr Dan or Kafr 
Qud are no longer accepted. 

bibliography: Ramsay, in: jrs, 6 (1916), 129; Alt, in: zdpv, 

68 (1951), 57ff. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR PINES (Heb. Ors "IDS), moshav in the northern 

Sharon, Israel, affiliated to Ha-Po'el ha-Mizrachi moshavim 

association. The settlers, from Poland, Germany, and other 

countries, founded Kefar Pines in 1933. Citrus orchards, dairy 

cattle, and poultry constituted its principal farm branches. 

The moshav is named after Yehiel Michael *Pines. In 1967 its 

population was 400, increasing to 730 in the mid-1990s and 

972 in 2002 after expansion. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR ROSH HA-NIKRAH (Heb. ni^H ttfX'1 ID •)), kibbutz 
in the Acre Plain, Israel, near the Lebanese border, on the slope 
of the Rosh ha-Nikrah-Hanitah ridge, affiliated to Ihud ha- 
Kevuzot ve -ha- Kibbutzim. It was founded in 1949 by a group 
of Israeli-born youth. In addition to highly intensive farming 
(field crops, bananas, avocado orchards, citrus groves, poul- 
try, dairy cattle, fruit trees) the kibbutz operated a cafe on top 
of the Rosh ha-Nikrah Cape (which forms part of Sullam Zor, 
the Ladder of *Tyre separating the Acre and Tyre plains), near 
the police frontier post, and a cable car leading down to the 
sea grottoes of the cape. In addition, the kibbutz had a holiday 
village with a spa. Below Rosh ha-Nikrah Cape, to the south, 
was the Israel Police Force rest resort. In 1969 Kefar Rosh ha- 
Nikrah had 318 inhabitants. In the mid-1990s the population 
was approximately 560, while in 2002 it decreased to 491. The 
name Rosh ha-Nikrah ("Headland of the Cleft") is derived 
from the Arabic name for the spot Ras al-Naqura. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



KEFAR RUPPIN (Heb. p^ms?), kibbutz in the Beth-Shean 
Valley, near the Jordan River; founded in 1938 as a *stock- 
ade and watchtower settlement by pioneers from Germany, 
Czechoslovakia, and Hungary, later joined by immigrants 
from other countries. From 1967, Kefar Ruppin, situated within 
close firing range of the Jordanian positions beyond the river, 
endured frequent shelling and sniping. The kibbutz engaged 
in intensive farming, including branches adapted to the local 
hot climate, e.g., date palms, which withstand soil salinity, and 
field crops, fishery and ornamental fish, poultry, and dairy cat- 
tle. In addition, the kibbutz operated the Palkar Co. for fencing 
and storage facilities. For a time, the kibbutz was a center for 
nutria fur production. An international birdwatching center 
is located in the kibbutz. Its population rose from 310 in 1967 
to 448 in 2002, with families becoming economically indepen- 
dent. The kibbutz is named after Arthur *Ruppin. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR SAVA (Heb. K20 IDS), town in central Israel, in the 
southern Sharon, near the Arab village Kafr Saba. Hibbat Zion 
bought the holdings in 1892, but settlement began in 1896 
when the land was taken over by Baron Edmond de *Roth- 
schild, who invested considerable sums in an abortive experi- 
ment to raise plants for perfume. In 1903 part of the land was 
bought by * Petah Tikvah farmers for farmsteads for their sons, 
and almond orchards became the principal farming branch. 
The Turkish authorities, however, did not issue permits to 
build houses, so the place remained largely empty until 1912, 
when permits were finally granted. A eucalyptus grove was 
planted in the place where about 1,000 inhabitants of Tel Aviv 
set up camp in 1917 after the Turks expelled them from their 
homes; the following year, several hundred died there in a 
typhus epidemic. In September 1918 Kefar Sava, which lay in 
the front line of battle between the Turko- German and Allied 
armies, was entirely destroyed. The settlers soon returned and 
rebuilt their houses, but Kefar Sava was again laid waste in the 
1921 Arab riots. In the following years, local abundant ground- 
water resources were discovered and the developing citrus 
branch attracted investors and provided a solid foundation for 
Kefar Sava's economy. From the end of the 1920s, the struggle 
for Jewish labor on Jewish farms focused on Kefar Sava and 
became more violent in the 1930s when a number of kibbut- 
zim set up their temporary camps there prior to their perma- 
nent settlement in other parts of the country. The number of 
Kefar Sava's inhabitants grew from 450 in 1927 to 3,500 in 1941. 
From the end of the 1930s, immigrant housing quarters were 
built and partly provided with auxiliary farms. During World 
War 11 industrial plants were established, primarily for citrus 
preserves, as fresh fruit could not be exported at the time. In 
the Israeli *War of Independence (1948) Kefar Sava lay again 
in the front line facing the "Arab triangle" of Samaria; fighting 
died down only after the neighboring Arab village Kafr Saba 
was taken by Jewish forces and abandoned by its inhabitants. 
After 1948 Kefar Sava's population rapidly grew, approaching 

20,000 when it received city status in 1962. In 1969 Kefar Sava 
had 23,000 inhabitants. By the mid-1990s the population had 
risen to approximately 65,800, and in 2002 it was 77,800. The 
municipal area is 5.8 sq. mi. (15 sq. km.). Kefar Sava serves as 
an administrative, commercial, and health-service center for 
the south Sharon region. The large Me'ir Hospital (which, in 
its initial years, specialized in lung diseases) and Bet Berl, a 
teachers college, seminary, and study center, are located there. 
The city also has a large industrial area. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR SHEMARYAHU (Heb. inntttf IDS), semi-rural 
Israeli settlement with municipal council status in the south- 
ern Sharon. Kefar Shemaryahu is named after Shemaryahu 
*Levin. Founded in 1937 as a middle-class moshav by immi- 
grants from Germany, from the outset it was based on inten- 
sive farm branches, primarily poultry breeding, with its farm- 
ers belonging to the Ha-Mo'azah ha-Hakla'it association. From 
the 1950s, its proximity to the *Herzliyyah beach and the ex- 
tension of the Tel Aviv conurbation caused its gradual trans- 
formation into a middle -class garden suburb, which has also 
developed as a recreation and entertainment center. A writers' 
and artists' house was opened there. Besides smaller industrial 
enterprises, it housed the Tene-Nogah central dairy. In 1969, 
the village numbered 1,260 inhabitants, becoming an upscale 
community. In 2002 its population was 1,790 residents, occu- 
pying a square mile (2.5 sq. km.) 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR SHIHLAYIM (Heb. D»VrPtf IDS), village in Idumea, 
probably identical with the Sallis in which the Jewish gen- 
eral Niger took refuge after an unsuccessful assault on Ash- 
kelon (Jos., Wars, 3:20). According to talmudic sources, Kefar 
Shihlayim was a large village, which was destroyed either in 
the First Jewish War against Rome or in the war of Bar Kokhba 
(Lam. R. 2:2, no. 4). The inhabitants of the village grew cress 
(shihlah). A man from the village appeared before R. Tarfon in 
the early second century (tj, Jer. 16:5, i5d). The location of the 
village of Saleim, mentioned by Eusebius (Onom. 160:9-10) as 
lying seven Roman miles west of Eleutheropolis (Bet Guvrin), 
seems to correspond to that of Kefar Shihlayim. This would 
place the ancient site of Khirbat Shahla, 2 mi. (3.2 km.) east 
of Iraq al-Manshiyya. The suggested identification with the 
biblical Shilhim (Josh. 15:32) is doubtful. 

bibliography: Loew, Flora, 1 (1924), 5off.; R Romanoff, On- 

omasticon of Palestine (1937), 215 ff. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEFAR SYRKIN (Heb. p|?T9 ID-)), moshav in the Coastal 
Plain of Israel, E. of Petah Tikvah; affiliated to Tenu'at ha- 
Moshavim; founded in 1936 by veteran agricultural laborers, 
who were soon joined by immigrants from Germany and 
other countries. In 1968, Kefar Syrkin had 570 inhabitants, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


rising to 931 in 2002. The settlers engaged in various farming 

branches, such as fruit orchards, poultry, and the operation 

of a horse ranch. The moshavis named after the Zionist labor 

leader Nachman *Syrkin. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR SZOLD (Heb. iVnO 133), kibbutz on the eastern out- 
skirts of the Huleh Valley, Israel, affiliated to Ha- Kibbutz ha- 
Me'uhad. It was founded in 1942 by pioneers from Hungary, 
Austria, and Germany, later joined by new members from 
South America and other countries. Until the *Six-Day War 
(June 1967) Kefar Szold was a constant target for the Syrian 
artillery position on the Golan slopes. Its farming was inten- 
sive, based on field crops, apple orchards, citrus groves, poul- 
try, and cattle. The kibbutz also operated a factory producing 
batteries and rented guest rooms. In 2002 its population was 
455. The kibbutz is named after Henrietta *Szold. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR TAVOR (Heb. lilA "IDS; initially better known by 
its Arab name Meshah), moshavah at the foot of Mt. Tabor, 
Israel, \oVi mi. (17 km.) N.E. of Afulah, founded in 1901 by 
the * Jewish Colonization Association as one of the villages 
based on the settlers' own labor, with grain cultivation as a 
principal branch. Until World War 1, Kefar Tavor was a cen- 
ter for the activity of *Ha-Shomer, the first armed Jewish de- 
fense organization in Erez Israel. Lack of water impeded the 
village's economic progress for many years. Later field and 
fruit crops have constituted its main farming branches. In 
1968 its population was 315. In the mid-1990s the population 
was approximately 1,140 and by the end of 2002 it had dou- 
bled to 2,290 owing to the expansion of the moshavah, with 
the majority of residents no longer farmers and income well 
above the national average. The village extends over an area 
of 4 sq. mi. (10.6 sq. km.). 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR TRUMAN (Heb. JDnt? ID •)), moshav in the Coastal 
Plain of Israel, N.E. of Lydda, affiliated to Tenu'at ha-Moshavim, 
founded in 1949 by immigrants from Poland. Its economy was 
based on intensive farming. It is named after the former U.S. 
president Harry S. Truman. In 1968 its population was 251, ris- 
ing to about 330 in the mid-1990s and 483 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR URIYYAH (Heb. 7FW 1ED), moshav in the Judean 
Foothills, Israel, 6 mi. (10 km.) N.E. of Bet-Shemesh, affili- 
ated to Tenu'at ha-Moshavim. The land at Kefar Uriyyah was 
purchased by individuals in 1909, and a workers' group es- 
tablished a farm there in 1912. After World War 1, some of the 
proprietors went to settle, but progress was slow, due to lack 
of water and difficulty of access. In the 1929 Arab riots, the vil- 
lage was abandoned. A group of Kurdish Jews, who had pre- 
viously worked as stonecutters in Jerusalem, settled there in 
1943. The isolated village came under frequent attacks from 

its Arab neighbors in the War of Independence and had to be 
evacuated (1948). In 1949, a moshav was set up there by immi- 
grants from Bulgaria when the new road connecting Tel Aviv 
and Jerusalem provided access to the site. The initial difficul- 
ties confronting the moshav resulted in a frequent turnover of 
settlers. In the 1950s, ample groundwater resources were dis- 
covered and these eventually supplied the bulk of Jerusalem's 
water needs. The name is based on the Arabic Kafruriyya, 
which may have its root in an ancient Hebrew name, perhaps 
Kefar Aryeh - "Lion's Village" (a nearby site was called in Ar- 
abic Khirbat al-Asad - "Lion's Ruin"). Remnants of ancient 
buildings and tombs were found there. Its population in 1968 
was 255, rising to 315 in the mid-1990s and 416 in 2002. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR VERADIM (Heb. DHTj 1D3), town in northern Israel. 
Kefar Veradim lies on the northern slopes of Mt. Eshkar in 
western *Galilee, 2,100 ft. (641 m.) above sea level, 11 mi. 
(18 km.) east of *Nahariyyah. The municipal area extends 
over 1.8 sq. mi (4.7 sq. km.). The settlement was founded in 
1982 on the initiative of the industrialist Steff *Wertheimer. 
The establishment of the settlement was part of a plan to de- 
velop the region industrially and attract new settlers by cre- 
ating an attractive upscale urban setting. In 1993 Kefar Ve- 
radim received municipal council status. By the end of 2002 
the population had reached 5,030 inhabitants, with a high an- 
nual growth rate of 3.1%. 


[Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR VITKIN (Heb. ppin "ID •)), moshav in the central Sha- 
ron (Hefer Plain), Israel, affiliated to Tenu'at ha-Moshavim. It 
was founded in 1933 by a group of veteran agricultural workers 
who were the first to come to the Hefer Plain (early 1930) and 
reclaim its wastes. Kefar Vitkin became the largest moshav in 
the country with over 1,100 inhabitants in the late 1940s and 
845 in 1968. Orange groves, dairy cattle, poultry, orchards, and 
flowers were the mainstays of its intensive farming. By 2002 
the moshav's population had risen to 1,480 due to expansion. 
Several central regional institutions were situated in Kefar 
Vitkin, which is named after Joseph * Vitkin. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KEFAR WARBURG (Heb. jnirfl ID-)), moshav in the south- 
ern Coastal Plain of Israel, near Beer Toviyyah, affiliated to 
Tenu'at ha-Moshavim. It was founded in 1939 by a group 
of experienced agricultural laborers, joined by immigrants 
from different countries. They had previously settled at * Ke- 
far Menahem and defended it in the 1936-39 Arab riots, but 
moved to the present site which appeared better suited to the 
moshav type of settlement. Its farming is highly intensive. In 
1968 Kefar Warburg had 500 inhabitants, rising to 745 in 2002. 
The moshav is named after Felix * Warburg. 

[Efraim Orni] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



KEFAR YASIF (Heb. *]>p; ID-)), a large village at the foot of 
the mountains of Upper Galilee, about 7 mi. (10 km.) N.E. 
of Acre. The antiquity of the name Kefar Yasif is alluded to 
in the Septuagint, which instead of "Hosah," the portion of 
Asher (Josh. 19:29), reads 'Iaoup. The Jewish antiquity of the 
locality is evident from the stone door of a burial cave which 
is preserved at the Louvre in Paris. On it appear reliefs of a 
candelabrum and an ark. A stone tablet which is affixed over 
the door of one of the houses of the village bears reliefs of a 
candelabrum, a shofar (ram's horn), and a lulav (palm branch). 
In Crusader times it was a village called Cafersi in the terri- 
tory of *Acre. As a result of the revival of Acre at the begin- 
ning of the 16 th century, the Jewish settlement of Kefar Yasif 
was also renewed. It is reflected in the responsa of the rabbis 
of Safed and in the tax lists of the Ottoman archives of Istan- 
bul. As one of the ten i6 th -century Jewish village settlements 
in Galilee, its inhabitants also engaged in agriculture. Taxes 
were paid from the cotton crops. 

With the renewed impetus of Jewish settlement in Acre 
during the first half of the 18 th century, a new Jewish settle- 
ment was created in Kefar Yasif. This settlement also engaged 
in agriculture and observed the laws applicable to the Land 
of Israel. The community left in 1707 as a result of an attack of 
locusts, but was renewed by the kabbalist R. Solomon Abbadi 
in 1747 who sought, under the protection of Sheikh Dhaher 
el- 5 Amr, the ruler of Galilee, to establish a Torah center. The 
last settlement ceased to exist at the end of the first half of 
the 19 th century (1841). The number of Jewish settlers fluctu- 
ated from 10 families in 1702, to 20 in 1764, to 15 in 1827. The 
present inhabitants of the village point to a "Jewish quarter." 
With the revival of the Jewish settlement in Kefar Yasif dur- 
ing the 18 th century, the village became the burial site for the 
Jews of Acre (and not during the i3 th -i4 th centuries as gener- 
ally thought) because, according to the halakhah y it is doubt- 
ful whether Acre forms part of Erez Israel or not. Upon their 
death, the wealthy of Acre were borne to Kefar Yasif on the 
shoulders of their pallbearers. Others preferred to be buried 
near the sacred tomb of "*Hushai the Archite" in the Druze 
village of Yirkah (3 mi. (5 km.) to the east of Kefar Yasif). The 
poor were buried on the eastern side of the walls of Acre. The 
custom of burial in Kefar Yasif was abolished either after the 
riots of 1929 or those of 1936. 

[Joseph Braslavi (Braslavski)] 

Kefar Yasif is now an Arab village with 7,820 inhabitants 
in 2002 (up from 3,470 in 1968), the majority Greek Catho- 
lic and Greek Orthodox and the rest Muslim (57% Chris- 
tians, 43% Muslims). Kefar Yasif has been governed by a mu- 
nicipal council since 1925. Its jurisdiction extends over an 
area of 2.6 mi. (6.7 sq. km.), with the village economy his- 
torically based on olive plantations, tobacco, and livestock as 
well as some intensive mixed farming, workshops, and small 
factories. In 2000 income was about half the national aver- 


[Efraim Orni] 

bibliography: R. Dussaud, Les Monuments Palestiniens et 
Judaiques (1912), 88; R. Gottheil and W.H. Worrell, Fragments from 
the Cairo Genizah (University of Michigan Studies, 13, 1927), 263; Riv- 
kind, in: Reshumot, 4 (1925), 332-44; B. Lewis, Notes and Documents 
from the Turkish Archives (1952), 9, 16, 18, 20-21; Braslavi, Le-Heker 
Arzenu (1954), 123-8; idem, in Maaravo shel ha-Galil (1961), 179-98; 
idem, in Maaravo shel Galil ve-Hof ha-Galil (1965), 147-52; I. Ben Zvi, 
Shear Yashuv (1965), 132-47. 

KEFAR YEHEZKEL (Heb. ^XpTtT 15?), moshav in the Ha- 
rod Valley, Israel, N.W. of *En-Harod, affiliated to Tenu at 
ha-Moshavim. It was founded in 1921 as one of the first set- 
tlements in the valleys of Jezreel and Harod, by a group of 
pioneers of the Second and Third Aliyah. Farming at Kefar 
Yehezkel was intensive, diversified, and fully irrigated. The 
moshav operates a tourist center that features a robotic dairy. 
The moshav is named after Yehezkel * Sassoon, whose contri- 
bution aided the Jewish National Fund in financing the pur- 
chase of the Jezreel and Harod valley lands. In 1968 it had a 
population of 440. In the mid-1990s the population was ap- 
proximately 591; in 2002, 610, with expansion underway. 


[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR YEHOSHIPA (Heb. ytfirr "ID •)), moshav in the west- 
ern Jezreel Valley, Israel, affiliated to Tenuat ha-Moshavim. It 
was founded in 1927 by a pioneer group, mostly from Russia, 
many of whom had been members of * Gedud ha- Avodah. In 
1968 Kefar Yehoshua had 645 inhabitants; in 2002, 674. Like 
its neighbor *Nahalal, it was laid out in a circular pattern on 
the architect Richard *Kaufmann's blueprints. A mosaic in 
honor of Kaufmann is located in the center of the moshav. 
The moshav has a regional museum principally displaying 
the history of settlement in the Jezreel Valley. At the entrance 
to the moshav is a reconstruction of the historic Ha-Emek 
train station on the line that once linked Haifa to Damascus. 
It is named after Yehoshua *Hankin, who was instrumental 
in purchasing the Jezreel Valley lands. 

[Efraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEFAR YONAH (Heb. n}1> 1D3), rural settlement, possessing 
municipal council status, in central Israel, about 4 mi. (7 km.) 
E. of Netanyah, founded in 1932 by veteran farm workers from 
Nes Ziyyonah, followed soon afterwards by other settlers. The 
village's establishment was aided by the Belgian Zionist Jean 
Fischer Fund. Based mainly on citriculture, the village ex- 
panded and introduced small industrial enterprises during 
World War 11 to take the place of citrus which no longer had 
export outlets. With the mass immigration to Israel beginning 
in 1948, Kefar Yonah grew considerably when a large immi- 
grant camp (*ma barah) in the vicinity, Shevut Am (Bet Lid), 
later transferred part of its inhabitants to permanent housing 
in Kefar Yonah. In 1968, the settlement had 2,650 inhabitants. 
In the mid-1990s the population was approximately 5,650, and 
by the end of 2002 it had nearly doubled to 10,900, attracting 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


city dwellers seeking a rural environment. The settlements 
area is about 5 sq. mi. (12.7 sq. km.). Its name commemorates 
Jean (Yonah) *Fischer. 

[Ephraim Orni / Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

KEHIMKAR, HAYIM SAMUEL (1830-1909), historian 
of the *Bene Israel community in Bombay (Mumbai). Born 
in Alibag on the Konkan coast like many in his community 
he became a civil servant in Bombay. In 1853 he founded the 
Bombay Bene Israel Benevolent Society. In 1875 he and his 
two brothers opened a school in Bombay which taught both 
Marathi and Hebrew. He was the editor of the periodical 
Israel, which appeared until 1885, and his work Sketch of the 
History of the Beni-Israel and an Appeal for Their Education 
was published in 1892. On his death, he left in manuscript his 
"History of the Bene-Israel of India," a mine of information 
on the history and customs of the Bene Israel community, 
which was published in Tel Aviv in 1937 on the initiative of 
Immanuel *01svanger. 

bibliography: H.S. Kehimkar, History of the Bene-Israel 
of India (1937), iii-viii. add. bibliography: S.B. Isenberg, India's 

Bene Israel: A Comprehensive Inquiry and Sourcebook (1988); J.G. Ro- 
land, Jews in British India: Identity in a Colonial Era (1989). 

[Walter Joseph Fischel] 

°KEIL, KARL FRIEDRICH (1807-1888), German Bible 
critic, born in Lauterbach, Saxony. Keil was appointed to the 
theological faculty of Dorp at in Estonia where he taught Bible, 
New Testament exegesis, and Oriental languages. In 1859 he 
was called to serve the Lutheran church in Leipzig. In 1887 he 
moved to Rodletz, where he died. Keil was a conservative critic 
who reacted strongly against the scientific biblical criticism of 
his day. He strongly supported Mosaic authorship of the Pen- 
tateuch. He maintained the validity of the historico-critical in- 
vestigation of the Bible only if it proved the existence of New 
Testament revelation in the Scriptures. To this aim he edited 
(with Franz *Delitzsch) his principal work, a commentary 
on the Bible, Biblischer Kommentar iiber das Alte Testament 
(5 vols., 1866-82; Biblical Commentary on the Old Testament, 
5 vols., 1872-77). The work remains his most enduring con- 
tribution to biblical studies. He also published commentaries 
on Maccabees and New Testament literature. 

add. bibliography: A. Siedlecki, in: dbi, 2:18-19. 

[Zev Garber] 

KEILAH (Heb. T\b^\?), city of Judah, in the fourth district of 
the kingdom, together with Achzib and Mareshah (Josh. 15:44; 
cf. 1 Chron. 4:19). It is first mentioned in the *el-Amarna let- 
ters, in connection with disputes between the king of Jeru- 
salem and the kings of the Shephelah (nos. 279, 280, 287, 289, 
290). In 1 Samuel 23:7 it is described as a town with gates and 
bars, threshing floors, and cattle. Attacked by the Philistines, 
it was defended by David, then a fugitive outlaw. When, after 
the defeat of the enemy, Saul approached the town intending 

to capture David with the help of the inhabitants, who were 
ready to betray him, David escaped into the desert. In post- 
Exilic times, Keilah served as the headquarters of a district 
divided into two parts (Neh. 3:17, 18). The Keilah whose fig- 
cakes are mentioned in talmudic literature (tj, Bik. 3:3, 65c) 
may be another place on the other side of the Jordan River. 
Eusebius refers to Keilah as a village 8 mi. (12% km.) from 
Eleutheropolis (Bet Guvrin) on the way to Hebron (Onom. 
114:15 ff.). A tomb of Habakkuk is located near the village in 
Onomasticon 88:27 an d by Sozomenus (Historia Ecclesiastica 
7:2). Keilah is identified with Khirbat Qila, 10 mi. (16 km.) 
northwest of Hebron. 

bibliography: Alt, in: pjb, 21 (1925), 21-22; 24 (1928), 26-27; 

Albright, in: basor, 15 (1924), 4; Beyer, in: zdpu, 54 (1931), 222, n. 5; 

Aharoni, Land, index. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KEITEL, HARVEY (1939- ), U.S. actor, producer. The son 
of a Polish mother and Romanian father, Keitel was born and 
raised in Brooklyn, New York. He enlisted in the U.S. Marine 
Corps at the age of 16 and served in Lebanon. Following his 
return to the U.S., he worked as a court reporter before be- 
ing accepted at the New York Actors Studio, where he studied 
under legendary teachers such as Lee *Strasberg, Stella *Adler, 
and Frank Corsaro. In 1967, Keitel began his long relationship 
with director Martin Scorcese, as the two made their respec- 
tive feature film debuts in Who's That Knocking at My Door. 
Five years later, Keitel and Scorcese made their breakthrough 
with Mean Streets (1973). Keitel's relationship with Scorcese 
continued throughout his career in acclaimed films such as 
Taxi Driver (1976), Alice Doesnt Live Here Anymore (1974), and 
The Last Temptation of Christ (1988). Keitel continued to work 
with distinctive directors on such breakthough films as Rid- 
ley Scott's The Duellists (1977), James Toback's Fingers (1978), 
Paul Schrader s Blue Collar (1978), and Betrand Tavernier's La 
Mort en direct (1980). Keitel's stature as an actor grew with his 
1991 portrayal of gangster Mickey Cohen in Bugsy, for which 
he was nominated for an Oscar, and continued with his role as 
a detective in Thelma and Louise (1991). In 1992, Keitel's per- 
formance as Mr. White in Quentin Tarantino's Reservoir Dogs 
sustained his successful run, followed by important roles in 
such films as Abel Ferrara's The Bad Lieutenant (1992) and Jane 
Campion's The Piano (1993). Later work includes Smoke (1995), 
From Dusk Till Dawn (1996), U-571 (2000), Little Nicky (2000), 
Red Dragon (2002), and National Treasure (2004). 

[Walter Driver (2 nd ed.)] 

KELAL YISRAEL (Heb. ^Klttf* V?-); "Jewish community as a 
whole"), a term employed when discussing the common re- 
sponsibility, destiny, and kinship of all members of the Jew- 
ish community. The rabbis declared that "all Israel are sureties 
one for another" (Shevu. 39a); and sinners must be rebuked 
because the entire community is ultimately responsible for 
their wrongdoings. Nevertheless, the rabbis recognized that a 
community will always possess some sinners and the Midrash 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



interpreted the Tour Species as symbolizing four categories 
of Jews ranging from those who possess both Torah and good 
works to those who possess neither (Lev. R. 30:12). The unity 
of the Jewish nation was considered an historic and spiritual 
concept, in addition to being a social reality. All subsequent 
generations of Jews (including proselytes) were viewed as hav- 
ing been present at Mount Sinai and sharing in the responsi- 
bilities of the covenant with God (Shevu. 39a). Likewise, the 
righteous of all generations will be reunited at the time of the 
resurrection of the dead during the messianic period (Maim., 
Commentary to Mishnah, Sanh. 10:1). This concept of com- 
munity and shared fate is a more concrete version of the agga- 
dic notion, often found in the Midrash, of * keneset Yisrael, i.e., 
"the community of Israel" as a spiritual and even mystical en- 
tity. The term keneset Yisrael is often used in aggadic literature 
as a personification of Israel in its dialogue with God and its 
faithfulness to Him. It praises the Almighty who in turn praises 
keneset Yisrael (Tanh., Ki-Tissa 18). The latter is also described 
as the mother of every Jew; the father is the Almighty Himself 
(Ber. 35b). Keneset Yisrael also boasts that "never did it enter the 
theaters and circuses of the heathen peoples to make merry and 
rejoice" (Lam. R., introd., p. 6). In the Zohar, God and keneset 
Yisrael are one when together in Erez Israel. The community 
of Israel in exile is not united with God until it emerges from 
captivity and returns to its land (Zohar, Lev. 93b). 

In modern times the concept of kelal Yisrael was further 
developed and utilized by Solomon *Schechter in defining 
change and development within Jewish law. Schechter held 
that the collective conscience of "catholic" Israel as embod- 
ied in the "universal synagogue" was the only true guide for 
determining contemporary halakhah. His viewpoint was an 
elaboration upon the talmudic principle "Go forth and see 
how the public is accustomed to act" (Ber. 45a). 

bibliography: S. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1 (1896), 



KELEN, IMRE (Emery or Emerich; 1895- ), cartoonist. 
Kelen, who was born in Gyor and won the Hungarian Mili- 
tary Cross in World War 1, made his name with his carica- 
tures of the statesmen at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. 
Not long afterward he went to live in Switzerland, where in 
1922 he began his collaboration with another Hungarian Jew, 
Aloysius Derso (1888-1964). Together the two men attended 
the League of Nations and major international conferences, 
and the Kelen-Derso cartoons appeared in many European 
newspapers over the next 15 years. In 1938 they emigrated to 
the United States, where they continued their collaboration 
until 1950. Collections of their work include Guignol and Lau- 
sanne (1922), Indian Round Table Conference (1930), Le Tes- 
tament de Geneve (1931), Pages Glorieuses (1932), The League 
at Lunch (1936), and Peace in Their Time (1963). Kelen also 
wrote children's books. From 1948 to 1957 he was adviser to 
and then director of the United Nations Television Service in 
New York, and in 1966 published a biography of the former 
secretary- general of the un, Dag Hammarskjold. 

KELETI, AGNES (Klein; 1921- ), Hungarian gymnast, 
the most successful Jewish female Olympian in history, win- 
ner of 11 medals including five gold, four silver, and two 
bronze, member of the International Gymnastics Hall of 
Fame and the Hungarian Sports Hall of Fame. Keleti began to 
study gymnastics at the age of four in Budapest, winning her 
first national title at 16, the first of 10 national titles in her ca- 
reer. She began focusing on the 1940 Olympics, but World 
War 11 caused the cancellation of the Games. At the begin- 
ning of the war Keleti's father was sent to Auschwitz, while 
her mother and sister were saved by Swedish diplomat Raoul 
* Wallenberg. Keleti purchased the papers of a Christian 
girl and escaped to a small Hungarian village, where she 
worked as a maid. After the war, she learned that her mother 
and sister had survived the concentration camps, but that 
her father and all her other relatives had been murdered at 

Keleti made the 1948 Hungarian gymnastic team, but 
an injury caused her to miss Olympic competition. She was 
nonetheless awarded a silver medal when Hungary finished 
second in team competition. At the 1952 Helsinki Olympics, 
Keleti - by now an "old" 31 - won a gold medal in the Floor 
Exercises, silver in the Combined Team competition, and a 
bronze in both Team Hand Apparatus and Uneven Parallel 
Bars. She also finished fourth in the Balance Beam, and sixth 
in the Individual All -Around. 

In 1954, Keleti captured the World Championship in Un- 
even Bars, and her Hungarian team won the silver medal in 
Team Exercises (portable apparatus). She also took the bronze 
medal in the Balance Beam, and finished fourth in the Floor 
Exercise. Keleti won the Ail-Around Hungarian Champion- 
ships 10 straight times from 1947 to 1956. 

At the 1956 Melbourne Olympics, Keleti - now at the 
advanced age of 35 - won gold medals in the Free-Standing 
Exercise, Balance Beam, Parallel Bars, and Team Combined 
Exercise (portable apparatus), and silver medals in the indi- 
vidual all-around and team all-around competitions. 

Four weeks before the opening of the Games the Hun- 
garian Revolution began, with the Soviet Union sending 
troops into Hungary to quash a revolution aimed at ending 
the country's Communist domination. Two weeks after the 
revolt, Keleti and the rest of the Hungarian team left for the 
Melbourne Olympics and, once there, Keleti refused to return 
home, defecting to the West. She was able to get her mother 
and sister out of Hungary, and in 1957 they settled in Israel, 
where Keleti became an instructor in physical education at 
the *Wingate Institute, where she developed a number of na- 
tional gymnastic teams. 

Keleti's total of 10 Olympic medals ranks third all- 
time among women athletes, and her five gold medals rank 
fourth all-time for individual winner of Olympic gold medals. 
Keleti was inducted into the Hungarian Sports Hall of Fame 
in 1991 and the International Gymnastics Hall of Fame in 

[Elli Wohlgelernter (2 nd ed.)] 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


KELIM (Heb. D , '?5; "vessels"), first tractate of the Mishnah 
order of Tohorot. Including vessels of all kinds, the term also 
embraces clothing, furniture, and weapons - indeed any ar- 
tifact, utensil, or implement. This tractate deals in 30 chap- 
ters with the law of ritual purity affecting the different kinds 
of kelim: the scriptural basis is in Leviticus 11:29-35; 15-4-6, 
9-12, 19-27; Numbers 19:14-16, 31:19-24. Being the first, the 
longest, and the most important tractate of the order Tohorot, 
this tractate was itself sometimes referred to as Tohorot (e.g., 
in the commentary to Tohorot ascribed to Rav Hai Gaon, ed. 
Epstein). Because of its inordinate length this tractate was di- 
vided into three parts, of ten chapters each, respectively des- 
ignated Bava Kamma, Bava Mezia, and Bava Batra (the first, 
middle, and last gate), but this nomenclature survived only 
in the Tosefta. 

The first chapter, which is a kind of introduction, sets out 
the various degrees of impurity and sanctity. Chapters 2-10 
deal with earthen vessels, including ovens (Lev. 11:35), an d ves- 
sels with a close-bond covering (Num. 19:15). Chapters 11-14 
cover metal vessels, 15-19 vessels of wood, leather, bone, etc. 
Chapter 20 discusses the problem of midras, indicated in Le- 
viticus 15:26. Chapters 21-25 deal with artifacts composed of 
various parts and pieces, e.g., plow, saw, table, riding equip- 
ment, etc., and chapters 26-28 deal with leatherware and gar- 
ments, etc. Chapter 29 deals with the incidental parts of gar- 
ments and vessels, like cords, handles, etc., and chapter 30 
deals with glassware. The last halakhic statement in the trac- 
tate is that an afarkas of glass (clepsydra, or waterclock) does 
not receive impurity; it thus ends on a note of cleanness, which 
makes R. Yose exclaim: "Blessed art thou, O Kelim, for thou 
didst enter in uncleanness, but art gone forth in cleanness." 
This shows that an early version of this tractate, with the same 
name, existed prior to the Mishnah of Judah ha-Nasi. There is 
in addition some evidence that many anonymous parts of the 
tractate are according to him. Certain other characteristics of 
Kelim are also in accordance with Yose's usages. Rich in valu- 
able detail on daily life, Kelim contributes much to knowledge 
of the material culture of the tannaitic period. It has also pre- 
served many Greek, Latin, and other words, which were then 
in popular use. Though there is no Talmud to Kelim, all the 
sayings concerning it which can be found in various Babylo- 
nian tractates were collected and arranged in the form of the 
usual Gemara by R. Gershon Hanokh Leiner, and printed by 
him, with his commentaries in Sidrei Tohorah (1873), a work 
of cardinal importance to the understanding of this compli- 
cated tractate. J.N. Epstein has written a short but important 
commentary on Kelim which sheds much light for the mod- 
ern student (Tanna'im, 479-94). Mishnah Kelim was translated 
into English by H. Danby (The Mishnah, 1933), and J. Neusner 
published a translation of both the Mishnah (1991) and the 
Tosefta (2002) of Tohorot. 

bibliography: Epstein, Tanna'im, 459-94; 7iff.; J. Brand, 
Kelei ha-Heres be-Sifrut ha-Talmud (1953). Epstein, The Gaonic Com- 
mentary on the Order Toharot (Hebrew), (1982); idem, Kelei Zekhukhit 
be-Sifrut ha-Talmud (1978); S. Lieberman, Tosefet Rishonim, vol. 3 

(1939); J. Neusner, A History of the Mishnaic Laws of Purities (1974-77), 
vols. 1-3; D. Sperber, Material Culture in Eretz-Israel (Hebrew) (1993); 
Mishnayot Daat Eliahu, Kelim (chs. 11-14), (2005). 

[Arnost Zvi Ehrman] 

KELLER, MORTON (1929- ), U.S. historian. Born in New 
York, Keller received his B.A. from the University of Roch- 
ester (1950) and his M.A. (1952) and his Ph.D. from Harvard 
University (1953). He taught at the North Carolina and Penn- 
sylvania universities, and in 1964 became chairman of the his- 
tory department at Brandeis University. Specializing in late 
19 th - and 20 th -century American history, he lectured at Har- 
vard and at the University of Sussex, England. After retiring 
from teaching, Keller became the Spector Professor of History 
emeritus at Brandeis and a visiting fellow at the Hoover Insti- 
tution. In 1999 he was named resident scholar at Rockefeller 
Center at Bellagio and librarian of the American Academy of 
Arts and Sciences. 

He is the author of In Defense of Yesterday: James M. 
Beck and the Politics of Conservatism, 1861-1936 (1958), The 
Life Insurance Enterprises, 1885-1910 (1963), The Art and Poli- 
tics of Thomas Nast (1968), Affairs of State (1977), Regulating 
a New Society (1990), Regulating a New Economy (1990), and 
Making Harvard Modern (with P. Keller, 2001). He edited The 
New Deal: What Was It? (1963) and Theodore Roosevelt (1967); 
and co-edited Taking Stock: American Government in the 20 th 

Century (1999). 

[Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

KELLERMAN, FAYE (1952- ), U.S. mystery writer. Born in 
St. Louis, Mo., Kellerman grew up in Los Angeles. She earned 
a bachelors degree in mathematics and a D.D.S., both from 
the University of California at Los Angeles. She never prac- 
ticed dentistry, however, and was a full-time mother of four 
before publishing her first novel, The Ritual Bath (1986), in 
which she introduced a series with a Los Angeles police offi- 
cer, Sgt. Peter Decker, and Rina Lazarus. In the book, Decker 
is called to investigate a rape charge in an isolated Orthodox 
Jewish community. Lazarus, a young widow who found the 
victim, guides Decker through her suspicious community as 
all the signs point to the rapist s first crime not being his last. 
Kellerman's writing frequently deals with Jewish themes and 
characters, incorporating them into the framework of the 
traditional mystery. Her debut novel won the 1987 Macavity 
Award for best first mystery. Since then, she has published 
more than 15 mysteries, with titles like Milk and Honey, Day 
of Atonement, False Prophet, Grievous Sin, Sanctuary, Prayers 
for the Dead, and The Stone Kiss. Kellerman is a practicing 
Orthodox Jew, as is her husband, the novelist Jonathan * Kell- 
erman. They are believed to be the only married couple ever 
to appear on the New York Times bestseller list simultane- 
ously (for two different books). "Religion is a major factor in 
my life," Faye Kellerman said in an interview in 1999. "I con- 
sider myself a modern Orthodox Jewish woman with attach- 
ments to my synagogue, my children's religious school, and 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



the community at large." In another interview, she explained: 

"The religion in the books comes from personal experience. 

I have a great deal of love for my religion. I felt that maybe I 

could transmit some of that feeling and emotion. Also, I felt 

that people would enjoy learning about the rites and rituals 

of Orthodox Jewry the same way I enjoy learning about other 

cultures and religions." 

[Stewart Kampel (2 nd ed.)] 

KELLERMAN, JONATHAN (1949- ), U.S. mystery writer, 
psychologist. Kellerman, who was born in New York City and 
grew up in Los Angeles, received a bachelors degree in psy- 
chology from the University of California at Los Angeles and 
a doctorate in psychology from the University of Southern 
California, where he became clinical professor of pediatrics 
at the School of Medicine. His internship and postdoctoral 
fellowship were at the Children's Hospital/School of Medi- 
cine, where he became founding director of the Psychosocial 
Program, Division of Hematology- Oncology. He is the au- 
thor of numerous articles in the scientific and popular press, 
three books on psychology, including Psychological Aspects of 
Childhood Cancer and Helping the Fearful Child, two children's 
books, Daddy, Daddy, Can You Touch the Sky? and Jonathan 
Keller mans abc of Weird Creatures, which he also illustrated, 
and about 20 consecutive bestselling novels. After a decade 
of nonsuccess in his writing career, his first published work, 
When the Bough Breaks (1985), sold more than a million cop- 
ies and kick- started his career. He has continued at a rate of 
about one a year since. Most of the books feature a pair of 
friends, Dr. Alex Delaware, a sensitive child psychologist, 
and the more macho Milo Sturgis of the Los Angeles Police 
Department, who happens to be a homosexual. Some of his 
novels, like Dr. Death, about a self-styled euthanasia cham- 
pion, seem to have been inspired by people in the news or by 
then-current news events. All are considered fast-paced, in- 
tense, and edgy. Like his wife, Faye *Kellerman, he is a prac- 
ticing Orthodox Jew. 

[Stewart Kampel (2 nd ed.)] 

KELLERMANN, BENZION (1869-1923), rabbi and author. 
Born in Gerolzhofen, Bavaria, he served as instructor in re- 
ligion in Berlin, Frankfurt, and Konitz, and in 1917 was ap- 
pointed rabbi of the Berlin community. A disciple of Hermann 
*Cohen, he based his religious philosophy and his rational 
concept of Judaism as ethical monotheism on the teachings of 
that Germ an- Jewish philosopher. Kellermann was the author 
of the following works: Kritische Beitraege zur Enstehungsge- 
schichte des Christentums (1906); Liberales Judentum (1907); 
Der wissenschaftliche Idealismus und die Religion (1908); Der 
ethische Monotheismus der Propheten und seine soziologische 
Wuerdigung (1917); Das Ideal im System der Kantischen Phi- 
losophic (1920); and Die Ethik Spinozas, ueber Gott und Geist 
(1922). He also translated the major part of the medieval philo- 
sophical work Milhamot Adonai (Die Kaempfe Gottes) by *Levi 
b. Gershom (introduction and four tractates, with extensive 

commentary 1914-16). There was much controversy over the 
translation, due to the fact that some passages contain an in- 
accurate rendering of the thoughts expressed in the original 
text (see S. Rubin, in: mgwj, 63 (1919), 71-74). 

bibliography: I. Husik, in: jqr, 7 (1916/17), 553-94; 8 
(1917/18), 113-56, 231-68; L. Baeck, in: Juedisches Gemeindeblatt (Ber- 
lin, July 6, 1923); Liebert, in: Kant-Studien, 28 (1923), 486-90. 

[Bernard Suler] 

KELLNER, LEON (1859-1928), professor of English litera- 
ture and one of Herzl's early friends and advisers. Teaching in 
various schools, and after a scholarship at the British Museum 
in London (1887), he became a lecturer in English literature at 
the University of Vienna in 1890. Besides his employment at 
a high school in Vienna he continued his lectures at the Uni- 
versity in 1894-1904. From 1904 to 1914 he was a professor at 
the University of Czernowitz, where he was active in public 
life as a representative of the Jewish -national list to the Land- 
tag (local parliament). When World War 1 broke out, Kellner 
flew to Vienna. After the war he served as an English expert 
in the office of the president of the Austrian Republic (Prae- 
sidentenkanzlei). He gave lectures at the Technical University 
and at the adult college in Vienna. From the publication of his 
first article (1884), he was active in scholarly writing, mainly 
in the research of English literature. He published critical edi- 
tions of English texts, grammar books, an English- German, 
German- English dictionary, a dictionary of Shakespeare, and 
a history of English and American literature. His works were 
highly successful and were published in several editions be- 
cause of their attractive style, even in purely academic subjects. 
He also published articles, stories, and feuilletons in newspa- 
pers and periodicals in English and German. 

In 1896 he made the acquaintance of Herzl and was in- 
vited by him to edit the Zionist organ Die *Welt, but did not 
accept. He contributed to Die Welt from its first issue (at first 
under his own signature and later under the signature Leo 
Rafaels), and in 1900 edited the paper. Kellner assisted Herzl 
by opening many locked doors in England and was one of his 
closest associates. Herzl wrote of him in his diary: "Kellner, 
my best and dearest friend, whose visits are rays of light in the 
murk of all these worries" (March 26, 1898), "he knows more 
than anybody about my intentions" (May 27, 1898); Herzl even 
requested that Kellner publish his diary. Kellner fulfilled his 
request by publishing a selection of Herzl's writings in two vol- 
umes (Theodor Herzl s Zionistische Schriften, 1908), by aiding 
the publication of the diaries, and beginning to write a com- 
prehensive biography of Herzl, of which only the first part 
Theodor Herzl's Lehrjahre was published (1920). 

bibliography: A. Kellner, Leon Kellner (Ger., 1936); P. Ar- 
nold, in: Herzl Yearbook, 2 (1959), 171-83; idem, in: B. Dinur and I. 
Halperin (eds.), Shivat Ziyyon, 4 (1956), 114-60; idem, Zikhronot be- 
Ahavah (1968). add. bibliography: H. Arnold, in: Neue Deutsche 
Biographie, 11 (1977), 477-78; Lexikon deutsch-juedischer Autoren, 
vol. 13 (2005), 348-57. 

[Getzel Kressel / Archiv Bibliographia Judaica (2 nd ed.)] 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


KELMAN, WOLFE (1923-1990), U.S. rabbi and administra- 
tor. Born in Vienna, the scion of a Hasidic dynasty, Kelman's 
family moved to Toronto, Ontario, where he was educated in 
the public schools. He served in the Royal Canadian Air Force 
during World War 11 and earned a B.A. from the University 
of Toronto in 1946 and then entered the Jewish Theological 
Seminary, from which he was ordained in 1950. 

At the urging of Chancellor Louis Finkelstein, Kelman 
became the director of the Rabbinical Assembly in 1951, a 
position that was variously called executive secretary, execu- 
tive director, and finally as executive vice president. The titles 
changed but not the job. Under his leadership the Rabbini- 
cal Assembly grew from 300 rabbis to 1,200 in 12 countries. 
For the first 15 years of his tenure he served as the head of the 
Joint Placement Commission during a time of the most rapid 
expansion of the Conservative Movement, and thus became a 
matchmaker between rabbis and their congregations. He fa- 
cilitated the placement of non- seminary graduates from Ye- 
shiva University and even To rah Vadaat along with the semi- 
nary graduates. In total, he placed more than 1,500 rabbis in 
their positions. 

Kelman's greatest contribution to the rabbinate was to 
ensure rabbis were paid a professional salary and that they 
and their families were treated with dignity. In one instance, 
Kelman threatened to stage a march of one hundred rab- 
bis for the media if a particular congregation dared to cast a 
widow and her children out of the parish home without pro- 
viding for them. 

Kelman was a confidante of his teacher Abraham Joshua 
*Heschel throughout Heschel's and Rabbi Joseph Baer *So- 
loveitchik's negotiations with the Vatican and Pope Paul vi 
regarding Nostra Aetate. He also marched with Heschel in 
Montgomery and pleaded with him to make major addresses 
to White House Conferences on Education and Aging. Kel- 
man mentored Elie *Wiesel when he was a young and rela- 
tively unknown rabbi. 

Colleagues in other movements praised Kelman. The 
Hebrew Union College- Jewish Institute of Religion awarded 
him an honorary doctorate shortly before his death. Under 
his leadership the Rabbinical Assembly became economically 
viable, most especially from its publishing division. Toward 
the end of his career, he led the admission of women into the 
hitherto all male rabbinate. 

From 1986 he served as the chairman of the American 
section of the World Jewish Congress. He was also the direc- 
tor of the Louis Finkelstein Institute for Religious and Social 
Studies. The son of an Orthodox rabbi and the son-in-law 
of a Reform rabbi, Kelman was an early believer in religious 
pluralism. His own son Levi led a neo-Hasidic Reform Con- 
gregation in Jerusalem. 

[Michael Berenbaum (2 nd ed.)] 

KELME (Lithuanian Kelme; Rus. Kelmy; Yid. Kelm), town 
in W central Lithuania. It became known as a center of the 
*musar movement in Lithuania. The Jewish community there 

may have been in existence for several hundred years; its 
synagogue was said to be 300 years old, and there was a tra- 
dition that its reconstruction had been financed by a Polish 
landlord, Graszewsky The Jewish population numbered 759 
in 1847, and 2,710 (69% of the total) in 1897. The town became 
associated with the "Kelmer Maggid" Moses Isaac Darshan. 
According to the 1923 census there were 1,599 Jews living in 
Kelme. Most were occupied as small shopkeepers and artisans, 
but there were also grain and timber merchants, and owners 
of brush factories and tanneries. Communal institutions in- 
cluded two Jewish elementary schools (*Tarbut and Yavneh), 
a Jewish preparatory school, and a bank, among others. A 
number of prominent scholars served as rabbis in the town, 
among them Eliezer ^Gordon, later rabbi of Telsiai. A musar 
yeshivah in Kelme was established by Simhah Zissel *Broida, 
which also attracted students from other places; it existed un- 
til World War 11. 

During World War 11, Kelme was occupied by the Ger- 
mans shortly after the outbreak of the war between Germany 
and Soviet Russia. Most of the Jews were murdered in July 
and August 1941. 

bibliography: H. Karlinski, in: Lite., 1 (1951), 1438-51; M. 
Karnovich, ibid., 1 (i95i)> 1846-50; Yahadut Lita, 1 (1959), index; 3 

(1967). 350-2. 

[Joseph Gar] 

KELSEN, HANS (1881-1973), jurist, whose "pure theory of 
law" made him one of the most famous legal theoreticians of 
the 20 th century. Born in Prague, Kelsen was taken to Vienna 
when he was 14. He studied at the universities of Vienna, Hei- 
delberg, and Berlin, and was professor of constitutional and 
administrative law and of legal philosophy at the University 
of Vienna from 1919 to 1929. In 1920 he drafted the constitu- 
tion of the Austrian Republic and was a judge of the supreme 
court of Austria from 1920 to 1929. Kelsen was professor of law 
at Cologne University from 1929 until 1933, when, although 
baptized, he was compelled to resign his post. He taught at 
the Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationales in Geneva un- 
til 1940 and at the University of Prague before he immigrated 
to the United States. He became professor of political science 
at the University of California in 1944. 

The breakdown of the Austro- Hungarian Empire, and the 
interwar tragedy of frustrated democracy in Austria, led him 
to a theory of law transcending nations and states. While he 
was professor of law at Vienna University, Kelsen founded the 
so-called Vienna school of jurisprudence, which preached the 
"pure theory of law." Originally developed 20 years earlier in 
his Hauptprobleme der Staatsrechtslehre (1911), the "pure the- 
ory" is a logical analysis of the law considered as a system of 
norms. A "basic norm" (Grundnorm) stands at the head of the 
system: this gives validity to the whole of the legal order and 
all the legal rules in the order may be ultimately referred to 
it. The "pure theory of law" was the result of a vigorous cam- 
paign by Kelsen to treat law as a science free from sociological 
and political elements, even though he recognized that each 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



country's legal system must be determined by the state. This 
approach brought him into open conflict with communist 
doctrines, which subjected law to the political structure of 
the state, and with sociological jurisprudence, which regarded 
law as reflecting the society in which it existed. The climax of 
Kelsen's theory was a vision of the unification of legal systems 
within a framework of international law which would estab- 
lish a universal legal order. Although his "pure theory of law" 
has been subject to widespread criticism and rejected by most 
schools of jurisprudence, Kelsen has greatly influenced legal 
thinking in the 20 th century. Kelsen was a prolific writer and 
his works have been translated into almost every European 
language (Russian being a noteworthy exception). 

bibliography: G.A. Lipsky (ed.), Law and Politics in the 
World Community; Essays on Hans Kelsens Pure Theory... (1953); S. 
Engels (ed.), Law, State, and International Legal Order (1964). add. 
bibliography: R. Walter, "Hans Kelsen," in: H. Erler, E.L. Ehrlich, 
and L. Heid (eds.), Meinetwegen ist die Welt erschaffen, (1997), 333-38; 
D. Diner, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt - A Juxtaposition (1997); I. 
Englard, "Nazi Criticism Against the Normativist Theory of Hans 
Kelsen," in: Israel Law Review, 32:2 (1998), 183-249; K. Bruckschwaiger, 
Die Rolle von Philosophie und Politik bei Hans Kelsen (2002); S.L. 
Paulson, Hans Kelsen - Staatsrechtslehrer und Rechtstheoretiker des 
20. Jahrhundert (2005); G.N. Dias, Rechtspositivismus und Rechtstheo- 
rie - Das Verhaeltnis beider im Werke von Hans Kelsen (2005); R.C. 
van Ooyen, Der Staat der Moderne - Hans Kelsens Pluralismustheorie 
(2003); P. Hack, La philosophie de Kelsen (2003). 

[Josef J. Lador-Lederer] 

°KEMAL MUSTAFA (Ataturk; 1881-1938), Turkish general 
and statesman, founder of the Republic of Turkey and its first 
president (1923-38). Endowed with far-sighted vision and 
boundless energy, he was responsible, after the defeat of the 
^Ottoman Empire in World War 1 and its dismemberment, 
in leading the remnants of the Ottoman army to victory. No 
less significantly, he shaped Turkey into a state with institu- 
tions modeled on West- European patterns, aiming to achieve 
a modern society. What was noteworthy in his reforms was 
the comprehensiveness of his approach and his drive to in- 
stitute change in practically all walks of life, from the roots 
up. His most important reforms in modernization and secu- 
larization (he limited, intentionally, the influence of *Islam) 
were the following: 

The creation of a modern republican state structure with 
a constitution (proclaimed in 1924), a freely elected parliament 
(for which women could vote), the founding of a political 
party (as an agent of modernization), recruitment of a mod- 
ern bureaucracy, building a new capital in Ankara, disestab- 
lishment of religion by secularizing education and the courts, 
emancipation of women both politically (by giving them the 
right to vote) and socially (by instituting monogamy and dis- 
couraging the veil), adoption of the Latin instead of the Arabic 
alphabet, and reformation of the Turkish language. 

Mustafa Kemal set out to change the mentality of his 
people in order to induce them to adopt and support his re- 
forms. He never tired of lecturing them on their proud past 

(and insisted on a patriotic school curriculum in history as 
well as on historical research at the universities). He insisted 
on symbols that would enhance love for the fatherland and 
increase national solidarity for nation-building. The single 
party he headed was mobilized for these ends and for pro- 
moting the reforms within parliament and outside it. While 
Turkeys economy did not improve visibly, other aspects cov- 
ered by the reforms did, largely carried out due to his impres- 
sive charisma. 

Jews and other religious groups were freed from all limi- 
tations imposed by the late Ottoman Empire and considered 
equal citizens. Of course, equality had some drawbacks such 
as the laws instituting Turkish as the language of instruction 
(instead of minority languages) in the entire school system. 
However, Mustafa Kemal should be remembered, also, for his 
magnanimous and far-sighted decision to invite about 300 
professors, physicians, and lawyers, most of them Jewish, from 
Germany, during the 1930s (along with their extended fami- 
lies), thus rescuing them from Nazi persecution (and worse) 
and raising the level of teaching and research in Turkey s uni- 
versities, where many were offered academic appointments. 

bibliography: The best bibliography on Mustafa Kemal is 
still the 3-vol. compilation of Mozaffer Gokman, Ataturk ve devrim- 
leri bibliyografyasi (1963-1977). See also: R. Mantran, "Ataturk? in: 
eis 2 , 1 (i960), 734-35; Lord Kinross, Ataturk: The Rebirth of a Na- 
tion (1964 2 ); A. Kazancigil and E. Ozbudun, Ataturk: Founder of a 
Modern Nation (1981); J.M. Landau, "New Books about Ataturk," in: 
Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 75 (1983), 183-92; 
idem, Tekinalp: Turkish Patriot (1984); idem (ed.) Ataturk: Founder of 
a Modern Nation (1984); L. Macfie, Ataturk (1994); E.J. Zurcher, Tur- 
key: A Modern History (1997); A. Mango, Ataturk (1999); E Tachau, 
"German Jewish Emigres in Turkey," in: A. Levy (ed.), Jews, Turks, 
Ottomans (2002), 233-45; G.E. Gruen, "Turkey," in: R.S. Simon a.o. 
(eds.), The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in Modern Times 

(2003), 303-15. 

[Jacob M. Landau (2 nd ed.)] 

KEMELMAN, HARRY (1908-1996), U.S. author. Kemelman 
wrote entertaining novels of detective fiction in which the hero 
is a rabbi-sleuth, David Small. They include Friday the Rabbi 
Slept Late (1964), Saturday the Rabbi Went Hungry (1966), and 
Sunday the Rabbi Stayed Home (1969). He also published The 
Nine Mile Walk (1967), a collection of stories originally pub- 
lished in Ellery Queens Magazine. 

KEMENY, SIMON (1882-1945), Hungarian poet and editor. 
In his emotional impressionist poetry, he overcame his ten- 
dency to religiosity. Kemeny, a converted Jew, was murdered 
during the last days of the siege of Budapest by Hungarian 
Nazis. His main work is Lamentdciok ("Lamentations," 1909). 

KEMPEN, town in the Rhineland, Germany. The first settle- 
ment of Jews in Kempen must have taken place sometime 
before 1288, when persecutions claimed 17 victims, among 
whom was a Torah scribe, Isaac, and a young boy, Abraham, 
who was burned to death. In the 14 th century Jews originat- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


ing from Kempen are found in * Cologne. Kempen Jews were 
allowed to deal in meat, and to slaughter both for themselves 
and for non-Jews, but they had to use the public scales and 
pay a fee to the weight master. In 1330, in return for a loan of 
8,000 marks, the archbishop of Kempen granted the Jews of 
Kempen protection and citizenship. However, in 1347 another 
persecution drove a number of Jews from the town, and this 
was followed soon after by the *Black Death persecutions in 
which Jews also suffered. In 1385 Jews are recorded as living 
in a Judengasse northeast of the market. There are no further 
traces of permanent Jewish settlement in the city until 1807, 
when under French rule there were 32 Jews in Kempen un- 
der the authority of the Krefeld consistory. A synagogue was 
consecrated in 1849; in 1854 there were 125 Jewish families af- 
filiated to it, 26 of them (92 persons) living in the town of 
Kempen. From 1854 to 1922 the community had its own el- 
ementary school. In 1895 the number of Jews in the city of 
Kempen was 103 (1.5%), in 1925; 80 with another 500 or so 
living in the county. At the beginning of the 1930s there were 
150 Jewish families in the county, and 23 of them (70 persons) 
dwelling in the town. The synagogue was destroyed in 1938. 
On July 25, 1942, about 200 Jews were deported from Kem- 
pen, mainly to *Theresienstadt. 

bibliography: A. Kober,... Aus der Geschichte der Juden im 
Rheinland... (1931); Germ Jud, 2 (1968), 395-6. 

KEMPF, FRANZ MOSHE (1926- ), Australian artist and 
printmaker. Born in Melbourne, Kempf studied different 
subjects, among them art at the National Gallery School in 
Australia. In 1956 he went to Italy and studied with Oskar 
Kokoschka in Salzburg in 1957. He focused not only on art 
but also on illustration and technological design and became 
a lecturer in printmaking. As president of the Contemporary 
Art Society of South Australia, he lectured in graphic art at the 
South Australian School of Art, becoming head of the depart- 
ment in 1969. During the same time he was also chairman of 
the Australian Jewish Art Group. Kempf, from an absolutely 
assimilated background, turned to the hasidic path of Chabad 
and became a strictly observant Jew. His work reflects his deep 
involvement with Judaism. Both his paintings and his prints 
contain biblical and hasidic themes, ranging from the shtetl 
to the messianic portrayal. 

Kempf s style tends towards the semiabstract, but his 
statements are definite. His painting unites profundity of 
theme with subtlety of expression. The End of Days (by S. 
Gorr, 1968) was illustrated by Kempf with four original etch- 
ings composed specially for the text. His works have been ac- 
quired by the city galleries of all the Australian state capitals, 
by the National Gallery in Canberra, and others in the U.K. 
and Israel. He has also had exhibitions in the U.K., U.S., Eu- 
rope, and Israel. Kempf s publications are "Art in Israel," in 
Broadsheet (Contemporary Art Society, 1965); "Polish Print- 
makers 1972," in Art and Australia (1973); "Sculpture in South 
Australia," in Art and Australia (1974); and Contemporary Aus- 
tralian Printmakers (1976). 

add. bibliography: D. Peters, Franz Kempf and Karin 
Schepers, Museum of Modern Art and Design (1964); R. Brooks, 
Franz Kempf (1991). 

KEMPINSKY, AHARON (1939-1994), Israeli archaeologist. 
Brought up in Nahariyyah, Kempinsky participated as a teen- 
ager in 1952-53 in P. *Delougaz's excavations at Bet Yerah. His 
academic studies were undertaken at the Hebrew University 
and it was there that he acquired his M.A. and eventually his 
Ph.D. In time he became a professor of archaeology at the In- 
stitute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University, and taught at Ben- 
Gurion University in Beersheba as well. As a student at the 
Hebrew University, Kempinsky worked as Professor Nahman 
*Avigad's assistant at Makhmish. Many archaeological excava- 
tions followed, some of which he directed, at Palmahim (1961), 
Hazor (1965-66), Megiddo (1965), and Bet ha-Emek (1973). In 
1972-75, and again in 1979, Kempinsky (with V. Fritz) uncov- 
ered an important early Iron Age village at Tel Masos, not far 
from Beersheba. In 1975 Kempinsky made a short excavation 
at Tel Kabri, which was followed by an intensive project there 
(conducted together with W.D. Niemeyer) from 1986 to 1993. 
At Kabri a Middle Bronze Age building (perhaps a palace) 
was exposed, with wall and floor paintings resembling those 
from Thera (Santorini). Kempinsky was an insatiable reader 
with an encyclopedic mind; he also traveled all over the world 
and was a visiting scholar at various universities and colleges, 
notably at Tuebingen University in 1975. Kempinsky was a 
prolific writer and wrote many research papers on a diverse 
number of subjects. Important publications include The Ar- 
chitecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian 
Periods, which he co-edited with Ronny Reich, and the final 
reports on the Tel Masos and Kabri excavations. Kempinsky 
was a mentor for many of the younger generation of archae- 
ologists in Israel. 

bibliography: C. Dauphin, "Aharon Kempinsky (1939- 
!994)> Friend and Colleague: An Evocation," in: Bulletin of the An- 
glo-Israel Archaeological Society, 13 (1993-94X 63-66. 

[Shimon Gibson (2 nd ed.)] 

KEMPNER, AVIVA (1946- ), U.S. director- writer. Kempner 
was born in Berlin, Germany, to Chaim Kempner and Helen 
(nee Ciesla). Kempner s Lithuanian father, an immigrant 
to the United States who served in the U.S. Army during 
World War 11, met Kempner s Polish mother after liberation. 
Kempner s family moved to Detroit, Mich., in 1950. She grad- 
uated from the University of Michigan in 1969 with a bach- 
elor's degree in psychology and in 1971 earned her masters 
in urban planning. In 1976, she earned her law degree from 
the Antioch School of Law. Inspired by her own family's Ho- 
locaust legacy, Kempner turned to Josh Waletzky for help in 
writing and directing Partisans of Vilna (1986), a film about 
Jewish resistance against the Nazis which was produced by 
The Ciesla Foundation, a nonprofit organization that Kempner 
established in 1981 to produce and distribute films about so- 
cial and public interest issues. Kempner wrote the narration 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



for Promises to Keep (1988), an Oscar- nominated documen- 
tary about homelessness. A resident of Washington, d.c, 
Kempner started the Washington Jewish Film Festival in 1989. 
In 1998, she wrote and directed The Life and Times of Hank 
Greenberg, a documentary about the Jewish baseball star that 
won the George Peabody Award. In 2002, she released Today 
I Vote for My Joey, a comic short inspired by the 2000 elec- 
tion and the candidacy for vice president of Sen. Joseph *Lie- 
berman, which she wrote for afi's Directing Workshop for 
Women. Kempner then went on to work on Gertrude Berg: 
Americas Molly Goldberg, about the creator, writer, and star 
of The Goldbergs, a popular 1930s radio show about a Jewish 
family that went on to become a television series. Kempner 
reviewed films for The Boston Globe, The Forward, Washing- 
ton Jewish Week, and The Washington Post, among others, and 
contributed chapters to the books Daughters of Absence and 

What Israel Means to Me. 

[Adam Wills (2 nd ed.)] 

KEMPNER, HARRIS (1837-1894), U.S. financier. Kempner, 
who was born in Russia, emigrated to the United States at 
the age of 17. He worked for two years in New York City and 
then moved to Cold Springs, Texas (1856), where he opened 
a general store. After fighting for the Confederacy during the 
Civil War, Kempner returned to his Texas store. He moved to 
Galveston in 1870 and opened a wholesale grocery business 
that soon became the largest in the South. This business pro- 
vided Kempner with the initial capital to move into the rail- 
road, commodities, and banking fields. He provided funds for 
the building of the Gulf, Colorado, and Santa Fe Railroad, and 
led the fight that resulted in the line's subsequent merger with 
the Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad. In 1885 Kempner became 
president of the Island City (Texas) Savings Bank. He soon 
became a major figure in Texas banking, controlling several 
big Texas banks. The cotton brokerage firm which Kempner 
founded in Galveston in 1886, with offices in major European 
capitals, soon became one of the biggest in the South. 

His eldest son, isaac Herbert kempner (1873-1967), 
was a businessman, banker, and public servant. An early ad- 
vocate of the commission form of city government, Kempner 
served as Galveston city treasurer (1899), city finance com- 
missioner (1901-15), and mayor (1917-19). 

KEMPNER, ROBERT MAX WASILII (1899-1993), lawyer 
and historian. Born in Freiburg, Germany, Kempner became 
an assistant to the state attorney in Berlin (1926) and later a 
judge. From 1926 to 1933 he was a senior government adviser 
in the Prussian Ministry of Interior in Berlin. In this period 
he demanded that Hitler be tried for perjury and treason. He 
also officially called for disbanding the Nazi Party and Hitler's 
deportation as an undesirable alien. Removed from office on 
Hitlers rise to power, he was arrested by the Gestapo, and af- 
ter his release went to Italy, where he taught until 1939. From 
there he immigrated to the U.S., where he became a research 
associate at the University of Pennsylvania and, among other 

government appointments, worked on President Roosevelt's 
Manhattan Project. From 1945 to 1946 he was a U.S. prosecu- 
tor and from 1946 until 1949 chief prosecutor of Nazi politi- 
cal leaders at the Nuremberg Trials. From 1949 he engaged in 
special research on the Nazi Holocaust of European Jewry. 
As a consultant to the Israel government, he helped assemble 
evidence for the *Eichmann trial (1960-61). Subsequently he 
fought against the Statute of Limitations in West Germany. 
Kempner practiced law in Frankfurt on the Main in the 1960s. 
He then moved back to Philadelphia. 

He wrote numerous books and articles on the Nazi era 
and related post-war topics, notably Eichmann und Komplizen 
(1961), containing a description of Eichmann's activities based 
on original documents; SS im Kreuzverhoer (1964), based on 
protocols of war-crime trials; and Edith Stein und Anne Frank, 
Zwei von Hunderttausend (1968). Kempner's wife, Ruth Lydia, 
assembled archives of documents and other materials on Nazi 
crimes against the churches throughout Europe. 

[B. Mordechai Ansbacher] 

KENAANI, DAVID (1912-1982), Hebrew essayist and edi- 
tor. Born in Warsaw, Kenaani was an active member of Ha- 
Shomer ha-Za'ir. He settled in Erez Israel in 1934 and joined 
kibbutz Merhavyah. He began his literary career in the jour- 
nal Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir in Warsaw in 1932, and wrote exten- 
sively on social and literary subjects in the Israel press from 
a left socialist- Zionist point of view. His books include: Le- 
Nogah Ez Rakav, an examination of U.Z. Greenberg's poetry 
(1950); Beinam le-Vein Zemannam, essays on modern Hebrew 
literature (1955); and Battel Middot, essays on communal life 
(i960). He edited, among other publications, a historical at- 
las (1954); an anthology of Hebrew and Yiddish literature in 
the past 100 years (1954); an anthology on Soviet Jewry (with 
A. Shimri, 1957), and the Hebrew edition of *Zinberg's His- 
tory of Jewish Literature (6 vols., 1955-60). He was principal 
editor of an encyclopedia of the social sciences Enziklopedyah 
le-Madddei ha-Hevrah (5 vols., 1962-70). 

bibliography: Kressel, Leksikon, 2 (1967), 142. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KENAN, AMOS (1927- ), Hebrew writer. Kenan was born 
in Tel Aviv. He was a member of the anti- British military 
underground movement, and he became known during the 
1950s as the author of the satirical column "Uzi ve-Shut" in 
the daily Haaretz. During the following decade he wrote a 
number of plays which were close in spirit and expression to 
the Theater of the Absurd, much in vogue in those days, and 
published his first novella Ba-Tahanah ("At the Station") in 
1963. Eschewing realistic narrative, Kenan's stories resist the 
familiar pattern of plot and character in favor of an episodic 
texture which evokes a particular atmosphere and communi- 
cates sharp images. Kenan, who voiced "dovish" political views 
soon after the War of Independence and was co-founder of 
the Israeli- Palestinian Council in the 1970s, vented subver- 
sive political ideas in both his fiction and essay writing. Ha- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Derekh le-Ein Harod (1984; The Road to Ein Harod, 1988) is 
a fantastic, historiosophical novel, a wild dystopia, the story 
of an Israeli who, having killed someone, flees for his life to- 
wards Ein Harod in the Jezreel Valley. On the way he meets 
the Arab Mahmud, who becomes a friend on a bizarre voyage 
which ends with the realization that the ideas of freedom and 
decency are no longer to be found in that exemplary kibbutz. 
The collection Block 23 / Mikhtavim mi-Nes Ziyyonah (1996) 
contains two apocalyptic novellas which portray a grim pic- 
ture of future Israel. "Block 23" depicts Tel Aviv after a disas- 
trous war, with its inhabitants living in camps, overshadowed 
by daily executions and spreading leprosy. Satire and parody 
are fused with poetic, lyrical descriptions. Shoshanat Yeriho 
("The Rose of Jericho," 1998) is a collection of essays describ- 
ing landscapes and places in Erez Israel, nature, sounds and 
flavors, while recollecting biblical episodes and confronting 
history and shattered dreams. Kenan, known also as painter, 
sculptor, and Tel Aviv bon vivant, published among others Ha- 
Delet ha-Kehulah ("The Blue Door," 1972), Et Waheb be-Sufah 
("Waheb in Sufah," 1988), and the poems collected under Kez 
Idan ha-Zohalim ("End of Reptile Era," 1999). For translation 
see the ithl website at 

bibliography: A. Zehavi, in: Yedioth Aharonoth (November 
23, 1979); G. Shaked, "Namer-ha-Bayit shel Erez Yisrael" in: Haaretz 
(March 1, 1985); A. Inbari, "Keriah le-Diyyun Sifruti be-Amos Kenan" 
in: Prozah, 101-102 (1988), 25-30; G. Shaked, Ha-Sipporet ha-Ivrit, 5 
(1998), 138-144; Y. Kaniuk, "Sefer im Reah" in: Yedioth Aharonoth 
(December 18, 1998); Y. Reshet, in: Haaretz (January 8, 1999); A. Gi- 
ladi, in: Haaretz (November 21, 2003). 

[Anat Feinberg (2 nd ed.)] 

KENATH (Heb. rilf?), ancient city of the *Hauran. Kenath is 
possibly the city mentioned as Qen in the Egyptian Execra- 
tion texts (i9 th /i8 th centuries b.c.e.), Qanu in the list of cities 
conquered by Thutmosis in (c. 1469 b.c.e.), and Qana in the 
el-Amarna Letters (no. 204). It was captured by the tribe of 
Manasseh and named after its leader Nobah; the Arameans 
later took it from Israel (Num. 32:42; 1 Chron. 2:23). It was 
probably taken by Tiglath-Pileser in during his expedition 
in 733/2 b.c.e. and appears in his inscriptions as [Qa-]ni-te 
on the border of Aram-Damascus. Kenath, called Canatha 
in Hellenistic-Roman times, was the site of a battle between 
Herod and the Nabatean Arabs and in 23 b.c.e. it was given 
to Herod by the emperor Augustus (Jos., Ant., 15:112; Wars, 
1:366). It was a city of the Decapolis (Pliny, Historia Natura- 
lis 5:18; Ptolemeus, 5:14, 18) and apparently the earliest urban 
unit in the Hauran. Its founding by Pompey is commemorated 
in its date (64 b.c.e.); its name Gabiniana recalls its building 
by Gabinius. In the time of Claudius coins were struck there 
with the images of Tyche, Athena, and Zeus. Septimus Severus 
made it a colony called Septimia Canotha. It continued to be 
an episcopal see into Byzantine times (Hierocles, Synecdemus 
723:4; Georgius Cyprius 1075). It is the present-day Druze 
town of al-Qanawat in Syria. 

bibliography: Schuerer, Gesch, 2 (1907 2 ), 166; R. Dussaud, 
Topographie Historique de la Syrie (1927), 362 ff.; Dunand, in: Syria, 

11 (1930), 2721!. (Fr.); Tadmor, in: Kol ErezNaftali, ed. by H.Z. Hirsh- 

berg (1967), 65. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KENAZ, YEHOSHUA (1937- ), Hebrew prose writer. Ke- 
naz was born in Petah Tikvah. He studied philosophy and 
Romance languages at the Hebrew University and French Lit- 
erature at the Sorbonne. Kenaz worked for many years on the 
editorial staff of the daily Haaretz, and is known also for his 
masterly translations of French literature into Hebrew. One of 
Israel's most prominent prose writers, Kenaz published his first 
novel, Aharei ha-Hagim ("After the Holidays," 1987), in 1964, 
the story of the Weiss family in Petah Tikvah of the Mandate 
period. Avoiding sentimentality and nostalgia, Kenaz portrays 
the tense, neurotic relationships between the parents and their 
two daughters in a dilapidated house which is indeed a me- 
tonymy for the disintegration of the family. Hatred, envy, and 
madness mark the atmosphere in this narrative about the first 
moshavah in Erez Israel, with strange people, Jews and Arabs 
alike, frustrated passions, and unfulfilled dreams. Kenaz de- 
bunks the idealized and idealistic Zionist project, yet avoids 
addressing directly the traditional central themes of Hebrew 
writing. Neither warriors nor kibbutz members are his con- 
cern. Instead, he depicts the life of individuals against a pro- 
saic, desolate urban setting, oscillating between the pathetic 
and the grotesque. Indeed, the unpoetic and the mundane 
fuel his poetic world. At the heart of his prose is not the he- 
roic, successful, or thriving Israeli, but old, deranged people, 
losers of sorts, frustrated lovers. The "condition humaine" in 
a nutshell, set in an urban apartment house, a pattern recur- 
ring in Kenaz s prose, appears for the first time in his second 
novel Ha-Ishah ha-Gedolah min ha-Halomot ("The Great 
Woman of the Dreams," 1973): The story of the sado-masoch- 
istic marriage of Shmulik and Malka and the unhappy rela- 
tionship of Levanah and Zion is interwoven with the fates of 
a childless German- Jewish couple, a lonely Hungarian bach- 
elor, and the blind, hypersensitive, and sensual Rosa. Similar 
in approach are Ha-Derekh el ha-Hatulim (1991; The Way to 
the Cats, 1994) and Mahzir Ahavot Kodmot (1997; Returning 
Lost Loves, 2001). The Way to the Cats focuses on bodily de- 
crepitude and mental deterioration as well as the loneliness 
of old people, primarily Yolanda Moskovich, who leaves an 
old age home and returns to her flat, yet cannot get rid of her 
paranoia and anxieties. The tragic and the comic, empathy and 
resentment mark the changing tone in Returning Lost Loves, 
in which, once again, several plots run in parallel. The central 
plot revolves around the liaison between a woman past her 
prime and a married man and is closely related to the story 
of unrequited love, rape, and murder taking place in the same 
building. Other episodes unfold the tortuous relationship be- 
tween a father and his son, an army deserter. In 1980 Moment 
Musikali {Musical Moment, 1995) appeared, four stories which 
delineate the end of innocence and rites of manhood. Suffused 
with sensuality and passion, Kenaz depicts the painful process 
of maturing and self- awareness. Two novellas entitled Nofim 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Sheloshah Ezim ("Landscape with Three Trees") appeared in 
2000. Undoubtedly one of Kenaz's finest accomplishments is 
his novel Hitganvut Yehidim (1986; Infiltration, 2003), the story 
of a platoon of recruits with minor physical disabilities during 
their basic training at an army camp sometime in the 1950s. 
Kenaz offers an impressive Israeli polyphony representing 
various ethnic and social groups and at the same time a rich 
texture of unique personal fates. This microcosmos of Israeli 
life reveals in an imposing, albeit disconcerting, manner the 
changes which have taken place in Israeli society, and in par- 
ticular the shifting attitudes to the extolled paradigm of the 
Sabra, to politics, and to army life. Kenaz was awarded many 
literary prizes, including the Agnon Prize (1993) and the Bi- 
alik Prize (1995). His books have been translated into many 
languages, and information about translations is available at 
the ithl website 

bibliography: G. Shaked, "Lehitbrer min ha-Halom" in: 
Siman Keriah, 11 (1980), 119-24; Z. Shamir, in: Maariv (August 8, 
1980); A. Balaban, "Bein ha-Kinor la-Palmah" in: Moznayim, 55:4-5 
(1982), 52-56; Y. Oren, "Deyukano shel ha-Amman ke-Tiron Zava" in: 
Moznayim, 60, 7 (1987), 76-78; M. Shaked, in: Hadoar, 66:2 (1987), 
18-21; N. Amit, "Lehitbager zeh Livgod ba-Halom" in: Mibifnim, 49:2 
(1987), 146-55; A. Zemach, "Bi-Shlosha Rashim" in: Prozah, 103-104 
(1988), 25-30; Y. Oren, "Mi-Ymei Ziklag le-Hitgannevut Yehidim" in: 
Moznayim, 62:5-6 (1988), 117-20; N. Calderon, "Avner Gabai, Kaza- 
novah" in: Siman Keriah, 20 (1990), 389-93; O. Bartana, "Ma Yadua 
Lahem she-Lo Yadua Lanu?? in: Moznayim, 66:2 (1993), 26-30; N. 
Ben-Dov, "Separtah ve-Yeladeha ha-Avudim" in: Alei Siah, 33 (1993), 
113-19; N. Levy, Ha-Sipporet shel Y. Kenaz (1994); H. Herzig, Ha-Shem 
ha-Perati (1994); Y. Laor, Ha-Heterogeniyyut Hi ha-Gehenom" in: Ann 
Kotevim Otakh Moledet (1995), 13-49; L. Haber, "Dread and Joy in Y. 
Kenaz," in: Midstream, 42:1 (1996), 43-45; N. Levy, Me-Rehov ha-Even 
el ha-Hatulim: Iyyunim ba-Sipporet shel Y Kenaz (1997); G. Shaked, 
Ha-Sipporet ha-Ivrit, 5 (1998), 273-303; Y. Oren, "Ha-Tofet ve-ha- 
Eden" in: Moznayim, 75:3 (2001), 43-47; H. Shacham, "Le-Hitpakkeah 
mi-Halom, le-Hippared mi-Hazon" in: Mehkarei Yerushalayim be-Si- 
frutlvrit, 18 (2001), 321-39; K. Alon, in: Alpayim, 26 (2004), 203-12; 
D. Grossberg, "Y. Kenazs Army Novel: a Time for Celebration," in: 
Midstream, 50:2 (2004), 38-39. 

[Anat Feinberg (2 nd ed.)] 

KENESET YISRAEL (Heb. V*nt2?> riOJ3; "the community of 
Israel"), a phrase found frequently in rabbinic literature refer- 
ring to the totality of the Jewish community. Largely identical 
with *kelal Yisrael, it is used as the personification of the Jew- 
ish community in its dialogue with the Almighty. In modern 
times this title was adopted by the official Jewish community 
in Erez Israel when it was organized as a corporate entity in 
1927 (see ^Israel, State of: History 1880-1948). Keneset Yisrael 
was also the name of a literary and historical annual which 
appeared in Warsaw, 1886-88. 

KENITE (Heb. Tj7), a large group of nomadic clans engaged 
chiefly in metal working. The root qyn has the same meaning 
in cognate Semitic languages, e.g., in Arabic qayna, "tinsmith," 
"craftsman"; in Syriac and Aramaic qynh, qyny, "metalsmith." 
In the Bible the word kayin (qayin) also means a weapon made 

of metal, probably a spear (11 Sam. 21:16); and the proper noun 
"Tubal- Cain, who forged all the implements of copper and 
iron" (Gen. 4:22) is a compound name in which the second 
noun indicates the trade. There is a connection between this 
trade and the story of *Cain who wandered from place to place 
and was protected by a special sign: "Therefore, if anyone kills 
Cain, sevenfold vengeance shall be taken on him" (Gen. 4:15). 
Among primitive tribes to the present day there are clans of 
coppersmiths and tinsmiths whom it is considered a grave of- 
fense to harm. 

The Kenites came from the south: Midian, Edom, and 
the Arabah. Hobab (*Jethro), son of Reuel the Midianite, who 
aided the Israelites in the desert and served as their pathfinder 
(Num. 10:29-32), was also known as the Kenite (Judg. 1:16; 
4:11). Enoch, son of Cain (Gen. 4:17), is also mentioned among 
the Midianites (Gen. 25:4; 1 Chron. 1:33). Balaams prophecy 
about the Kenites, "Though your abode be secure, and your 
nest be set among cliffs" (Num. 24:21) appears to be a reference 
to the mountains of Midian and Edom (cf. Obad. 3-4), and 
Sela ("cliffs") designates perhaps the Edomite mountain-for- 
tress Sela (today al-Sa c l near Basrah) around which rich cop- 
per deposits were located. The house of Rechab, which had 
preserved traditions of the time of the Exodus, was related to 
the Kenites (1 Chron. 2:55), and apparently also to Ir-Nahash 
and Ge-Harashim (1 Chron. 4:12-14), modern Khirbet Nahas 
("copper ruin," or "ruin of the copper city") in the Arabah, a 
copper mining center. 

The Kenites were enumerated among the early peoples 
of Canaan, together with the Kenizzites and the Kadmonites 
(Gen. 15:19). Relations between the Israelites and the Kenites 
were good, but B. Stade and others argued for Kenite influ- 
ence on Moses and the religion of Israel. This "Kenite hypoth- 
esis" (updated by Halpern and by van der Toorn) holds that 
yhwh was not originally the God of the Hebrews and was 
not even known to the Hebrews. He was originally a Kenite 
tribal god who became known to Moses through his Kenite 
father-in-law, Jethro. Moses then made yhwh known to the 
Hebrews, who accepted Him as their God. As observed by van 
der Toorn, the Kenite hypothesis nicely accounts for the ab- 
sence of Yahweh from earlier pantheons, Yahweh's link with 
Edom (Deut. 33:2), the Kenite connection of Moses, and the 
Bibles positive attitude to Kenites. The major problem comes 
from the current scholarly view that the majority of Israelites 
originated in Canaan and did not trek through the desert en- 
countering Kenites all the way as the Bible would have it. The 
historical role of Moses is likewise problematic. Nonetheless, 
the important role of the Kenites in early Israelite worship has 
been emphasized by the discovery of an Israelite sanctuary at 
*Arad. This explains the note of Judges 1:16 about the Kenite 
family related to Moses (according to the Septuagint descen- 
dants, this venerated family served as priests in the sanctu- 
ary). They entered the region from the "city of palm trees," 
which cannot here indicate Jericho, but more likely refers to 
Zoar or Tamar in the northern part of the Arabah. Also, He- 
ber, the Kenite husband or clan of Jael, who was at the time 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


of the Deborah battle in northern Erez Israel near Mount Ta- 
bor belonged to the Hobab family (Judg. 4:11). It is hardly in- 
cidental that they pitched their tent at the oak (Heb. elori) in 
Zaanaim or Zaananim, evidently a holy tree. Their connection 
with early Yahwistic worship does not exclude the assump- 
tion that for a good part they made their livelihood as metal 
craftsmen (Judg. 5:26). 

Other Kenite families evidently occupied the region in 
the south, centering around Arad. This is the Negev of the 
Kenites and the cities of the Kenites referred to in the stories 
from the time of David (1 Sam. 27:10; 30:29). These settlements 
apparently included Kinah near Arad (Josh. 15:22), and pos- 
sibly Kain on the border of the wilderness of Judah (15:57). In 
the same region were also found the Amalekites, who wan- 
dered in Edom, Sinai, and the Negev, and among whom the 
Kenites lived. According to the Septuagint, Judges 1:16 should 
read "and dwelt among the Amalekites" (mt, "among the peo- 
ple (am)"). In view of the kindness the Kenites had shown to 
Israel during the Exodus (1 Sam. 15:6), Saul gave them friendly 
warning before attacking the Amalekites. 

bibliography: Abel, Geog, 1 (1933), 273; W.J.T. Phythian- 
Adams, Israel in theAraba (1934); Th. J. Meek, Hebrew Origins (1936), 
93 ff; S. Abramsky, in: Eretz Israel, 3 (1954), 116-24; W.F. Albright, in: 
cbq, 25 (1963), 3-9 (incl. bibl.); idem, Yahweh and the Gods of Ca- 
naan (1968), 33-37; Aharoni, in: Land, 185, 198, 259, 298; B. Mazar, in: 
jnes, 24 (1965), 297-303; R. De Vaux, in: Erez Israel, 9 (1969), 28ff. 
add. bibliography: B. Halpern, in: abd, 4:17-22; K. van der 
Toorn, ddd, 910-19. 

[Yohanan Aharoni / S.D. Sperling (2 nd ed.)] 

°KENNEDY, JOHN FITZGERALD (1917-1963), 35 th presi- 
dent of the United States. John F. Kennedy's grandfathers were 
both sons of Irish immigrants who rose to success in Boston 
Democratic politics. His father, Joseph Patrick Kennedy, was 
a multimillionaire businessman and an early supporter of 
President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who in 1937 appointed him 
ambassador to England. Joseph Kennedy was rumored to have 
expressed antisemitic views, but this was untrue. In any case, 
his son repudiated all such opinions. 

After outstanding service in the Navy during World 
War 11, he served the U.S. House of Representatives as a 
Democrat for the 11 th Congressional District in Massachu- 
setts (1946-52). In 1952 Kennedy was elected to the U.S. Senate 
from Massachusetts and was reelected in 1958. In 1957 Ken- 
nedy proposed two bills affecting Jewish immigration, one that 
included the admission of Middle Eastern Jews to the United 
States and the other with a clause insuring nonquota status to 
about 10,000 Jewish refugees from the United Arab Republic. 
In the pamphlet A Nation of Immigrants (1959) he reviews the 
role of immigration in U.S. history. 

In i960, when he was elected president, Kennedy had 
the support of an estimated 80 percent of Jewish voters. As 
president he demonstrated friendship for Israel by tripling 
the amount of American financial assistance to Israel and by 
selling the country ground-to-air Hawk missiles in 1962 for 

protection against air attack. He alerted the U.S. Sixth Fleet in 
the Mediterranean when subversion in Jordan by the United 
Arab Republic threatened to undermine the stability of the 
entire area. He increased the shipments of military supplies 
when Soviet weapons sent to the Arab states appeared to be 
giving them arms superiority. He promised United States as- 
sistance in the development of a desalination plant to expand 
Israel's water and power resources. 

President Kennedy launched two unsuccessful initiatives 
aimed at bringing peace to the Middle East. First, he sent per- 
sonal letters to the heads of all the Arab governments offer- 
ing the services of the United States government as an "hon- 
est broker" in bringing them together with Israel "to find an 
honorable and humanitarian solution to the disputes, which 
waste precious energies in the Middle East countries and de- 
fer the economic progress which all free peoples truly want 
to enjoy." He also sent emissaries to seek a solution to one of 
the key obstacles to peace, the refugee problem. Some of his 
speeches and statements on foreign policy are collected in Al- 
lan Nevins (ed.), Strategy of Peace (i960); J.W. Gardner (ed.) 
To Turn the Tide (1962); and E.E. Barbarash (compiler), John 
F. Kennedy on Israel, Zionism, and Jewish Issues (1965). 

bibliography: A.M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days 

(1965); T.C. Sorensen, Kennedy (1965); J.M. Burns, John Kennedy: A 

Political Profile (i960). 

[Myer Feldman] 

KENT, ALLEGRA (1938- ), U.S. dancer. Kent was born in 
Santa Monica, California. Her mother, born in Wisznice, Po- 
land, steered the family toward Christian Science and changed 
their last name from Cohen to Kent. Inspired by George Bal- 
anchine's Night Shadow, Kent studied with Bronislava and 
Irina Nijinska, and with Carmelita Maracci, and at the School 
of American Ballet. She joined the New York City Ballet in 
1953 and was promoted to principal dancer in 1957, creating 
roles in such Balanchine ballets as Ivesiana (1954), Agon (1957), 
Bugaku (1963), and Brahms-Schoenberg Quartet (1966), as 
well as in Dances at a Gathering (1969) and Dumbarton Oaks 
(1972) for Jerome *Robbins. In 1962 she made a highly suc- 
cessful tour in the U.S.S.R., dancing in the Kremlin. During 
her nearly 30 years with the New York City Ballet, she inter- 
rupted her career three times to have children. She retired in 
1981 to work as a teacher. In 1997 she published her autobiog- 
raphy, Once a Dancer. 

bibliography: N. Abrahami, in: P.E. Hyman and D.D. 
Moore, Jewish Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia, vol.i 

(i997)> 735-37 

KENT, ROMAN R. (1925- ), Holocaust survivor and activ- 
ist. Born in Lodz, Kent was the son of a textile manufacturer. 
He was confined to the Lodz ghetto with his family in 1939, 
deported to Auschwitz, transferred to Gross- Rosen and its sat- 
ellite camps and Flossenberg, and liberated by the Third Army 
while on a death march. He immigrated to the United States 
in 1946, under the Orphaned Children's Quota, as a ward of 
the U.S. government. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Kent and his younger brother, Leon, were sent to live in 
Atlanta, Georgia, where Kent graduated from Henry Grady 
High School with honors and went on to take liberal arts 
courses at Emory University He began his successful busi- 
ness as a merchant from the trunk of his car to sharecropper 
families in the boondocks. He eventually expanded his busi- 
ness and moved to the Empire State Building in New York 
City and sold houseware on the qvc Network. 

An active and important leader of the Holocaust survi- 
vor movement, Kent worked on a number of major survivor 
events, including the ^American Gathering of Jewish Holo- 
caust Survivors in Washington, d.c, in 1983. Kent also pro- 
duced a movie called Children of the Holocaust in 1980, which 
won the International Film Festival Award in New York City. 
The film was narrated by Academy Award-winning actress 
Liv Ullman. 

Kent also served as a negotiator for the * Conference on 
Material Claims Against Germany (the Claims Conference), 
where he was also the treasurer and a member of the execu- 
tive board. He was also chairman of the American Gathering 
of Jewish Holocaust Survivors, Inc., the umbrella organiza- 
tion for survivors in North America. He was vice president 
of the Jewish Foundation for the Righteous, an organization 
that supports non-Jews who helped save Jewish lives during 
the Holocaust. 

As a member of the Claims Conference, Kent was one of 
12 commissioners of the International Commission on Holo- 
caust Era Insurance Claims created by President Bill Clinton. 
The commission is chaired by former Secretary of State Law- 
rence Eagleburger. 

Kent was also a member of the Presidential Advisory 
Commission on Holocaust Assets in the United States that 
settled the claims of the Hungarian Gold Train suit filed by 
survivors against the United States government. 

Kent was always known for his outspoken criticism of 
those who do not understand the urgent needs of impover- 
ished Holocaust survivors living in the United States, Israel, 
and the rest of the world. He is concerned about monies be- 
ing misdirected at a time when survivors, he says, "Need to 
die with dignity." He has also been a vocal and visible advo- 
cate of Holocaust and tolerance education around the world 
and a supporter of humanitarian causes for all. 

He wrote a memoir called Strictly Business: Ruminations 
from Auschwitz to Atlanta, New York and Berlin and a chil- 
dren's book called Lala: The True Story of a Boy and His Dog 

during the Holocaust. 

[Jeanette Friedman (2 nd ed.)] 

KENTNER, LOUIS (Lajos Philip, 1905-1987), British pia- 
nist and composer of Hungarian birth. Born in Karwin, Kent- 
ner entered the Budapest Royal Academy of Music at the age 
of six. He studied piano under Szekely and Leo *Weiner, and 
composition with Kodaly After his concert debut in 1918, he 
started a tour throughout Europe. Kentner settled in Eng- 
land in 1935 and was naturalized in 1946. In 1956, he made 

his U.S. debut in New York. Kentner was notable for his pia- 
nistic elegance, bel canto phrasing, and comprehensive tech- 
nical mastery. He was praised for his interpretation of works 
by Mozart, Beethoven, and Chopin. An admired exponent 
of Liszt, he founded the British Liszt Society and performed 
his works with authority, eloquence, and color. Kentner also 
specialized in playing Kodaly and Bartok. He gave the first 
Hungarian performance of Bartok's Second Piano Concerto 
(Budapest, 1933), the European performance of his Third in 
London (1945), and the British premiere of the Scherzo, Op. 
2 in 1962. As regards British contemporary music, he played 
the first performances of works by Tippett, Walton, Bliss, and 
others. As a chamber musician, his long partnership with his 
brother-in-law Yehudi *Menuhin was noteworthy. His compo- 
sitions include works for piano as well as songs and orchestral 
and chamber music. Kentner was made a Commander of the 
Order of the British Empire in 1978. He is the author of Piano 
(2 nd ed., 1991), and a tribute to him by students and admirers 
(Kentner: A Symposium) was published in 1987. 

bibliography: Grove online; V. Harrison, Baker s Biographi- 
cal Dictionary (1997). 

[Max Loppert / Naama Ramot (2 nd ed.)] 

KENTRIDGE, MORRIS (1881-1964), South African lawyer 
and politician. Born in Lithuania, he was the son of W. Kan- 
trovich, minister of the Vryheid Hebrew Congregation. He 
joined the South African Labour Party, was elected to Parlia- 
ment, and from 1920 until his retirement in 1958 represented 
a Johannesburg division. Kentridge boldly championed the 
workers' cause in the strikes of 1922 and spent some time un- 
der detention in consequence. He remained a leading repre- 
sentative of the Labour Party until it lost its influence after the 
pact with the Nationalists. In 1932 he joined Smuts' United 
Party and while on the government front bench helped to 
frame a considerable volume of progressive industrial legis- 
lation. One of the leading Jewish spokesmen in Parliament, 
he opposed Hertzog's anti-Jewish immigration laws of the 
1930s. During the Hitler period he fought the activities of the 
South African pro-Nazi agitators. His memoirs, I Recall, were 

published in 1959. 

[Lewis Sowden] 

KENTRIDGE, SIR SYDNEY (1922- ), South African and 
British lawyer who won international fame for his work in the 
human rights field. Born in Johannesburg, he was admitted to 
the Johannesburg Bar in 1949 and in 1965 was appointed se- 
nior counsel. He was called to the English Bar in 1977 and ap- 
pointed queen's counsel in 1984. From 1981 to 1986, he served 
as judge of appeal in Botswana and from 1988 to 1982 he was 
judge of appeal of Jersey and Guernsey. In his early days at 
the Bar in South Africa, Kentridge appeared in a number of 
cases of historical and political significance, during which he 
represented opponents of South Africa's race laws that helped 
entrench white minority rule. He was a leading member of the 
defense team that successfully defended 30 leading political 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


activists, including future President Nelson Mandela, against 
charges of treason in the 1958-61 Treason Trial. He subse- 
quently appeared as counsel for the local community and the 
bishop of Johannesburg, Ambrose Reeves, at the inquiry into 
the shooting at Sharpeville, 1961, and for the family of Steve 
Biko at the inquest into his death in 1977. Further afield, he 
appeared for Stella Madzimabuto in both the then Rhodesia 
and the Privy Council in her challenge to the legality of the 
white minority regime of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Widely re- 
garded as one of the worlds most eminent advocates, he was 
knighted in 1999 for his international human rights work over 
the years. Kentridge's father, Morris *Kentridge, was a long- 
serving Member of Parliament in the Union of South Africa, 
representing first the Labour Party, and after 1934 the United 
Party. His son is the artist William Kentridge. 

[David Saks (2 nd ed.)] 

KENTUCKY, state in the south central United States. A re- 
ceipt with a Yiddish notation surviving from 1781 reveals that 
the firm of Cohen and Isaacs in Richmond, Virginia, paid 
Daniel Boone for surveying land on its behalf in Kentucky, 
and other evidence of early Jewish involvement in the area 
exists as well. The first Jewish settlers in Kentucky arrived at 
the very beginning of the 19 th century, but they were unable 
to maintain a Jewish life on the frontier. The Baltimore-born 
John Jacob was apparently resident near Louisville as early as 
1802, and Benjamin *Gratz, scion of the famous Philadelphia 
merchant family, settled in Lexington in 1819; both married 
gentile women not once, but twice. 

Jewish communal life began in Kentucky in the 1830s, 
first in ^Louisville and a little later elsewhere. Communal or- 
ganizations appeared in Owensboro and Paducah, both on 
the Ohio River, in the late 1850s, and in Lexington just after 
the Civil War. By the 1870s there were lodges of B'nai B'rith 
in Louisville, Owensboro, Paducah, and Lexington. In 1880, 
four synagogue buildings stood in Louisville, one in Owens- 
boro, one in Paducah, and one in Henderson, and the Jewish 
population of Kentucky was reported to be 3,600, with 2,500 
Jews in Louisville, 213 in Owensboro, 203 in Paducah, 140 
in Lexington, and the rest in other small towns. By the turn 
of the 19 th century, aside from Congregation Adas Israel in 
Henderson, Congregation Adath Israel in Owensboro, Tem- 
ple Israel in Paducah, and a variety of Jewish institutions in 
Louisville, there was a multi-purpose Spinoza Society in Lex- 
ington (founded 1873) as well as Jewish social clubs in Hen- 
derson (the Harmony club, founded 1873), Owensboro (the 
Standard Club, founded 1889), Shelbyville (the Jewish Literary 
and Social Club, founded 1895), and Paducah (the Standard 
Club, founded 1903). 

East European Jews arriving in Kentucky around the 
turn of the 19 th century reinforced existing communities and 
also established additional Jewish centers. These immigrants 
founded Congregation Agudath Achim in Ashland in 1896, 
the United Hebrew Congregation in Newport in 1897, and con- 
gregations in Covington, Hopkinsville, and Harlan in the early 

- over 5,000 

% of Jews in general population of Kentucky 

% of Kentucky Jews in Jewish population of U.S. 


Jewish communities in Kentucky. Population figures for 2001. 

part of the 20 th century. By the time of World War 1, Lexing- 
ton had two congregations: the Reform Adath Israel (founded 
1904) and the Orthodox Ohavay Zion (founded 1912). 

Immigrants established new ethnic and cultural institu- 
tions in several small towns as well. In Newport, for exam- 
ple, the Jewish community had created a Free Hebrew School 
offering programs for both children and adults as early as 
1907. By that year, Newport's Jews also were supporting a 
branch of the Zionist Po'alei Zion and a Jewish Protective 
League, demanding better police protection for their commu- 
nity. In Lexington, the poet Israel Jacob ^Schwartz (1885-1971) 
completed his epic Yiddish poem cycle Kentucky in 1922. 
In 1927, Kentucky's Jewish population was reported to be 
19,500, with 12,500 Jews in Louisville and triple- digit com- 
munities in Ashland, Covington, Lexington, Newport, and 
Paducah. Henderson, Hopkinsville, Owensboro, and the area 
around Harlan each was home to between 65 and 90 Jewish 

Throughout the 19 th century and into the 20 th , Jews were 
involved in civic affairs not only in Louisville, but also else- 
where. For example, Abraham * Jonas (1801-1864), brother of 
Joseph * Jonas, settled in Williamstown in 1827 and was elected 
several times to the state legislature. Meyer Weil (1830-91) 
served as mayor of Paducah between 1871 and 1881, and at 
about the same time the presiding officers of both chambers 
of the Lexington town council were Jews. Morris Weintraub 
of Newport (1909-96) was speaker of the Kentucky House of 
Representatives in the 1950s. 

In the second half of the 20 th century, Kentucky's Jew- 
ish population declined and, as elsewhere in the U.S., many 
small-town Jewish communities deteriorated. By the end of 
the century, fully functioning congregations and communal 
institutions could be found only in Louisville and Lexington, 
although tiny congregations holding occasional services still 
existed in Owensboro and Paducah. Kentucky's Jewish popula- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



tion was reported as 11,000 in i960, 13,000 in 1984, and 11,500 
at the turn of the 20 th century. 

bibliography: L.S. Weissbach, The Synagogues of Kentucky: 
Architecture and History (1995); idem, "Kentucky's Jewish History 
in National Perspective: The Era of Mass Migration," in: The Filson 
Club Quarterly, 69 (July 1995), 255-74; idem, "Stability and Mobility 
in the Small Jewish Community: Examples from Kentucky History," 
in: American Jewish History, 79 (Spring 1990), 358-60; L.N. Demb- 
itz, "Jewish Beginnings in Kentucky" in Publications of the American 
Jewish Historical Society, 1 (1898), 99-100. 

[Lee Shai Weissbach (2 nd ed.)] 

KENYA. Jewish settlement in East Africa started at the turn 
of the 20 th century, when the first Jewish families settled in 
Nairobi, then a labor camp and minor administrative center 
of the Uganda Railways. The area proposed to Herzl for Jewish 
settlement by the British colonial secretary Joseph Chamber- 
lain in 1903 (the "*Uganda Scheme") is in present-day Kenya. 
By 1913 there were 20 Jewish families in Nairobi and the first 
synagogue was built. World War 11 brought in its wake an in- 
flux of Jewish immigrants from Europe, many of them for- 
mer inmates of Nazi camps. By 1945 the Jewish community in 
Kenya numbered about 150 families, the majority settling in 
Nairobi. Most Jews engaged in commerce or the free profes- 
sions, and some were absorbed in the colonial administration. 
A landmark in the community's history was the arrival from 
Palestine in March 1947 of a trainload of detainees, members 
of the *Irgun Zeva'i Le'ummi and *Lohamei Herut Israel, who 
were placed in a detention camp in Gilgil. The Jewish commu- 
nity greatly assisted in improving their conditions. The new 
synagogue of the community, consecrated in 1955, is located 
in downtown Nairobi. By 1957 the community had reached a 
peak membership of 165 families. The president of the Board 
of Kenya Jewry, Israel Somen, was elected Nairobi's mayor. 
From 1957 the community decreased steadily and in 1968 to- 
taled 113 families. The Nairobi congregation maintained a full- 
time rabbi who was also responsible for Jewish education. In 
1968 the community maintained a Hebrew Aid Society and 
the hevra kaddisha ("burial society"). It had a Zionist organi- 
zation from 1909, and a wizo branch from 1944. In the early 
21 st century the community numbered around 400, with a 
Chabad rabbi officiating at the Nairobi synagogue. 

[Ze'ev Levin] 

Relations with Israel 

From its independence, at the end of 1963, the government of 
Kenya and its leader Jomo Kenyatta displayed a friendly atti- 
tude toward Israel. Full diplomatic relations were established 
between the two countries. Israel maintains an embassy in 
Nairobi, while Kenya's diplomatic mission in Israel is han- 
dled by a nonresident ambassador. In 1966 the two countries 
signed an agreement for technical and scientific coopera- 
tion. Israel extended aid in the establishment, direction, and 
teaching of the Machakos School for Social Workers up to the 
stage at which the Kenyan government could take it over. Ken- 
yan trainees participated in courses in Israel on agriculture, 

labor and cooperation, community development, and train- 
ing of military officers and air cadets. In 1969 Israel exported 
$2,947,000 to Kenya and imported $793,000 worth of goods. 
Israel corporations expended $14,800,000 on highways, water- 
supply projects, housing, and office buildings through 1969. 
They also invested in small-scale industry, and El Al was a 
partner in the Hilton Hotel in Nairobi. Kenya has acted as a 
moderating factor in Israel issues within African forums. 

Though Kenya broke off relations with Israel after the 
Yom Kippur War of 1973, trainees continued arriving, and dur- 
ing the Entebbe rescue operation in 1976, the Kenyan govern- 
ment allowed Israeli planes to refuel in its territory. Relations 
were resumed in 1988. In 2002 terrorists bombed the Israeli- 
owned Paradise Hotel in Kikambala, killing 15, and then fired 
rockets at an El- Al plane taking off from Mombassa Interna- 
tional Airport. The hotel was reopened in 2004 after a joint 

Kenyan- Israeli cleanup effort 

[Yoav Biran] 

bibliography: J. Carlebach, The Jews of Nairobi 1903-1962 
(1962), incl. bibl. See also bibliography on ^Uganda Scheme. 

°KENYON, DAME KATHLEEN MARY (1906-1978), Brit- 
ish archaeologist; daughter of biblical scholar and director of 
the British Museum, Sir Frederic Kenyon. Early in her career 
she took part in excavations at Zimbabwe (1929), St Albans/ 
Verulamium (1930-35), and Samaria (1931-34). From 1935 to 
1951 she directed excavations at various Roman sites in Eng- 
land and at Sabratha, Tripolitania (1948-49, 1951). At the Uni- 
versity of London Institute of Archaeology Kathleen Kenyon 
served as secretary (1935-48), acting director (1942-46), and 
lecturer in Palestinian archaeology (1948-62). While acting 
as director of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem 
(1951-66), she conducted excavations at Jericho (1952-58) and 
Jerusalem (1961-67). WG. Dever summed up her character as 
follows: "her gruff manner often obscured her gentler personal 
qualities, and she showed obvious impatience with excavators 
who did not possess an immediate and intuitive grasp of strati- 
graphical complexities, in which she reveled and excelled." 
From 1962 she was principal of St. Hugh's College, Oxford. 
Her publications include Beginning in Archaeology (2 nd rev. 
ed. 1953); Digging up Jericho (1957); Samaria-Sebaste, 3 vols, 
(with J.W and G.M. Crowfoot; 1942-57); Excavations atjeri- 
choy 1 (i960); Archaeology in the Holy Land (1965 2 ); Jerusalem. 
Excavating 3000 Years of History (1967); and Digging up Jeru- 
salem (1974). Her major excavations remained largely unpub- 
lished until after her death, with the work being undertaken 
by T. Holland, A.D. Tushingham, H. Franken, M. Steiner, K. 
Prag, and others. 

add. bibliography: P.R.S. Moorey, "Kathleen Kenyon and 
Palestinian Archaeology," in: peq, 111 (1979), 3-10; P.R.S. Moorey and 
P.J. Parr (eds.), Archaeology in the Levant: Essays for Kathleen Ken- 
yon (1985); G.I. Davies, "British Archaeologists," in: Benchmarks in 
Time and Culture: An Introduction to Palestinian Archaeology (1988), 
37-62; S. Gibson, "British Archaeological Institutions in Mandatory 
Palestine, 1917-1948," in: peq, 131 (1999), 115-43, esp. note 25; W.G. 
Dever, "Kathleen Kenyon (1906-1978)," in G.M. Cohen and M.S. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Joukowsky (eds.), Breaking Ground: Pioneering Women Archaeolo- 
gists (2004), 525-53- 

[Michael Avi-Yonah / Shimon Gibson (2 nd ed.)] 

KERAK or CHARAX, the place to which the Jews under 
Judah Maccabee in his expedition to Gilead advanced after 
their victory at Caspin (11 Mace. 12 ft. as Charax). It was located 
750 stadia (c. 100 mi.) from Caspin and while inhabited by the 
Jews was known as Tubieni (11 Mace. 12:17). A land called Tob 
appears in the list of cities conquered by Thutmosis in and 
in the Bible in connection with Jephthah (Judg. 11:3, 5) and as 
allies of the Ammonites (11 Sam. 10:6, 8). It is identified with 
the region around al-Tayyiba, between Bostra and Edrain in 
the Bashan in northern Transjordan. In the vicinity is the vil- 
lage of al-Karak, a name which corresponds to the Greek name 
Charax (meaning "fortification"). The distance from Kerak to 
Caspin is only half the distance mentioned in 11 Maccabees, 
but the text does not necessarily refer to a straight line. 

bibliography: F.M. Abel, Les Livres des Maccabees (1948), 

index, s.v. Charax. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KERCH (in antiquity, Panticapaeum), port at the eastern ex- 
tremity of Crimea, Ukraine. A Jewish settlement appears to 
have existed on this spot during the period of the independent 
kingdom of Bosphorus (fifth century B.C. e.) but the earliest 
extant evidence dates from the time that the town was un- 
der the dominion of the Roman Empire. A Greek inscription 
of 81 c.e. concerning the liberation of a Jewish slave reveals 
that a Jewish community existed in the town at that period 
and that there was also a synagogue. Non- Jewish inscriptions 
belonging to the first centuries of the Christian era bear nu- 
merous Jewish symbols. During the second half of the ninth 
century the patriarch Photius wrote to Archbishop Antony of 
Kerch thanking him for his efforts to convert the Jews of the 
city. In his letter to *Hisdai ibn Shaprut the * Khazar king Jo- 
seph mentions Kark (Kerch) among the cities of his kingdom, 
and it may be assumed that the Jewish community flourished 
there during the eighth and ninth centuries under the Khazar 
kings, who became converts to Judaism. As a result of the wars 
between the Khazars and the Russians during the second half 
of the tenth century and the wars between the Russians and 
the Greeks at the close of the 11 th century, the Jews abandoned 
Kerch, so that when *Pethahiah of Regensburg visited the city 
in 1175 he found a community of ^Karaites only. 

During the 17 th century the Turks built a fortress in the 
city and a site was granted to the Karaites for a cemetery. After 
the city had been captured by the Russians in 1771, a new com- 
munity of local and Russian Jews was established but it was 
destroyed during the Crimean War (1854-56). After a num- 
ber of years, the Jewish settlement was reconstituted, and in 
1897 numbered 4,774 persons (14% of the city's population), 
including *Krimchaks and Karaites. Most of them earned their 
livelihood in the dried fish and salt industries and in the oil 
refineries, but also in petty trade and crafts. There were sev- 

eral synagogues in Kerch, including one built in the 1830s, an- 
other in 1875, a separate Krimchak synagogue, and a Karaite 
one. In 1859 the talmud torah had 160 pupils, and there were 
schools for boys and girls, and a number of charitable insti- 
tutions. On July 31, 1905, several Kerch Jews were killed in a 
pogrom; the Jews there organized ^self-defense. There were 
3,067 Jews in Kerch (8.9% of the city's population) in 1926, 
and their numbers had risen by 1939 to 5,573 (total popula- 
tion 104,443), including about 500 Krimchaks. A few Jewish 
schools were probably opened in the 1920s. The Germans oc- 
cupied Kerch on November 16, 1941. On December 1-3 they 
killed about 2,500 Jews, and the rest of them were murdered 
by the end of the month. On December 30, 1941, the town was 
taken by the Soviet army, but by May 23, 1942, it was retaken 
by the Germans, who killed the few remaining Jews, mostly 
Krimchaks. Together some 7,000 Jews from Kerch and sur- 
roundings were murdered. The city was liberated on April 11, 
1944. In 1970 the Jewish population of Kerch was estimated 
at about 5,000, but there was no organized religious life. Most 
left in the mass emigration of the 1990s. 

bibliography: A. Tcherikower, Ha-Yehudim ve-ha-Yevanim 
ba-Tekufah ha-Hellenistit (1963), 271, 281; B. Dinur, Yisrael ba-Golah, 
1 (1962), index; D.M. Dunlop, History of the Jewish Khazars (1967), 
index; I. Ben-Zvi, The Exiled and the Redeemed (1967), 109-111; S.M. 
Schwarz, The Jews in the Soviet Union (1951), index; M. Osherovich, 
Shtet un Shtetlekh in Ukraine, 1 (1948), 241-51. 

[Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

KEREM HEMED (Heb. llpn D1|; "vineyard of delight"), He- 
brew annual of the Galician * Haskalah. Published in Vienna, 
Prague, and Berlin from 1833 to 1856, Kerem Hemed served 
as a central forum for Eastern and Western Jewish scholars 
and authors. The publisher and nominal editor, Samuel Leib 
* Goldenberg, was a prominent Galician maskil who founded 
it to take the place of *Bikkurei ha-Ittim y which ceased publi- 
cation in 1831. Kerem Hemed differed from its predecessor in 
that it did not print belles lettres and was concerned mainly 
with scholarly research in Judaism and Jewish literature. In ac- 
cordance with a literary convention in i8 th -century Italy and 
Germany, the studies were published in the form of letters ex- 
changed by scholars in Eastern Europe (mainly Galicia) and 
those in the West (first Italy and then other countries). In ad- 
dition to the talmudic and medieval literary studies, editions 
of ancient manuscripts and treatises were published with notes 
and prefaces. The annual reflected Jewish preoccupations dur- 
ing the first half of the 19 th century, namely the various fac- 
ets of the Haskalah: humanistic and scientific studies, revival 
of the Hebrew language, and opposition to Hasidism and to 
mystical movements generally. Kerem Hemed also published 
Samuel David *Luzzatto's criticism of medieval Jewish ratio- 
nalism (Maimonides, Abraham ibn Ezra) and his commenda- 
tion of Rashi's conservative and traditional approach. 

Kerem Hemed published the first works of the philos- 
opher Nachman *Krochmal (mostly unsigned or under a 
pseudonym), the anti-hasidic essays of Josef *Perl and Isaac 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



* Erter, and the controversy between Tobias * Feder and Jakob 
Samuel *Bick regarding the use of Yiddish, the first such con- 
troversy to be carried on in Hebrew. The acting editor of the 
third and subsequent volumes was Solomon Judah *Rapoport, 
who, in addition to his studies and commentaries, annotated 
the works of others. The number of contributors grew from 
year to year and included writers from Russia, Germany, Hun- 
gary and in the last annuals, such figures as L. Zunz, A. Geiger, 
and the astronomers H.Z. Slonimsky and H.M. Pineles. After 
Goldenberg's death publication of the annuals ceased until it 
was revived by Senior Sachs who published the last two an- 
nuals in a style similar to their predecessors. Altogether nine 
volumes appeared, seven edited by Goldenberg and Rapoport, 
and two by Sachs. An index to all the volumes appears in the 
first part of Die hebraische Publizistik in Wien (1930), com- 
piled by B. Wachstein whose preface to the index includes an 
extensive monograph on Kerem Hemed. 

bibliography: Klausner, Sifrut, 2 (1952 2 ), yji. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KEREN HAYESOD (Palestine Foundation Fund), the fi- 
nancial arm of the * World Zionist Organization, founded at 
the Zionist conference held in London in July 1920. Two ba- 
sic views were expressed on the problem of how the World 
Zionist Organization should finance its work in Palestine after 
the important political gains made at the end of World War 1. 
One group favored the establishment of a company run on 
banking lines to promote undertakings solely on a business 
basis. The other emphasized the need to preserve the pio- 
neering character of the Zionist effort by mobilizing national 
capital through donations from the Jewish masses. There was 
also a proposal, which won little support, to float a national 
loan. The conference adopted a compromise combining the 
first and second proposals. The Keren Hayesod was to appeal 
to Zionists and non- Zionists alike for funds to finance on a 
nonprofit basis immigration and colonization in Palestine in 
order to lay the foundations of the Jewish National Home, as 
well as to encourage business enterprise in close cooperation 
with private capital. Contributions were to constitute an an- 
nual voluntary tax, with a certain minimum level. 

Keren Hayesod was registered on March 23, 1921, as a 
British limited company. Its members (limited to no more 
than 50), together with the chairman of the board of directors, 
were chosen by the executive of the Zionist Organization. The 
head office was in London until 1926 when it was transferred 
to Jerusalem. When the enlarged * Jewish Agency for Palestine 
was founded in 1929, with equal representation for non- Zion- 
ists, Keren Hayesod continued to be the main instrument for 
financing the Zionist budget. From 1925, the fund operated in 
the United States as the United Palestine Appeal (which was a 
partnership of Keren Hayesod and the Jewish National Fund) 
which combined in 1939 with the American Jewish *Joint 
Distribution Committee and the National Refugee Service 
to form the * United Jewish Appeal. The uja operates in the 
United States, while the Keren Hayesod head office in Jeru- 

salem coordinates operations in other countries including the 
State of Israel, where it is a joint fund of the Keren Hayesod 
and jnf The Keren Hayesod has cooperated with the * Jewish 
National Fund, * Youth Aliyah, constructive funds associated 
with Zionist parties, and other officially Zionist-connected 
institutions. In 1956 it was incorporated in Israel under the 
Keren Hayesod Law adopted by the * Knesset. 

Keren Hayesod and the United Jewish Appeal in the 
United States are based mainly on the work of volunteers. In 
almost every country with a Jewish population there is a cen- 
tral committee to collect contributions. There is also a com- 
mittee in each city with a large Jewish community, as well 
as divisions for business, trade, professional, and women's 
groups. In Belgium and Switzerland there are central commit- 
tees for each language section of the population. The chairman 
of Keren Hayesod is responsible for its operations in all coun- 
tries except the United States. There are departments for Latin 
America, the English speaking countries, and Europe, as well 
as for special projects in Israel, wills and legacies, information, 
reception of guests, administration and finance. 

The emergency campaign initiated just before the Six- 
Day War, 1967, increased twelvefold Keren Hayesod's nor- 
mal annual income from countries other than the United 
States. This was achieved by an increase in both the size of 
individual contributions and the number of donors, which 
rose from 200,000 to 400,000. The income rose from $i5m 
in 1966 to $i5om in 1967. A second emergency campaign in 
1968 raised $42,300,000 in cash and $13,200,000 in additional 
pledges. (See Table: Keren Hayesod.) 

Among the founders of Keren Hayesod were Chaim 
*Weizmann, Aharon Barth, and Isaac *Naidich. The first direc- 
tors were Berthold *Feiwel (also managing director), George 
Halpern, Vladimir * Jabotinsky (also director of propaganda), 
Shelomoh *Kaplansky, Shemaryahu *Levin, Isaac Naidich, 
Israel M. *Sieff (later Lord Sieff) and Hillel Zlatapolsky. When 
the head office of Keren Hayesod was moved to Jerusalem in 
1926 the managing directors were Arthur *Hantke and Leib 
*Jaffe (who was killed in March 1948 by a bomb explosion in 
the Jewish Agency courtyard), Kurt *Blumenfeld joined them 
in 1934. Since the establishment of the State of Israel, the fol- 
lowing served as chairmen: Arthur Hantke, Zvi Hermann, 
Eliahu *Dobkin, Israel ^Goldstein and Ezra *Shapiro. Admin- 
istrative heads were Leo ^Hermann, as secretary-general, who 
was succeeded by Yehudah *Yaari. M. Ussoskin, and Shimshon 
Y. Kreutner (from 1968) were directors- general. Treasurers 
included Abraham Ulitzer and Moshe Ussoskin. 

Funds collected through the Keren Hayesod United Israel 
Appeal (the second half of the name was adopted in 1948 to 
cover united operations of primary Zionist funds) have helped 
to establish and develop 820 villages and towns in Israel since 
1921, and to help finance such important enterprises as the 
General Mortgage Bank, Israel Land Development Corpora- 
tion, Mekorot Water Company, Rassco (Rural and Suburban 
Settlement Company), Solel Boneh (the Histadruts build- 
ing and contracting company), the Palestine (Israel) Electric 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Corporation, the Palestine Potash Works (Dead Sea Works), 
the Anglo- Palestine Bank (now Bank Leumi), Amidar Hous- 
ing Corporation, Zim Navigation Company, El Al Airlines, 

and many others. 

[Israel Goldstein] 

Later Developments 

In the early 1990s Keren Hayesod achieved unprecedented 
results from its fund-raising campaigns in 47 countries (and 
90 cities) on five continents. With no increase in staff, and 
citing both the Exodus of Russian Jews to Israel and above all 
the Gulf War and Scud attacks on Israel, it was able to raise in 
1990/91 some quarter of a billion dollars of which 201 million 
were transferred to the Jewish Agency, mainly for immigration 
and absorption purposes. The massive flow of Russian Jews to 
Israel, coupled with the dramatic rescue of Ethiopian Jews in 
Operation Solomon (May 1991), captured the imagination of 
the contributors and their leaders were able to capitalize on 
tens of thousands of volunteers, recruited and trained over the 
years by Keren Hayesod staff from Jerusalem, and its many 
emissaries overseas. 

But the great euphoria of 1990-1991 soon waned and the 

campaign results showed a drop in income. The reasons for 
this were not hard to discern. From 1993, and mainly after the 
signing of the Oslo Agreement between Israel and the plo, 
and the Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty, the impression was created 
that Israel was now launched on the road to peace, and there 
was less need for Jewish contributions. As Israel's economy 
showed signs of healthy growth, and highly positive and prais- 
ing articles appeared in the world's media, more contributors 
wondered if the time had not come to deal with the plight of 
their own communities. 

As the process of assimilation and intermarriage contin- 
ued unabated, stronger voices were heard in the Diaspora com- 
munities calling for the need to retain more funds at home for 
local needs, mainly in the area of education and welfare, rather 
than to send them to Israel, some of whose leaders were openly 
saying there was no longer need for them. A debate erupted in 
Israel in 1993 between Deputy Foreign Minister Yossi Beilin, 
who called on Jews to strengthen their communities and Prime 
Minister Rabin who rejected this approach calling on Jews to 
continue to help Israel deal with the massive immigration. 

The drama of the immigration also waned, when the 

Keren Hayesod United Israel Appeal, 1920-1970 



Immigration and Absorption 

487,000 immigrants, including 28,700 children 

1,400,000 immigrants, including 95,800 children 

brought to Palestine by Youth Aliyah, settled and 

brought to Israel by Youth Aliyah. (Many of the children 

absorbed in the country. 

came with parents and Youth Aliyah accepted them as 
its wards.) 

Agricultural Settlement. 

257 agricultural settlements were established with a 

525 new agricultural settlements and 27 development 

Development Towns and Housing 

population of 90,000 working some 700,000 dunams 

towns built; 175,000 new housing units provided 

(175,000 acres) of land. 

permanent homes for nearly 1 ,400,000 new 

Total Funds Raised 



-70% from the United States through United Jewish 

- 65% from the United States through United Jewish 



- 30% from other countries through Keren Hayesod. 

- 35% from 71 other countries through Keren 

Immigration and Absorption 


Health Services 




Youth Aliyah 


Total expenditures of the 

Immigrant Housing 


Jewish Agency 1948-1970 

Agricultural Settlement 


Educational Activities 


Overseas Operations 


Various Activities 






Grand Total Funds Raised 

1 948-1 970 



$2,133,000,000 1 

1 . The balance of the expenditures not covered by the income of Keren Hayesod United Israel Appeal and the United Jewish Appeal came from additional sources, such as 
German reparations and heirless property, collections on account of the repayment of loans from Jewish Agency-Keren Hayesod funds; the realization of property; special 
Youth Aliyah campaigns; participation by the Government of Israel in agricultural settlement and long and medium term loans. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



numbers settled into 65,000-75,000 a year. It was difficult to 
keep the momentum and the interest alive. By 1991 the funds 
Keren Hayesod transferred to Jerusalem were 185 million 
dollars. A year later it dropped to 150 and by 1995, 115 mil- 
lion dollars. 

Keren Heyesod began to focus attention on new sources 
of income, focusing mainly on wills and bequests, which 
yielded a growing income. One such bequest in Europe was 
worth over 100 million German marks. Efforts were also di- 
rected at retaining the coming generation and maintaining a 
high level of educational, motivational, and inspirational pro- 
grams centering on visits to Israel and to Jewish communities 
in the former Soviet Union. In the countries where it operates, 
Keren Hayesod continues to be a major link between Israel 
and the Diaspora. 

By the turn of the century, in addition to helping create 
over 800 settlements in Israel, Keren Hayesod had helped to 
rehabilitate 90 disadvantaged neighborhoods and develop- 
ments towns through ^Project Renewal, to educate 300,000 
youngsters in Youth Aliyah, and to bring 175,000 young peo- 
ple to Israel in "Israel Experience" programs. 

[Meron Medzini (2 nd ed.)] 

bibliography: Keren Hayesod, Memorandum and Articles 
of Association (1921), Constitution and Palestine Work (1922), Jewish 
Fund (1921), Keren Hayesod Book (1921), Reports to the Zionist Con- 
gresses (1921- ), Facts and Figures on Israel Population and Economy 
(1950), A Decade of Freedom (1958); I. Klinov, Will and Fulfilment: 
Keren Hayesod Twenty-Five Years Old (1946); A. Ulitzur, Foundations: 
A Survey of 25 Years of Activity of the Palestine Foundation Fund Keren 
Hayesod (1947); M.M. Berman, The Bridge to Life: A Saga of Keren 
Hayesod 1920-19/0 (1971). 

KERET, ETGAR (1967- ), Israeli author. Keret, often referred 
to as Israels hippest young artist, is one of the most popular 
writers among Israeli youth. Critic Nissim Calderon wrote 
that Keret is "the Amos Oz of his generation." Keret s books 
have all been bestsellers and each of them was awarded the 
Platinum Prize for selling more than 40,000 copies. Born in 
Tel Aviv, Keret published his first collection of 56 short sto- 
ries, Zinorot ("Pipelines"), in 1992, followed two years later 
by Gaaguai le-Kissinger y which was enthusiastically received 
by critics and readers alike. The mini -narratives, often only 
two or three pages long, are compact stories, postmodernis- 
tic texts in the fashion of video-clips, depicting an episode, 
portraying a certain situation, opening thereby a window on 
a surreal world and on strange inner lives. As in the work of 
the American writer Raymond Carver, an important influ- 
ence on many young writers in Israel, the unexpected often 
springs from what seems to be the common and everyday. In 
the spirit of postmodernism, there is no dichotomy between 
low and high, pop and classic culture, real and imaginary; 
comic moments coalesce with melancholy ones, sentimen- 
tal episodes with serious reflections and the grotesque. Hav- 
ing been deserted by his girlfriend, Meir meets four dwarfs 
who try to help him overcome his sorrow; a young man has 

to prove to his girlfriend that he really loves her by literally 
tearing his heart out; Israeli soldiers discover that the terror- 
ists who attacked them were just a bunch of Hebrew-speak- 
ing rabbits. Nonsense conceals biting criticism. Indeed, the 
argument that Keret is one of the seminal voices of a "private 
generation" in Hebrew literature is misleading: Politics come 
in through the back door, as it were, between the lines, or, 
as in the case of "Cocked and Locked" (included in E. Ben 
Ezers English anthology Sleepwalkers, 1999) with a cynical 
twist. Like Orly *Castel-Bloom, Keret too plays with lan- 
guage, probes metaphors and cliches, underlines the inad- 
equacy of words and at times creates his own vocabulary. In 
1996 Keret published his first "Comics" (with Rutu Modan) 
entitled Lo Banu Lehenot, followed a year later by Simtebt ha- 
Zaam ("Streets of Rage"; with illustrator Asaf Hanuka). Ha- 
Kaytana shel Kneller ("Knellers Happy Campers") appeared 
in 1998, containing a novella and stories. Hayyim, the anti- 
hero of the novella, commits suicide and lives on in a world 
remarkably similar to the real one, with one major difference: 
the ability to perform miracles. In the surreal world, he meets 
his beloved Desiree as well as the Messiah, and although the 
dream of happiness is soon shattered, he remains optimis- 
tic. Anihu, a collection of stories, followed in 2004, and the 
same year also saw the publication of Pizzeria Kamikaze, a 
comics version (with illustrations by Asaf Hanuka) of Keret s 
bestselling novella Knellers Happy Campers. Keret s creative 
output does not restrict itself to comics and prose, it includes 
newspaper columns, a book for children, films and comedy. 
Keret, whose movie Skin Deep won the Israeli Oscar as well 
as first prize at several international film festivals, lectures at 
Tel Aviv University Film School and was invited to Berlin in 
winter 2003 as Samuel Fischer Guest Professor. He received 
the Prime Ministers Prize for literature and the Ministry of 
Culture Cinema Prize. His works have been translated into 
many languages. Available in English translation are Selected 
Stories (1998); How to Make a Good Script Great (1996); Jetlag 
(1998); Knellers Happy Campers (2001); Anihu (2004); as well 
as the collection Gaza Blues with Palestinian author Samir el- 
Youssef (2004), and the children's book Dad Runs Away with 
the Circus (2004). For further information about translations 
see the ithl website at 

bibliography: N. Govrin, "Ha-Shoah ba-Sifrut ha-Ivrit shel 
ha-Dor ha-Za'ir" in: Zafon, 3 (1995), 151-160; L. Chudnovski, "Ha-Im 
Kayyamim Horim Shehorim" in: Iton 77:222-223 (1998), 24-29; A. 
Mendelson-Maoz, "Situaziyot Kizoniyyot be-Yezirotehem shel Castel- 
Bloom ve-Keret? in: Dappim le-Mehkar be-Sifrut, 11 (1998), 269-295; I. 
Zivoni, "Ki mi-Komiks Bata ve-el Komiks Tashuv" in: Iton 77:234-235 
(1999), 24-26; M. Shilgi, Keriat Etgar (2002); H. Navon, f Tyyun Teologi 
be-Sippur shel Etgar Keret" in: Alon Shevut, 19 (2004), 79-92. 

[Anat Feinberg (2 nd ed.)] 

KERI'AH (Heb. nSTIj?), rending of the garments as a sign of 
grief. Keriah is a traditional Jewish mourning custom, based 
on Genesis 37:34 and Job 1:20. At the death of one of the seven 
relatives for whom mourning is decreed (father, mother, chil- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


dren (at least 30 days old), brother (a half-brother), sister (a 
half-sister), husband, wife), a rent, at least four inches long, 
is made in the lapel of an outer garment prior to the funeral. 
For parents, the keriah is made in all clothes, save the un- 
dershirt. For parents, the keriah is made on the left side; for 
other relatives, on the right. A member of the *hevra kaddi- 
sha usually makes the incision with a knife and the mourner 
tears it to the required length and pronounces the blessing: 
"Blessed be Thou, O Lord, the righteous Judge." According to 
the Talmud (mk 25a) keriah should be done at the moment 
of death. Present practice is to defer keriah until just before 
the funeral service or prior to interment. It should be per- 
formed in a standing position. The keriah is exposed dur- 
ing the whole mourning period. It may, however, be roughly 
stitched together after the "seven-day mourning period" and 
completely sewn up after 30 days. When mourning for par- 
ents, it may be stitched only after 30 days and may never be 
sewn up. Women may stitch it together immediately. During 
holha-moed (intermediate festival days) the keriah rite is de- 
layed and is performed after the festival, except in many com- 
munities in the case of mourning for parents. The custom is 
also practiced on seeing a Torah Scroll destroyed by fire. In 
talmudic times, it was customary to express grief by keriah 
at the death of the *nasi (president of the Sanhedrin), or of 
a great scholar (mk 22b), or upon seeing Jerusalem and the 
temple mount in ruins. In the U.S. Conservative and Reform 
practice a torn black ribbon can be worn on the lapel for 30 
days. Some Orthodox Jews follow this custom, others tear a 
tie, and some adhere to the tradition as above. 

bibliography: Sh. Ar., yd 340; Maim. Yad, Evel, 8-90; 
Eisenstein, Dinim, 376; H. Rabinowicz, Guide to Life (1964), 34-37. 

KERITOT (Heb. Dim?), tractate of the order Kodashim in 
the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Babylonian Talmud, which deri- 
ves its name from the 36 sins for which the Torah gives the 
punishment of *karet. The Mishnah consists of six chapters 
dealing with the conditions that necessitate the bringing of 
the sin-offering (hattat) or a guilt offering (asham, or asham 
talui) to be brought only in case of the inadvertent or doubtful 
commission of sins which if committed intentionally would 
entail karet. After enumerating these sins in its first Mishnah, 
the rest of the first chapter deals with the unusual "sin offer- 
ing" required of women after childbirth (Lev. 12:6). The second 
chapter lays down the rules stating exactly who is obliged to 
bring the respective offerings, and specifies if one or more of- 
ferings must be brought when there has been manifold trans- 
gression. The third chapter gives the rules applicable to the 
inadvertent commission of a sin requiring a sin offering. The 
fourth chapter deals in detail with cases of doubtful commis- 
sion of a sin requiring a guilt offering. The fifth chapter first 
defines and classifies the types of forbidden blood which if 
consumed require a sin offering, and then discusses the doubt- 
ful commission of sacrilege. The sixth chapter deals with the 
question of what is to happen to the animal designated as a 

sacrifice if, before or after it has been slaughtered, it becomes 
clear that no sin was committed. The tractate ends with a dis- 
cussion as to who has priority of honor, father or mother, and 
concludes that the honor due to one s teacher has priority over 
that to one's father. 

The statement that Keritot is according to the opinion 
of R. Akiva (Ker. 3b: but see Sanh. 65a) does not apply to the 
entire tractate (Albeck, Mavo la-Mishnah (1959) 87), as vari- 
ous strata can be discerned there, but refers to the fact that 
it contains the rulings of R. Akiva, as recorded by his dis- 
ciple Meir (Epstein, Tannaim, 82). Thus Albeck claims that 
Mishnah 2:6 is a gloss to Mishnah 2:4 taken from other tan- 
naitic sources and placed at the end of the chapter. Mishnah 
6:2, 3 was taken from the mishnayot of Judah b. Ilai. The order 
of the paragraphs in the Tosefta does not correspond fully to 
that in the Mishnah. Chapter 3 contains a group of laws each of 
which begins with the word hatikhah ("a piece"). An interest- 
ing passage debates the role of the asham talui (a sacrifice for 
uncertain sins) which some rabbis call asham hasidim ("guilt 
offering of the pious"), holding that its purpose is to atone for 
every unknown sin. As an extreme example the Tosefta cites 
the case of Bava b. Buta who offered this sacrifice every day. 
Other rabbis, however, limit it to a certain category of grave 
sins. The Tosefta concludes with an aggadic saying to the effect 
that the patriarchs were equal to one another, as was Aaron to 
Moses and Joshua to Caleb. 

The language of Keritot in terminology, style, and gram- 
mar resembles that of *Nedarim,*Nazir, *Temurah, and 
*Me'ilah, their language representing a dialect different from 
the rest of the Talmud and close to the language of the Targum 
(J.N. Ep stein y Dikduk Aramit Bavlit (i960), 14-16). Keritot did 
not pass through the stages of development of the other trac- 
tates since it was not (like the other above-mentioned trac- 
tates) taught in the academies of the geonim (see Halakhot 
Pesukot Mss. Adler no. 2639; A. Marmorstein, in: mgwj, 67 
(1923), 134 f). Despite this, it resembles other tractates in con- 
tent, in names of its amoraim y and in its internal construction 
(see A. Weiss, Hithavvut ha-Talmud bi-Shelemuto (1943), 57 f-)- 
The Babylonian Gemara gives the ingredients of the incense in 
the Temple (6a; see Pittum ha-Ketorei). Among aggadic pas- 
sages of interest in Keritot are a number which deal with edu- 
cation. The Mishnah and Talmud were translated into English 
in the Soncino edition by I. Porush (1948). 

bibliography: H. Albeck, Shishah Sidrei Mishnah, Seder 

Kodashim (1959), 243-5. 

[Arnost Zvi Ehrman] 

KERLER, DOV-BER (1958- ), Yiddish scholar and poet. 
Kerler was born in Moscow (son of the Yiddish dissident 
poet Josef Kerler). Raised in an environment steeped in Yid- 
dish culture that included summers spent among traditionally 
religious communities in the Carpathian Mountains of west- 
ern Ukraine, he immigrated with his parents to Jerusalem in 
1971. After completing his B.A. in Yiddish literature and Indo- 
European linguistics in Jerusalem (1983), he became Oxford 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



University's first doctoral candidate in Yiddish Studies in 
1984, teaching there from 1984, as fellow at Lincoln College 
1989-2000. His doctoral thesis on the origins of modern (East 
European-based) literary Yiddish (1988) moved the accepted 
dating back to the 18 th century, forming the basis of his Ori- 
gins of Modern Literary Yiddish (1999). He edited The History 
of Yiddish Studies (1991), The Politics of Yiddish (1998), and 
became editor-in-chief of Yerusholaymer Almanakh in 2003 
(after serving as co-editor from 1993). Also an accomplished 
Yiddish poet, publishing under the pen name Boris Karloff, 
his books of verse include Vu mit an Alef("Vu with an Aleph," 
1996), and a collection of his and his father's works, Shpigl Ksav 
("Mirror Writing," 1996). Relocated to the U.S. in 2000 to take 
up the chair in Yiddish Studies at Indiana University, from 
2002 he led the Yiddish Ethnographic Project (yep) to film 
expeditions to elderly Yiddish speakers in the Ukraine and 
other parts of Eastern Europe. He created and edits a num- 
ber of major Yiddish culture websites (http://www.geocities. 
kerlerdovber/myhomepage/business.html?mtbrand=ol_us; Kerler was awarded the Hofs- 
tein Prize for Yiddish literature (1997), the Modern Language 
Association's Leviant Prize for Yiddish scholarship (2004), and 
a National Endowment for the Humanities grant for ethno- 
graphic expeditions to Eastern Europe (2005-6). 

bibliography: E. Podriatchik, in: Yidishe Kultur, 6 (1990), 
36-8; M. Hoffman, in: Forverts (June 15, 1990), 18; D. Wolpe, in: For- 
verts (Dec. 18 1998), 14; J. Baumgarten, in: Histoire epistemologie lan- 
gage, 21:2 (1999), 172-4; D. Katz, in: Forverts (Oct. 1 and 15, 1999), 
13:13; A. Brumberg, in: Jewish Quarterly (Winter 1999-2000), 82-5; A. 
Goldschlager, in: Literary Research (2000), 191-2; J. Fishman, in: Jour- 
nal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 21 (2000), 353-4; 
J. Frakes, in: Journal of English and Germanic Philology 100 (2001), 
303-5; M. Isaacs, in: Journal of Sociolinguistics 5 (2001), 97-100; L. 
Lubarski, Letste Nayes (Dec. 18, 2003). 

[Dovid Katz (2 nd ed.)] 

KERLER, YOYSEF (1918-2000), Yiddish poet and edi- 
tor. Kerler was born in Haysin (Gaisin, Ukraine). When he 
was seven his family moved to a Jewish kolkhoz (Mayfeld, 
Crimea). He studied at a Yiddish technical school in Odessa 
(1934-37), began to study Yiddish literature, and debuted 
with a poem in the Odeser Arbeter (1935). He studied at the 
Yiddish Drama School of the Moscow State Yiddish Theater 
(go set, 1937-41). At the outbreak of World War 11 he enlisted 
in the Red Army and was wounded three times. His war po- 
ems constituted his first book, Far Mayn Erd ("Fighting for 
My Earth," 1944). Further poems and articles appeared in Der 
Ernes, Eynikayt, Heymland, Shtern (Kiev), and Folks- Shtime 
(Warsaw). In 1947 he moved to Birobidjan, worked for Birobid- 
zhaner Shtern, and openly protested the official policy to stop 
teaching Yiddish in schools. After returning to Moscow, he 
was arrested (April 1950) and sentenced to 10 years for "anti- 
Soviet nationalistic activity." In the Vorkuta Gulag, he wrote 
and later smuggled out several poem cycles, some of which 
were included under the guise of "songs of the [Nazi] ghetto" 

in his second book, appearing in authorized Russian transla- 
tion only (Vinogradnik Moego Otsa I "My Fathers Vineyard," 
!957)> an d a few also in his third book Khochu byf dobrym 
("I'd Love to be Good-Natured," 1965). During the continued 
lack of Yiddish publishing in the early post-Stalinist period, 
he collaborated with many Yiddish performers as lyricist, 
author of short plays, and artistic consultant. Many of his 
poems were arranged and set to music, several of which be- 
came popular, some even acquiring the status of "folksongs" 
("A Glezele Yash," "Der Tam-Ganeydevdiker Nign," "Am Yis- 
roel Khay"). Many of his gulag and protest poems appeared 
in the Forverts (1969) and Di Goldene Keyt (1970). Together 
with his wife, Anya Kerler, he became one of the first long- 
term *refuseniks and open campaigners for free Jewish emi- 
gration. After a six-year struggle with the Soviet authorities, 
he was finally permitted to immigrate to Israel with his fam- 
ily, settling in Jerusalem (1971). Just before his arrival there 
he was awarded the honorary Itzik Manger Prize, followed in 
ensuing years by numerous other literary prizes in Israel and 
abroad. In addition to publications in periodicals through- 
out the world, six volumes of his poetry appeared in Israel: 
Dos Gezang Tsvishn Tseyn ("The Song through Clenched 
Teeth," 1971; Heb. tr. Zemer ben ha-Shinayim, 2000); Zet 
Ir Dokh ("Despite All Odds," 1972); Di Ershte Zibn Yor ("The 
First Seven Years," 1986); Himlshaft ("Heaven Above," 1986); 
Abi Gezunt ("For Healths Sake," 1993); Shpigl-Ksav ("Words 
in the Mirror," 1996), and two prose collections: 12 Oygust 
1952 C 12 August 1952," 1977) and Geklibene Froze ("Selected 
Prose," 1991). He was instrumental in organizing the Jeru- 
salem branch of the Israeli Yiddish Writers and Journalists 
Association, campaigned to institute perennial public com- 
memoration of the Yiddish writers, actors, and intellectuals 
murdered by the Stalinist regime in 1937 and 1952, edited a 
number of collections, and founded the acclaimed organ for 
Yiddish literature and culture, Yerusholaymer Almanakh (26 
vols., 1973-98). His poems have been widely translated and 

bibliography: Y. Druker, in: Folks-Shtime (April 1961); D. 

Sadan, in: Heymishe Ksovim (1972), 157-85; Y. Mark, in: Jewish Book 

Annual, 30 (1973), 40-2; D. Sfard, Mit Zikh un mit Andere (1984), 

447-55; M. Tsanin, in: Di Goldene Keyt, 132 (1991), 192-7; Y. Shargel, 

in: Yerusholaymer Almanakh, 27 (2003), 41-4; M. Wolf, in: Forverts 

(Jan. 6, 2004). 

[Dov-Ber Kerler (2 nd ed.)] 

KERMAN, city located in the province with the same name 
in the southeast of *Iran. A popular Kermani saying consid- 
ers Kerman "the heart of the world," a great exaggeration. The 
origin of Kerman itself goes back to the Sasanian period, but, 
as far as we know, the Jewish community there is relatively 
new. Oral tradition indicates that because of severe famine in 
Yazd/Yezd about 150 years ago, several Jews of that city im- 
migrated southward and eventually settled in Kerman. His- 
torically this may be true, because the Jews of Kerman are 
not mentioned in the two Jewish chronicles, that of *Babai 
ben Lutf (17 th century) - except for a mention of "ignorant 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Yezdi-Kermani people" who extracted money from the Jews 
of Yezd - and that of *Babai ben Farhad (about 1730), nor are 
they referred to in other Jewish and non- Jewish travelogues 
from the first half of the 19 th century The Yezdi origin of the 
Jews of Kerman is attested by a linguistic investigation of their 
Jewish dialects. Neumark, who did not visit Kerman, said in 
1884: "Not far from there (Yezd) there is the city of Kerman 
where a number of 30 Jews live". 

One does not know of any important Jewish event, sig- 
nificant literary productions, or personalities concerning the 
Jewish community of Kerman. Like Yezd, Kerman too is a 
dwelling place of a substantial numbers of Zoroastrians. Sev- 
eral disastrous events befell the city of Kerman, culminating in 
1794, when for the support given to the Zand monarch by the 
Kermanis, his foe, Muhammad Khan of Qajar, wreaked a ter- 
rible revenge on the Kermanis by allowing his men to pillage 
the town for three months, selling 20,000 of the inhabitants 
into slavery and blinding the same number of its men. With its 
population decimated and most of its buildings in ruins, it is 
hard to believe that Kerman attracted any Jews to settle there. 
Kerman did not regain its prosperity until after i860 and most 
probably this is the time when Jews of Yezd found it appro- 
priate to immigrate to Kerman and settle there. Neumark in 
the above-mentioned report confirms this assumption. At the 
beginning of the 20 th century it was reported that 2,000 Jews 
were living in Kerman In course of time many immigrated to 
*Teheran and to Israel. Just before the Islamic Revolution 500 
Jews were in Kerman. They had one elementary school and 
one synagogue. By the end of the 20 th century fewer than 10 
Jewish families remained in Kerman. 

bibliography: baiu (Bulletin de VAlliance Israelite Univer- 
sale), Paris; G. Lazard, "Le dialecte des Juifs de Kerman," in: Les Hom- 
mages et opera minora, 7 (1981), 333-46; H. Levy, History of the Jews of 
Iran, 3 (i960); L. Lockhart, Famous Cities of Iran (1939); E. Neumark, 
"Massa' be-Erez ha-Kedem," ed. A. Yaari (1947); E. Yarshater, "The 
Jewish Communities of Persia and Their Dialects," in: Ph. Ginoux and 
A. Tafazzoli (eds.), Memorial Jean de Menasce (1974), 453-66. 

[Amnon Netzer (2 nd ed.)] 

KERMANSHAH (called Qirmisin by Arab geographers), 
city located in the west of * Iran close to the border of * Iraq, 
on a commercial route between the two countries. The earliest 
mention of the city as a dwelling place of the Jews occurs in 
*Nathan ha-Bavli's report from the 10 th century. Surprisingly, 
the Jewish community of Kermanshah is not mentioned in the 
chronicle of *Babai ben Lutf though it is almost certain that 
Jews lived in the city during the Safavid period (1501-1736). 
Rabbi *David de-Beth Hillel (around 1827) reports that there 
were 300 Jewish families living among 80,000 Muslim in- 
habitants. Most of the Jews were poor. ^Benjamin 11 (about 
1850) counted 40 Jewish families in Kermanshah. Rabbi Cas- 
tleman reported in i860 that there were few Jews in Kerman- 
shah, and that "they are not God fearing people." According 
to Neumark, in 1884 there were 250 Jewish families. He says, 
"Muslims hate the Jews." Several Jewish families in Kerman- 

shah embraced the Christian or Bahai faith in the last half of 
the 19 th and the first half of the 20 th centuries. In March 1909 
there was a terrible pogrom against the Jews which resulted 
in killing, wounding, and looting of their property. 

An important figure of Kermanshah was Shmuel Haim 
(i89i?-i93i), who became editor in chief of a Judeo-Persian 
weekly paper, Ha-Haim (established in June 1922) and was 
president of the Iranian Zionist Organization and the Jew- 
ish representative in the Majles (1923-26). In 1926 he was ac- 
cused of having joined a group of officers to overthrow the 
Shah (Reza Shah). He was tried in a military court and put to 
death on December 15, 1931, although the charge against him 
was never proved. In 1948 the Jews of Kermanshah numbered 
2,864 persons, including a few Jewish families from Iraq, liv- 
ing among 80,000 Muslims They had five synagogues, one 
bath-house, and one school (Alliance) that had opened in 
1904 and went up to ninth grade. According to a report, at 
the end of the 20 th century about 20 Jewish families lived in 

bibliography: Bulletin de VAlliance Israelite Universelle, 
Paris; J.J. Benjamin 11, Eight Years in Asia and Africa from 1846 
to 1855 (1863); A. Ben-Jacob, Yehudei Bavel (1965), index; Y.F. Castle- 
man, Massabt Shaliah Zefat be-Arzot ha-Mizrah (1942); A. Cohen, 
Ha-Kehillah ha-Yehudit be-Kermanshah (1992); David d'Beth Hillel, 
Unknown Jews in Unknown Lands (1824-1832), ed. by W.J. Fischel 
( x 973)> H. Levy, History of the Jews of Iran, 3 (i960); A. Netzer, 
"Yahudiyanei Iran dar avaset-e qarn-e bistom," in: Shofar, a Jewish 
monthly in Persian published in Long Island; E. Neumark, Massa be- 
Erez ha-Kedem, ed. by A. Ya ari (1947). 

[Amnon Netzer (2 nd ed.)] 

KERN, JEROME DAVID (1885-1945), U.S. composer of pop- 
ular music. Born in New York, Kern published his first song, 
"At the Casino," in 1902. In 1903, while working in London, he 
had his first real success - a political song "Mr. Chamberlain" 
with lyrics by P.G. Wodehouse, who later contributed lyrics to 
many of Kerns musicals. Returning to the U.S., he wrote songs 
that were used in musical productions, particularly in operet- 
tas coming from Europe, such as La Belle Paree (1911) and The 
Red Petticoat (1912), which was followed by Oh I Say (1913). 
From then on, his musicals appeared regularly on Broadway, 
the most important being Very Good, Eddie (1915), Oh Boy! 
(1917), Oh Lady, Lady (1918), Sally (1920), and Sunny (1925). 
His greatest success was Show Boat (1927) with libretto and 
lyrics by Oscar *Hammerstein. It was followed by Sweet Ade- 
line (1929), The Cat and the Fiddle (1931), and Roberta (1933). 
In later years, Kern lived in Beverly Hills, California, and 
wrote scores for a great number of films, many of them adap- 
tations of his most successful musicals. In all he wrote more 
than 1,000 songs, for 104 stage shows and films, and many of 
them proved to have a lasting popularity (e.g., "OF Man River," 
"Smoke Gets in Your Eyes"). In 1946 his life story was filmed 
under the title Till the Clouds Roll By. 

bibliography: D. Ewen, World of Jerome Kern (i960), incl. 
bibl.; K. List, in: Commentary, 3 (1947), 433-41; G. Saleski, Famous 
Musicians of Jewish Origin (1949), 85-86. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



KEROVAH (Heb. xmj?), name for various types of *piyyutim 
in the *Amidah prayer. The reader who chanted the prayer 
was called karova (Aram. XJHp; in Hebrew it would be karov 
mp). The kerovah intended for the Amidah in which *Kedu- 
shah was recited, i.e., for the Shaharit Amidah y according to 
the early usage of Erez Israel, was designated kedushta while 
that for the *Musaf Amidah, where it was not customary to 
recite a Kedushah, was called shivata or shivah. The subject 
matter of the kedushta is fixed, being pertinent to the day on 
which it is recited, i.e., the weekly portion of the To rah, the 
haftarah, or the theme of a festival. But the shivata allowed for 
varied topics open to the choice and discretion of the pay tan. 
The kedushta contains piyyutim for the first three blessings 
of the Amidahy those for the third blessing being numerous. 
The shivata contains seven equal sections corresponding to 
the number of blessings in the Amidahy except on festivals 
when the fourth blessing containing "the sanctity of the day" 
is made longer. 

The following are the sections of the early kedushta: (1) 
Mageriy generally speaking a piyyut with an acrostic from alef 
to lamedy ending with an allusion to the first blessing of the 
Amidah, Magen Avraham (Shield of Abraham); (2) Mehayyeh, a 
continuation of the previous acrostic with the conclusion allud- 
ing to the second blessing, Mehayyeh ha-metim ("Who revives 
the dead"); (3) a piyyut with an acrostic of the authors name; 
(4) a piyyut without an acrostic that ends with the word kadosh 
(holy); (5) dipiyyut whose acrostic is from alef to yod y which in 
early manuscripts was called asiriyyah (group often); (6) an 
alphabetical acrostic based on the theme or subject of the day, 
its parts being connected with one another by the pertinent 
scriptural verses; (7) various piyyutim of an unfixed nature; (8) 
silluky a long piyyut without an acrostic, containing a descrip- 
tion of the importance of the subject matter of the day accord- 
ing to the midrashim. Just as it concluded the arrangement of 
the day's piyyutim , so it also served as a kind of preliminary to 
the Kedushah; (9) Kedushah y which is a hymn to God. 

Among the sections of the kerovah were intertwined, 
as has been mentioned, scriptural verses appropriate to the 
topic; but beginning in the 16 th century the verses no longer 
appeared in the prayer books. The kerovot for the Amidah of 
18 blessings are similar in structure to the shivata y but their 
piyyutim are in general shorter and they are interwoven in 
all the blessings. Many of the kerovot also have reshut (pre- 
lude) which leads into the kerovah itself. In the course of time, 
slight changes were introduced into the early kerovah , but its 
essence was preserved. The kerovot for Rosh Ha-Shanah and 
the Day of Atonement received various additions, such as the 
tekibt and the *Avodah. In the kerovot y there is no scope for 
individuality of composition, although there are kerovot for 
bridegrooms, for the death of important men, and for various 
events. The earliest known author of piyyutim to write kerovot 
was *Yannai, followed by Eleazar *Kallir, * Joshua, and *Phine- 
has b. Jacob ha-Kohen (Kafra). These pay tanim, who lived and 
worked in Erez Israel, influenced the writers of Babylon, Spain, 
Italy, France, and Germany. 

bibliography: Elbogen, Gottesdienst, 212 ff., 309; M. Zulay, 
Piyyutei Yannai; (1938), 13-16; A.D. Goldschmidt, Mavo le-Mahzor 
Rosh Ha-Shanah (1970), 32-42. 

[Abraham Meir Habermann] 

KERR, ALFRED (pen name of Alfred Kempner; 1867-1948), 
German literary and theater critic and author. Kerr was born 
in Breslau and studied there and in Berlin. He became drama 
critic for the Berlin newspaper Der Tag and later for the Ber- 
liner Tageblatt. Together with Paul Cassirer and Wilhelm 
Herzog, Kerr founded the theater magazine Pan y which was 
published from 1900 until World War 1. Because of his pub- 
lic warning against national socialism, he immediately had 
to leave Germany in February 1933. Together with his second 
wife and his two children he fled to Prague, and subsequently 
to Switzerland, Paris, and London, where the family settled 
and lived in poverty. He worked for various newspapers and 
the bbc and became correspondent of the Munich newspaper 
Neue Zeitung in 1945. During his first visit to Germany after 
World War 11 he became severely ill and put an end to his life 
soon afterwards. Perhaps the leading impressionistic critic in 
modern German literature, Kerr considered criticism an art, 
and based his judgments on personal impressions. He believed 
that criticism should aim to "illuminate" a literary work, its au- 
thor, and the author s attitude to life. He wished to be consid- 
ered an interpreter rather than a literary "lawgiver." He was es- 
pecially prominent as a champion of Hauptmann and Ibsen. 
Kerr's Gesammelte Schriften fill seven volumes. The first 
five, Die Welt im Drama y appeared in 1917; the last two were 
published as Die Welt im Licht in 1920. A new edition in eight 
volumes was published from 1989 to 2001, Werke in Einzel- 
bdnden, as well as a collection of early letters, Wo liegt Berlin? 
Briefe aus der Reichshauptstadt 1895-1900 (1998). His travels 
included a journey to Palestine in 1903, which he recorded 
with poetic enthusiasm in "Jeruschalajim," one of the chap- 
ters in Die Welt im Licht. Kerr devoted one of his studies to the 
ill-fated German- Jewish statesman Walter *Rathenau (1935). 
Some of Kerr s poems were set to music by Richard Strauss and 
a posthumous volume of his verse appeared in 1955. Though 
inclining to mannerism in his later years, Kerr had an incom- 
parable literary style. His choice of language shows the influ- 
ence of Heine and Nietzsche. 

bibliography: J. Chapiro, Fuer Alfred Kerr... (1928); Luft, 
in: A. Kerr, Die Welt im Licht (1961), 435-42. add. bibliography: 
H. Schneider: Alfred Kerr ah Theaterkritiker (2 vol., 1984); D. Vietor- 
Englander, in: B. Wolfgang Benz and M. Neiss (eds.), Deutsch-jue- 
disches Exil; das Ende der Assimilation? Identitatsprobleme deutscher 
Juden in der Emigration, (1994), 67-77. L. Schoene, Neuigkeiten vom 
Mittelpunkt der Welt. Der Kampf urns Theater in der Weimarer Re- 
publik (1995). 

[Rudolf Kayser / Mirjam Triendl (2 nd ed.)] 

KERSH, GERALD (1911-1968), English author and journal- 
ist of the "tough" school. Kersh was born in Teddington, near 
London, and began to write stories as a child. He was a war 
correspondent for the Sunday newspaper The People, and an 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


mgm screenwriter. His works, notable for their fantasy and 
bohemianism, include the controversial Jews Without Jehovah 
(!934)> They Die with Their Boots Clean (1941); The Thousand 
Deaths of Mr. Small (1950), a novel of Anglo -Jewish Life; and 
The Best of Gerald Kersh (i960). His novels about Soho's low- 
life, like Harry Fabian: Night and the City (1938) still have a cult 
following. In his last years he lived in upstate New York. 

KERTESZ, ANDRE (1894-1985), photographer. One of the 
most influential photographers of the 20 th century, Kertesz 
was born in Budapest, Hungary. He attended the Academy of 
Commerce there but had little interest in business. He served 
in World War 1 and was wounded. At 18 he bought his first 
camera, one that made 4.5 x 6 -centimeter glass negatives. This 
early work, prints not much bigger than a postage stamp, in- 
cluded cityscapes, landscapes, portraits, and outdoor studies 
of the artist's brother capering about nude. In 1925 Kertesz 
moved to Paris, changed his given name from Andor to An- 
dre, and met and photographed some of the most glamorous 
personalities of the time, including Chagall, Colette, Sergei 
Eisenstein, and Mondrian. One black and white photograph, 
which became his most famous, shows the austerely lumi- 
nous image of the door and vestibule of Mondrian's studio, 
but the work, Chez Mondrian, became better known for its 
subject than for its creator. Kertesz s work, praised by critics, 
appeared in the most fashionable magazines of the day. Many 
of his pictures capture the incongruities of time and space. In 
Meudon y from 1928, the view down a narrow street opens up 
to a high aqueduct, across which charges a locomotive belch- 
ing smoke. In the foreground, a man in a dark suit with eyes 
shadowed by his low hat brim approaches, carrying a large 
flat package. Buoyed by his success in Paris, Kertesz took a job 
as a fashion photographer in New York and he and his wife 
sailed to America in 1936. The new job did not work out and 
his efforts were not warmly embraced. He made a living mak- 
ing pictures of celebrity homes for House & Garden magazine 
but others, including his fellow Hungarian Brassai and Henri 
Cartier-Bresson, became famous. Kertesz felt that those pho- 
tographers had appropriated his innovations. But in his late 
sixties, Kertesz, a pioneer in the use of small, 35-mm. cameras, 
began to receive recognition. He was included in exhibitions 
at the Museum of Modern Art and a new generation of pho- 
tographers began rediscovering him, and he continued pho- 
tographing into his nineties. 

[Stewart Kampel (2 nd ed.)] 

KERTESZ, IMRE (1929- ), Hungarian novelist and transla- 
tor. Kertesz was born in Budapest and deported to Auschwitz 
in 1944, and from there to Buchenwald, where he was liber- 
ated in 1945. In postwar Budapest he worked as a journalist 
and translator, publishing his first novel in 1975. Sorstalan- 
sdg (FatelesSy 1992), deals with his experience as a teenager in 
Auschwitz, as does his Kaddis a meg nem sziiletett gyermekert 
(1990; Kaddishfor a Child not Born, 1997), which shares much 
of Primo Levi's pessimism regarding the human condition and 

explores the dubious blessing of survival and the price paid 
for that survival. In 2003 he published Felszdmolds (Liquida- 
tion, 2004), a novel about a Holocaust survivor with echoes of 
Kafka and Beckett. His collected lectures and essays include A 
holocaust mint kultura ("The Holocaust as Culture," 1993). 

In 2002, Kertesz was awarded the Nobel Prize for liter- 
ature "for writing that upholds the fragile experience of the 
individual against the barbaric arbitrariness of history." The 
citation read: "In his writing Imre Kertesz explores the possi- 
bility of continuing to live and think as an individual in an era 
in which the subjection of human beings to social forces has 
become increasingly complete. . . . For him Auschwitz is not an 
exceptional occurrence that like an alien body subsists outside 
the normal history of Western Europe. It is the ultimate truth 
about human degradation in modern existence." 

KERTESZ, ISTVAN (1929-1973), conductor. Born in Buda- 
pest, Kertesz studied the violin at the Liszt Academy, whose 
student orchestra he later conducted, and in Rome. After be- 
coming a conductor at Gyor (1953-55), ne was appointed ju- 
nior conductor at the Budapest Opera, but left Hungary dur- 
ing the 1956 uprising. From 1958 he was music director at the 
Augsburg Opera and from 1964 until his death, at the Cologne 
Opera. From 1965 to 1968 he was principal conductor of the 
London Symphony Orchestra, with which he made many 
recordings. A leading conductor of the younger generation, 
he was admired for his conducting of the works of Schubert, 
Dvorak, Bruckner, Bartok, and - his greatest love - Mozart. 
Kertesz made frequent guest appearances at leading opera 
houses and with important orchestras, notably the Vienna 
Philharmonic and the Israel Philharmonic with which he was 
engaged at the time of his death. He died by drowning, while 
swimming off the coast of Herzliyyah. 

[Max Loppert (2 nd ed.)] 

KESHET, YESHURUN (Koplewitz, Jacob; 1893-1977), 
Hebrew poet, literary critic, and translator. Born in Minsk 
Mazowiecki, near Warsaw, he first went to Palestine in 1911. He 
left in 1920 to study in Europe, and also taught in Marijampole, 
Lithuania. In 1926 he returned to Palestine, and after a short 
period of teaching devoted himself to writing and translation 
work. His first poems were published in Ha-Ahdut and Re- 
vivim (1913), and he then contributed poetry, essays, and liter- 
ary criticism to most Hebrew newspapers and periodicals. His 
volumes of poetry include Ha-Helekh ba-Arez (1932), Elegyot 
(1944), and Ha-Hayyim ha-Genuzim (1959). Keshet's poems 
are deeply influenced by European, particularly French, dec- 
adent poetry. Their lyricism converts what might have been 
the poet's despair and Angst into an elegiac melancholy. His 
tendency to use more traditional forms also mitigates their 
harshness. Many of his poems reflect preoccupation with 
aesthetic and philosophical problems. His monograph on 
*Berdyczewski (1958) is a significant contribution to Hebrew 
literary criticism. His prose works include Ha-Derekh ha- 
Neelamah (1941); diary (1919-39); Be-Doro shel Bialik (1943); 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Be-Dor Oleh (1950); Maskiyyot (1953), literary criticism; Shirat 
ha-Mikra (1945); Ruhot ha-Maarav (i960), on European writ- 
ers; Havdalot (1962); Keren Hazut (1966), essays in national 
self-criticism; Maharozot (1967); Bein ha-Armon ve-ha-Li- 
lakh (1967), an autobiography; and Rashuyyot (1968), essays 
of evaluation on Israel writers. He also translated numerous 
books into Hebrew, many of which were classics of European 
literature. His collected poems, entitled Ha-Ozar ha-Avud, 
were published in 1996. A list of his books and translations 
appears in his Keren Hazut (1966), 381 f. 

bibliography: A. Cohen, Soferim Ivriyyim Benei Zemannenu 
(1964), 179-85; M. Mevorakh, Anshei Ruah be-Yisrael: Deyokenabt 
Soferim (1956), 183-5; Kressel, Leksikon, 2 (1967), 8o5f. add. bibli- 
ography: S. Kremer, "Deyukano ha-Azmi shel Sofer" in: Moznayim, 
38 (1974), 138-46; M. Avishai, in: Al Hamishmar (March 4, 1977); A.H. 
Elhanani, "Ha-Otobiografyah shel Y. Keshet" in: Al Hamishmar (Nov. 
28, 1980); E. Ben Ezer, in: Haaretz (Jan. 30, 1981). 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KESSAR, ISRAEL (1931- ), Israeli political and union leader, 
member of the Eleventh to Thirteenth Knessets. Born in 
San a, Yemen, Kessar was brought to Israel at the age of two. 
He went to school in Jerusalem. Before and after the War of 
Independence he studied and worked at the Youth Center for 
New Immigrants. In 1956 he received a B.A. in sociology and 
economics at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In 1960-61 
he was employed as assistant and advisor to the minister of 
labor, Giora Josephtal, and in 1961-66 he served as head of the 
Department for Rehabilitation and Professional Direction in 
the Ministry of Labor. In 1966 he began his career in the *His- 
tadrut, serving until 1971 as chairman of the Youth and Sports 
Department. In this period he was also appointed chairman of 
the Manpower Department of the Histadrut. He resumed his 
studies, and in 1972 completed an M.A. in Labor Studies at Tel 
Aviv University. In 1972-77 Kessar served as treasurer of the 
Histadrut, and in the latter year joined the Labor Party Sec- 
retariat. In the years 1977-84 he headed the Trade Union Sec- 
tion, and served as deputy secretary general of the Histadrut, 
under Yeruham Meshel. In 1984 he was elected on behalf of 
the Labor Party as secretary general of the Histadrut, and 
was elected to the Eleventh Knesset on the Alignment list. He 
supported the government economic stabilization plan when 
Shimon * Peres served as prime minister, and Yitzhak *Modai 
as minister of finance, but struggled to prevent a steep fall in 
real wages and an increase in unemployment. 

Kessar participated in the contest for the Labor Party 
leadership in 1992 against Yitzhak *Rabin, Peres and Ora 
*Namir, receiving close to 20% of the votes. Peres' supporters 
argued that had Kessar withdrawn from the leadership con- 
test, Peres, who received 34% of the vote, might have beaten 
Rabin, who received just over 40%. In the Labor government 
of 1992-96 Kessar served as minister of transportation. He 
did not run in the elections to the Fourteenth Knesset owing 

to his wife's poor health. 

[Susan Hattis Rolef (2 nd ed.)] 

KESSEL, BARNEY (1923-2004), U.S. guitarist. Kessel grew 
up on the same Oklahoma plains that nurtured Charlie Chris- 
tian, the first great electric guitarist, and it was to Christian 
that Kessel first looked as an influence. Kessel bought his 
first guitar at age 12 with money he had saved from his pa- 
per route and taught himself to play by listening to radio 
broadcasts and imitating what he heard. Within two years, he 
was playing in a local band, the only white musician in an 
all-black unit. In 1938 he spent a long weekend playing and 
jamming with Christian and his musical style was changed 
forever. Ironically, it was playing with Christian in a jam ses- 
sion that led him to pursue his own style. He told The New 
York TimeSy "I realized that I had been methodically lifting 
his ideas from records. What was I going to play? All I knew 
was his stuff.... I knew I had to find myself." With Chris- 
tian's encouragement, Kessel moved to Los Angeles and in 
1942 took a job with Chico Marx's band. He rapidly made a 
name for himself as a talented and versatile guitarist, playing 
with Benny *Goodman, Artie *Shaw, and Charlie Barnet. He 
became a mainstay of Norman * Granz's Jazz at the Philhar- 
monic troupe, appearing in the acclaimed 1944 short film Jam- 
miri the Blues ', and finally hooking up with the Oscar Peter- 
son Trio in the early 1950s. It was this last gig that earned him 
his most significant reputation as a jazz guitarist, but he also 
began spending a lot of time playing studio jobs for the mov- 
ies, television, and commercials, as well as on records. Kes- 
sel can be heard on an astonishing range of recordings from 
the 1950s and 1960s, from Liberace to the Beach Boys, Frank 
Sinatra to Gene Autry He continued to play jazz too, join- 
ing with fellow guitarists Herb Ellis and Charlie Byrd in the 
1970s to form the group Great Guitars. Kessel was silenced in 
1992 by a stroke from which he never recovered and died of 
brain cancer. 

bibliography: P. Keepnews, "Barney Kessel, 80, a Guitar- 
ist with Legends of Jazz, Dies," in: New York Times (May 8, 2004); 
"Barney Kessel," in: Music Web Encyclopaedia of Popular Music, at:; "Barney Kessel," in: Times of London (May 13, 
2004); "Musicians Gather to Perform at Benefit for Legendary Jazz 
Guitarist Barney Kessel," in: Down Beat (June, 19, 2002). 

[George Robinson (2 nd ed.)] 

KESSEL, JOSEPH (1898-1979), French author. Kessel was 
born in Clara, one of the Jewish agricultural settlements in Ar- 
gentina, where his father was physician. The family returned to 
Russia and, when Joseph was ten years old, settled in France. 
By 1915 he was already writing for the Journal des Debats, and 
he also began training as an actor. The following year, how- 
ever, he volunteered for war service and became an officer in 
the air force. Between the two world wars Kessel built up a 
considerable reputation as a novelist, journalist, and writer of 
screenplays. When World War 11 broke out he became a war 
correspondent. After the fall of France he escaped to England 
and spent the rest of the war in a Free French air force squad- 
ron, flying special missions to occupied France. He received 
French, British, and American decorations. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Two of Kessel's earliest books were La Steppe rouge (1922), 
a collection of travel sketches, and L'Equipage (1923), the 
first novel about French aviation, based on his experiences 
in World War 1. Three other novels of this period were Nu- 
its de princes (1927; Princes of the Night, 1928), a story with a 
Russian background; Belle dejour (1928), translated into Eng- 
lish in 1962 and later filmed; and Vent de sable (1929). During 
the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s Kessel traveled ex- 
tensively in the U.S. and in the Near and Far East. His lively 
reaction to people and events made him a compelling story- 
teller, and his books were easily adapted to the screen. His 
World War 11 story, Le bataillon du ciel (1947), was an aviation 
epic. Les mains du miracle (i960; The Magic Touchy 1961) is a 
biography of Felix Kersten, * Himmler s Finnish physiother- 
apist, who saved many Jews from the Nazis. Kessel's prize- 
winning book, Les coeurs purs (1927; The Pure in Hearts 1928), 
contained the story "Makh no etsajuive" while Terre d amour 
(1927) examined the Zionist experiment, but he was remote 
from Jewish life. The birth of the State of Israel, however, 
fired his imagination and Terre defeu, first published in 1948 
and revised and enlarged many years later under the title 
Terre d amour et defeu; Israel 1925-1948-1961 (1965), attests to 
his belief that Israel is one of the noblest enterprises of the 
20 th century. In his address upon his acceptance into the 
Academie Franchise in 1964 he spoke about his pride in be- 
ing a Jew. 

Kessel's works include a collection of essays, Varmee des 
ombres (1944; Army of Shadows, 1944), and the autobiographi- 
cal Temoin parmi les hommes (1956). Among his novels are Le 
Tour du malheur (1950), Le Lion (1958; The Lion, 1959), Avec 
les alcooliques anonymes (i960; The Enemy in the Mouthy Brit, 
ed. 1961; The Road Back, U.S. ed. 1962); Le Coup de grace (1953) 
and Les cavaliers (1967; The Horsemen, 1968). 

bibliography: Vailland et al., in: Livres de France, 10 (Oc- 
tober 1959), 2-12. 

[Moshe Catane] 

KESSLER, DAVID (1860-1920), Yiddish actor. He was one 
of the leading actor- managers of the New York Yiddish the- 
ater during its heyday early in the twentieth century. Born in 
Kishinev, at the age of 20 he joined the troupe of Judel Gold- 
faden (brother of Abraham Goldfaden) and together they 
toured the towns of south Russia. When Yiddish theater was 
prohibited by the czar in 1883, he toured with S. *Mogulesco in 
Romania, went to London in 1886, and to New York in 1890. 
There he acted under Jacob *Adler in Jacob Gordin's first play 
Siberia (1891), and soon made his name. He subsequently ap- 
peared in other plays by Gordin, enjoying great success in 
God, Man, and Devil. Others of his outstanding roles were 
in Sholem Asch's God of Vengeance, David Pinski's Yankel the 
Smith, and Leon Kobrin's Yankel Boile. In 1913 he established 
the David Kessler Theater, which ranked with Adler's and 
Thomashefsky's theaters, and produced many plays by the 

leading Yiddish writers. 

[Joseph Leftwich] 

KESSLER, LEOPOLD (1864-1944), engineer and one of 
Herzl's early aides. Born in Tarnowice, Upper Silesia, Kessler 
completed his studies and went to South Africa, where he was 
a consulting mining engineer. He was influenced by Zionism 
when Herzl's Der Judenstaat was published, and from the 
Second Zionist Congress was one of Herzl's loyal aides and a 
member of the Zionist General Council. He headed the scien- 
tific delegation to *E1-Arish in 1903 and submitted its report on 
March 26. Later he was chairman of the Jewish National Fund 
in England. During World War 1 he became a member of the 
committee that helped Chaim Weizmann during the negotia- 
tions with the British government which led to the *Balfour 
Declaration. He also was chairman of the Zionist Federation 
of England (1922). From 1907 he served as a director of the 
Jewish Chronicle, assumed controlling editorship, and became 
its chairman in 1932. From 1939 Kessler lived in the United 
States, where he was active in the Freeland League, a territo- 
rialist association (see *Territorialism). His son, david Fran- 
cis kessler (b. Pretoria, 1906), became managing director of 
the Jewish Chronicle in 1936 and chairman in 1958. 

bibliography: C. Roth The Jewish Chronicle (1949), index; 
R. Patai, in: Herzl Year-Book, 1 (1958), 107-44. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

KESTEN, HERMANN (1900-1996), German novelist. In 1927 
Kesten became literary adviser to the Berlin publishing house 
of Kiepenheuer. He had to leave Germany in 1933 and was ac- 
tive in European refugee circles, but fled to the U.S.A. after the 
outbreak of World War 11. He lived in New York for several 
years, but after the collapse of Fascism in Italy made his home 
in Rome. Kesten's first novel, Josef sucht die Freiheit (1927), was 
translated into seven languages. Glueckliche Menschen (1931) 
and Der Scharlatan (1932) both deal with life in Berlin. During 
his exile, Kesten completed Ferdinand und Isabella (1936; U.S. 
ed. 1946; U.K. ed. Spanish Fire, 1946), a historical novel which 
recreates the period of the Jewish expulsion from Spain; and 
Koenig Philipp der Zweite (1938), which deals with Ferdinand 
and Isabellas successor on the Spanish throne. 

Die Kinder von Gernika (1939) was written under the 
impact of the Spanish Civil War and portrays the tragic his- 
tory of the Basques. Die fremden Goetter (1949) portrays the 
return to Judaism of a father and daughter during the Hitler 
era. Kesten's many other works included biographies of Co- 
pernicus (1945; Copernicus and His World, 1946) and Casanova 
(1952), and various plays and essays. His writing is remark- 
able for its good-natured humor alternating with sardonic 
irony in a manner reminiscent of Heine. Although he depicts 
man's inhumanity, Kesten also reveals his own faith in man 
and his love of freedom is combined with a sense of respon- 
sibility and duty. 

[Sol Liptzin] 

KESTENBERG, LEO (1882-1962), pianist and music edu- 
cator. Born in Rozsahegy (Rosenberg), Hungary, the son 
of a hazzan, Kestenberg studied the piano in Berlin with 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



G. Albrecht, F. Kullak, and Ferruccio Busoni whose person- 
ality exercised a lasting influence on his career. Attaining 
early fame as a concert pianist, he at the same time joined 
the young Social-Democratic movement, and began to work 
toward his major ideal, the social integration of musical life. 
From 1905, Kestenberg organized the performances of the 
Freie Volksbuehne (Popular Theater) - folk choirs, concerts, 
and meetings. Especially after his appointment in 1918 as the 
music adviser, and in 1927, as the music counselor, at the Prus- 
sian Ministry of Culture, he turned to the thorough reform of 
musical education known today as the "Kestenberg- Reform." 
His yearly educational decrees extended to music teachers in 
academies, seminaries, conservatories, schools, and kinder- 
gartens. In 1933, Kestenberg fled to Prague where he founded, 
under the sponsorship of the Czech Ministry of Education, 
the International Society for Music Education, which held 
three major international congresses. Arriving in Erez Israel 
in 1938, he became the general manager of the Palestine Or- 
chestra (later the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra). In 1945 
Kestenberg founded the Music Teachers' Training College in 
Tel Aviv, which he headed for over 15 years and regarded it as 
the fulfillment of his musical mission. At the college he real- 
ized for a third time his ideas on the role of music in the life 
of a nation. As professor at the Tel Aviv Academy of Music, 
he educated a number of well-known Israeli pianists. Among 
his publications are: Musikerziehung und Musikpflege (1921); 
Jahrbuch der deutschen Musikorganisation (1929); Kunst und 
Technik (1930); Bewegte Zeiten (autobiography, 1961); and he 
was the editor of Musikpaedagogische Bibliothek. 

bibliography: G. Braun, Die Schulmusikerziehung in Pre- 
ussen. Von den Falkschen Bestimmungen bis zur Kestenberg-Reform 
(1957); E. Gerson-Kiwi, in: Acta Musicologica, 30 (1958), 17-26 (Eng.); 
idem, in: Gesher, 5:3 (1959), 110-1; idem, in: Haaretz, 25 (Nov. 30, 
1942), 2; mgg, incl. bibl.; Grove, Diet; Baker, Biog Diet, incl. bibl.; 
Riemann-Gurlitt, incl. bibl. 

[Edith Gerson-Kiwi] 

KESTLEMAN, MORRIS (often spelled Kestelman; 1905- 
1998), painter. Born in the East End of London, he became 
head of the Fine Art Department of the Central School of 
Art. He was influenced by his teacher Bernard *Meninsky, 
and also by Van Gogh and Gauguin. Two Anglo-Jewish art- 
ists also influenced his career, the painter and illustrator Bar- 
nett *Freedman and the print- maker Michael Rothenstein. 
He developed an interest in theater design and made a distin- 
guished contribution in this field. He became a member, and 
secretary, of the London Group, was later vice chairman of the 
United Kingdom branch of the International Association of 
Art, and was a fellow of the Royal Academy. His mature work 
was influenced by Matisse, Braque, and Picasso, and his emo- 
tional character was thus tempered by controlled and elegant 
design; the English critic Bryan Robertson once remarked, 
"Kestleman cannot be judged as an English painter; he is a 
Continental artist who happens to reside here." He belonged 
to the "second generation" of Anglo -Jewish artists, following 

the major figures of David *Bomberg, Mark *Gertler, etc. His 

daughter Sarah Kestelman is a well-known actress, painter, 

and poet in London. 

[Charles Samuel Spencer] 

KESZI (Kramer), IMRE (1910-1974), author and literary and 
music critic. A pupil of the composer Zoltan Kodaly, Keszi 
wrote on Jewish themes and his World War 11 experiences. 
Among his books are A vdrakozok lakomdja ("The Feast of 
Those Waiting," 1944 1 ; 1969 2 ), stories and meditations on the 
Passover Seder; and two works on the Holocaust, Elysium 
(1958) and Szolobol bor ("Wine from the Grape," 1961). 

KETER PUBLISHING HOUSE, Israeli publisher. Keter op- 
erates its own independent book marketing and distribution 
network and is also a key provider of print services and book 
production for the Israeli market and export through its in- 
dustrial division. 

Keter has been the most prominent publisher of con- 
temporary Hebrew literature in Israel for many years, and its 
publishing activities cover a wide range of genres, including 
translated fiction and non- fiction, albums, guides and general 
trade books, children's books, and multi-volume encyclope- 
dias. Among the many contemporary Israeli writers Keter 
publishes are Aharon *Appelfeld, Amos *Oz, Alona Kimhi, 
Sayed Kashua, Savyon *Liebrecht, Uri *Orlev, and Zeruya 
*Shalev. Keter has published many translated works, includ- 
ing those of Douglas Adams, Paul Auster, Paolo Coelho, San- 
dor Marai, Haruki Murakami, Boris Pasternak, Philip Pul- 
man, Salman Rushdie, W.G. Sebald, Susan Sontag, Donna 
Tartt, and Mario Vargas-Llosa. Keter is the publisher of the 
first edition of the Encyclopedia Judaica and is a co-publisher 
of the Junior Britannica. 

Operating from Jerusalem, the company was first estab- 
lished and owned by the Israeli government under the auspices 
of the Prime Ministers Office in 1959 at the initiative of Teddy 
*Kollek, Jerusalem's mayor (1965-93). Originally named The 
Israel Program for Scientific Translations (ipst), the company 
engaged in the translation and publishing of scientific and 
technical manuscripts from Russian into English, primarily for 
the National Science Foundation of the United States. During 
the 1960s the company began to diversify its publishing activi- 
ties in English under the Israel Universities Press (iup) and 
Keter Books imprints. The company was purchased from the 
government by Meniv Israel Investment Company in 1966 and 
subsequently sold to Clal Israel in 1969. At this time the com- 
pany name was changed to Keter Publishing House, with key 
objectives to expand the publishing of titles concerned with 
Judaica and Israel for export, to publish the recently acquired 
Encyclopedia Judaica (published in 1972), and to establish an 
independent printing and bindery division (Keterpress Enter- 
prises). During the late 1970s Keter consolidated its position 
as a leading publisher in Hebrew in all categories. 

Keter has been a public company since 1987. Controlling 
interest in the company was briefly held by Robert *Maxwell, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


through Macmillan, at the beginning of the 1990s, and there- 
after by Arledan, a Jerusalem based investment company. 
Keter has provided the managerial infrastructure for Sifriat 
Maariv, the Maariv daily newspapers imprint, since 2003. In 
2005 Keter and the Steimatzky Group joined forces to form a 
new publishing and distribution partnership "Keter- Books" 
for titles published in Hebrew. The second edition of the En- 
cyclopedia Judaica is now published by Thomson Gale, under 
license from Keter. 

KE1TA BAR SHALOM (first century c.e.), Roman coun- 
cillor or senator who sacrificed his life to save the Jews of the 
Roman Empire from extermination (or persecution), prob- 
ably toward the end of *Domitian's reign (c. 96 c.e.). Accord- 
ing to the main source (Av Zar. 10b), an emperor who hated 
the Jews - presumably Domitian - consulted his council- 
lors as to whether a sore on the foot should be cut away, i.e., 
whether the Jews should be exterminated, or be left alone to 
cause pain. The councillors favored "radical" treatment, but 
Ketia b. Shalom pointed out that the Jews, scattered as they 
were all over the world, could not be exterminated anyway; 
that the world could not exist without Israel; and that the em- 
pire would be crippled without the Jews. The emperor agreed 
with the soundness of Keti as reasoning, but nevertheless or- 
dered him to be put to death. Advised by a Roman matron 
who exclaimed, "Pity the ship that sails without paying the 
tax," Keti a circumcised himself, so that he should enter para- 
dise as a Jew. Just before his execution he willed all his prop- 
erty to R. Akiva (cf. Ned. 50b) and his colleagues who were 
in Rome at the time. 

In a similar story told in Deuteronomy Rabbah 2:24, an 
unnamed senator commits suicide (after having himself cir- 
cumcised) in order to annul a Senate decree to exterminate 
the Jews within 30 days. Graetz plausibly identifies Ketia with 
Flavius * Clemens, Domitian's nephew, who was executed for 
"atheism," i.e., for Judaizing tendencies. Ketia b. Shalom is a 
fictitious name meaning "through circumcision he obtained 
salvation" (so J.Z. Lauterbach, quoted by Braude) or, more 
probably, "the circumcised one, may he rest in peace." 

bibliography: Graetz, Gesch, 4 (1908 4 ), 109-11, 402f.; idem, 

in: mgwj, 1 (1852), 192-202; J. Kobak, in: Jeshurun, 8 (1871/72), Heb. 

pt. 161-70; B.J. Bamberger, Proselytism in the Talmudic Period (1939; 

repr. 1968), 235-8, 279, 282f.; W.G. Braude, Jewish Proselyting (1940), 

75; Alon, Toledot 3 , 1 (1959), 74f. 

[Moses Aberbach] 

KETUBBAH (Heb. HSTIS), a document recording the finan- 
cial obligations which the husband undertakes toward his wife 
in respect of, and consequent to, their marriage, obligations 
which in principle are imposed on him bylaw. For the ketub- 
bah of a betrothed woman (arusah) see ^Marriage. 

The Concept 

In talmudic times in certain places it was customary to dis- 
pense with the writing of a ketubbah deed, relying on the fact 
that the said obligations are in any event imposed bylaw (Ket. 

16b), but the halakhah was decided to the effect that a ketub- 
bah deed must always be written, since it is forbidden for the 
bridegroom to cohabit with his bride until he has written and 
delivered the ketubbah to her (Maim. Yad, Ishut 10:7; Sh. Ar., 
eh 66:1). On the other hand, they are allowed to cohabit only 
when they are married, and so the ketubbah deed must be 
ready for delivery to the bride when the betrothal blessings 
(berakhot ha-erusin) are recited and before the recital of the 
marriage blessings (berakhot ha-nissu in; see ^Marriage). Since 
in modern times it is customary in practically all communities 
to celebrate the kiddushin and nissuin at the same time, the 
deed must be ready at the commencement of the recital of the 
berakhot ha-erusin. At the present time a standard form of ke- 
tubbah deed is normally used, which is read before the bride- 
groom and the witnesses and signed by them (for a standard 
ketubbah deed, see A. A. Rodner, Mishpetei Ishut , 179 f.). 

The ketubbah was instituted for the purpose of protecting 
the woman, "so that he shall not regard it as easy to divorce 
her" (Ket. 11a; Yev 89a; Maim. loc. cit.), i.e., in order to ren- 
der it difficult for the husband to divorce his wife by obliging 
him to pay her, in the event of a ^divorce, the sum mentioned 
in the ketubbah, which generally exceeded the sum due to her 
according to law. As this is the object of the ketubbah, some 
scholars are of the opinion that since the herem of Rabbenu 
*Gershom, which prohibited the divorce of a wife against her 
will, the same object is achieved in any event; it is therefore 
argued - on the analogy of Ketubbot 54a concerning the rav- 
ished woman who is thereafter married by her ravisher and, 
according to pentateuchal law, cannot be divorced - that there 
is no longer any need for a ketubbah to be written. However 
it has remained the halakhah that a ketubbah is to be written 
(Rema eh 66:3, concl.). 

The amounts specified in the ketubbah deed are those of 
the "main" ketubbah and its increment (ikkar ketubbah and 
tosefet ketubbah) and those of the *dowry and its increment, 
which amounts the wife is entitled to receive upon divorce or 
the death of her husband (Sh. Ar., eh 93:1). 

The "Main" Ketubbah and its Increment 

The "main" ketubbah specifies the amount determined by 
law as the minimum that the wife is entitled to receive from 
her husband or his estate on the dissolution of the marriage 
(Sh. Ar., loc. cit.). According to some scholars the liability to 
pay the main ketubbah is pentateuchal law (Ex. 22:15-16 and 
Rashi thereto; Mekh. Nezikin 17; Ket. 10a and Rashi thereto), 
but the halakhah is that the ketubbah is rabbinical law (Ket. 
loc. cit; Yad, Ishut 10:7; Helkat Mehokek 66, n. 26). The mini- 
mum amount, as laid down in the Talmud, is 200 zuz in the 
case of a virgin and 100 zuz in all other cases (Ket. 10b; Sh. 
Ar., eh 66:6). Since in all matters concerning the ketubbah lo- 
cal custom is followed, the equivalent of the main ketubbah is 
fixed in accordance with custom and with the kind and value 
of the currency prevailing at the respective place (Ket. 66b; 
Yad, Ishut 23:12; Sh. Ar., eh 66:6 y Rema eh 66:11). The said 
minimum amount is an obligation imposed on the husband 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



by virtue of a rabbinical regulation (takkanat bet din) y i.e., he 
is liable to pay this even when a lesser amount has been fixed 
in the ketubbah or no deed at all has been written (Ket. 51a). 
The authorities were at pains to safeguard the woman's rights 
in this respect, condemning cohabitation as tantamount to 
prostitution if the amount fixed as the main ketubbah is less 
than the said legal minimum (R. Meir, Ket. 54b; Sh. Ar., eh 
66:9). The only circumstances in which the husband is ex- 
empted from meeting his obligations under the ketubbah are 
those in which the wife forfeits her ketubbah according to law 
(see ^Divorce). 

If the husband so wishes, he may add to the minimum 
amount of the ketubbah, an increment known as the tosefet 
ketubbah. Here, too, local custom prevails: i.e., if by virtue of 
local custom or rabbinical regulation it is customary for an 
increment to be made, the husband will be bound by this and 
cannot stipulate less (Sh. Ar., eh 66:9-11). The general cus- 
tom at the present time is to grant the increment, and this is 
also reflected in the standard form of the ketubbah deed. It is 
not required that the two amounts be separately stated in the 
deed; they may be fixed as an aggregate amount, provided 
that this is not less than the minimum locally determined for 
the main ketubbah (Rema eh 66:7). In 1953 it was laid down 
by the chief rabbinate of the State of Israel that the minimum 
amount of the ketubbah - i.e., for the main ketubbah and its 
increment - must not be less than IL200 for a virgin and ilioo 
for a widow or divorcee. The law regarding the increment is 
generally the same as that regarding the main ketubbahy un- 
less the halakhah expressly stipulates otherwise (Maim. Yad, 
Ishut 10:7; Sh. Ar., eh 66:7). 

Dowry (Aram. Xjpii, nedunya) 

In addition to the above-mentioned amounts, there is also 
fixed in the ketubbah deed the amount which the husband - 
of his own free will and by virtue of his undertaking under 
the ketubbah deed - renders himself liable to return to his 
wife, when he pays her the ketubbahy as the equivalent of her 
dowry (within the restricted meaning of term). This amount 
is called nedunya, and the husbands liability to return it be- 
comes a monetary debt and a charge upon his estate (Rema eh 
66:11). The question of whether, in the event of a fluctuation 
in currency values, the wife is entitled to recover the dowry 
to the amount specified in the ketubbah deed or according 
to its equivalent at the time of the recovery is greatly influ- 
enced by local law and custom concerning the repayment of 
a regular debt in such circumstances (Resp. Hatam Sofer, eh 
1:126). Since the husband is permitted by law to trade with the 
dowry, it is the accepted custom for him to undertake liabil- 
ity for an increment to the dowry, i.e., to pay his wife an ad- 
ditional amount over and above the amount specified as the 
dowry; this is known as the dowry increment (tosefet nedu- 
nya), and all laws of the dowry are applicable to it. The usual 
custom, from early times, is to fix this increment at one-half 
of the sum specified as the dowry. As in all matters concern- 
ing the ketubbah, local custom is followed, this custom has 

become obligatory on the bridegroom; thus he undertakes in 
the ketubbah deed to pay the main ketubbah and the dowry, 
together with their increments (Sh. Ar., eh 66:11). 

The Custom Concerning Consolidation of all the 
Ketubbah Amounts 

As it is not required that the component amounts of the ketub- 
bah be stated separately, an aggregate amount may be fixed, 
but it is also customary in some countries to enumerate them 
first separately and then state the aggregate amount (for the 
custom in Israel, see Rodner op. cit.). If, therefore, separate 
amounts for the component portions are not expressly stated, 
they are deemed to be included in the aggregate amount speci- 
fied in the deed (Rema eh 66:7, concl.). Since, generally speak- 
ing, the possibility of divorcing a wife without her consent is 
precluded by the herem of Rabbenu Gershom, and in practice 
she may make her consent conditional on the satisfaction of 
her pecuniary claims, it is customary in many countries of 
the Diaspora to specify a nominal amount only for each or 
all of the ketubbah components (e.g., 200 zekukim kesefzaruf: 
see Bah eh 66). If, however, the wife is able to establish that 
the amount was written as a mere formality and not with the 
intention of limiting her rights, and that in fact the value of 
the property brought by her to the marriage exceeded the 
amount specified in the ketubbah deed, there is no legal ob- 
stacle to her obtaining satisfaction of her claims as far as she 
may prove them due to her. In the State of Israel it is the cus- 
tom to specify in the ketubbah a realistic amount according 
to the specific respective facts. 

In cases where the wife "forfeits" her ketubbah, the effect, 
in general, is that the husband is released from his liability to 
pay her those portions of the ketubbah which had to come out 
of his own pocket, i.e., the main ketubbah and its increment; 
in the absence of any express halakhic rule to the contrary, 
the wife does not forfeit the dowry or its equivalent, which 
is regarded as her own property, even when she is obliged to 
accept a bill of divorce with forfeiture of her ketubbah (see, 
e.g., Sh. Ar., eh 115:5). 

The Ketubbah Conditions (Heb. Till) 3 >Kjri) 
The financial obligations imposed on the husband bylaw (see 
*Husband and Wife) and specified in the ketubbah - in addi- 
tion to the amount the wife is entitled to receive on divorce 
or the death of her husband - are called the ^ketubbah condi- 
tions" (Maim. Yad, Ishut 12:2). The rule is that "the ketubbah 
conditions follow the law applying to the ketubbah itself" (Yev. 
89a); i.e., insofar as the wife is entitled to the main ketubbah, 
she is also entitled to the rights due to her under the ketubbah 
conditions. On the other hand, her forfeiture of the right to the 
main ketubbah also carries with it the loss of her rights under 
the ketubbah conditions, such as her maintenance (Yev. loc. 
cit.; Rashi and Asheri thereto; see also Sh. Ar., eh 115:5). 

Loss of the Ketubbah Deed 

Just as the bridegroom is forbidden to cohabit with his bride 
after marriage unless he has written and delivered the ketub- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


bah to her, so the husband is forbidden to live with his wife for 
even one hour if she has no main ketubbah deed. Therefore, 
in the case of loss or destruction of the deed, the husband is 
obliged to write a new one, and, since the loss of the original 
deed does not relieve the husband of his obligations under it, 
the new deed must ensure the rights that the wife was entitled 
to under the original one (Sh. Ar., eh 66:3; Helkat Mehokek 
66, no. 14; for an example of such a deed (X0DTX7 rQfD) see 
Tur, eh after 66). For the same reason, the wife's waiver of 
her ketubbah is of no effect in respect to the main ketubbah, 
and in such an event the husband is also obliged to write a 
new deed for her, but here only in respect of the main ketub- 
bah (Sh. Ar., loc. cit.; for an example of such a ketubbah, see 
Tur, loc. cit.). 

For recovery of the ketubbah, see ^Divorce, * Widow, and 
* Limitation of Actions. 

In the State of Israel 

The wife's rights under the ketubbah are unaffected by the 
laws of the State of Israel. However, according to the Succes- 
sion Law 5725/1965, whatever she receives on the strength of 
her ketubbah must be taken into account against her rights of 
inheritance or of maintenance from the estate of her deceased 
husband (sec. 11 (c); 59). 

[Ben-Zion (Benno) Schereschewsky] 

Status of the Ketubbah in Modern Times 

policy of the rabbinical courts. In general, when a 
divorce suit reaches the rabbinical courts, the court recom- 
mends to the couple that they arrive at a consensual agree- 
ment regarding the division of their joint property, and only 
afterwards does the court transact their get (bill of divorce- 
ment). In most cases, division of property involves, inter alia, 
the wife foregoing all rights entailed in the ketubbah deed. The 
courts tend not to enforce the commitments included in the 
ketubbah owing to their concern that enforcing the additional 
debts included in the ketubbaWs increment (tosefet ketubbah) 
would trigger additional disputes between the husband and 
wife. As a result, the husband might find himself in the po- 
sition of being forced to give the get, and the get would thus 
become a get meuseh, a coerced get. Moreover, the reason for 
the ketubbaWs enactment - "so that he shall not regard it as 
easy to divorce her" (Ket. 39b) - has lost much of its signifi- 
cance, given that Rabbenu Gershom's enactment prohibits a 
man divorcing his wife against her will. In most cases, there- 
fore, the parties come to an agreement on monetary matters 
before the divorce, in order to expedite their agreement on 
the divorce per se. 

the ketubbah's practical relevance. In some, albeit 
not many, cases, a ketubbah has practical legal relevance, and 
the rabbinical courts, and even the civil courts, do obligate the 
husband to pay the ketubbah. Alternatively, they may impose 
a different obligation, while relying on the sum recorded in 
the ketubbah. It should be noted that Israeli law recognizes the 
ketubbah as a binding document (Section 17 of the Monetary 

Relations (Spouses) Law 1973; as well as in various sections of 
the Succession Law, 1965). 

For this reason, in recent years prominent halakhic au- 
thorities have exhorted the public not to ridicule the sum re- 
corded in the ketubbah, not to fix exaggerated sums for the 
ketubbah and the increment, and not to treat it as a purely 
ceremonial document (Resp. Iggerot Moshe, eh 4:92). This 
is the legal situation in the State of Israel. 

By contrast, in civil courts in the United States, the ke- 
tubbah is related to as a purely ceremonial document, with no 
legal force attaching to it. The commitment of civil courts in 
Israel to the ketubbah and its laws is similarly limited. Inter 
alia, this matter finds expression with respect to imposing a 
lien on the property to secure the ketubbah. In a recent case, a 
husband transferred title on his apartment to his father's name 
before his own death. The rabbinical court ruled that, as there 
was no other property from which to collect on the ketubbah, 
the wife was entitled to collect from the apartment that had 
been transferred to her father-in-law's name. Yet the Supreme 
Court annulled this ruling, since the rabbinical courts lacked 
the authority to adjudicate the case between the wife and her 
late husband's father, who did not consent to the rabbinical 
court's adjudication of the case (hc 2621, Levi v. Rabbinical 
Court, 54 (3) pd 809). 

Recently, a number of halakhic authorities have related 
to the ketubbah as a document designed to provide a woman 
with minimum sustenance during the initial period following 
divorce. The background to this is as follows: the Sages fixed 
the sum of the ketubbah as an amount that in their times was 
considered sufficient to support a person for a year, even if this 
was not the main purpose underlying its institution. There- 
fore, today, in wake of our above comments, we should view 
this as its primary purpose. Accordingly, rabbinical courts 
occasionally rule that the debt owed by force of the ketubbah 
be treated as a debt for the non-payment of alimony, i.e., me- 
zonot after the get. In terms of Israeli law, the significance of 
this distinction is that, in execution proceedings, a debt for 
mezonot has priority over all other debt, and in contradistinc- 
tion to a regular debt, the debtor can even be imprisoned for 
failure to pay a mezonot debt. In this manner the ketubbah 
can be utilized for collecting payments from a husband who 
attempts to evade payment. 

The ketubbah may also be resorted to in cases of recal- 
citrant husbands who refuse to give a get. When the rabbini- 
cal court rules that the man is obligated to give a get, he can 
be compelled to pay the ketubbah and to return the dowry 
even before the giving of the get. If the ground for divorce 
is the husband's behavior, then even the ketubbah's incre- 
ment can be included in this sum. These means can also serve 
to pressure a recalcitrant husband into giving the get (Resp. 
Ketav Sofer, eh 100; Resp. Even Yekarah no. 53). The Rab- 
binical Court of Appeals recently ruled that payment of both 
the ketubbah and its increment may be imposed indepen- 
dent of the completion of the divorce proceedings. (See *Di- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



the sum of the ketubbah. In the regulations enacted by 
the Chief Rabbinate of Erez Israel in 1944, a minimum sum 
was fixed for the ketubbah. In today's terms, that sum sufficed 
to fulfill the Sages' intent of preventing the husband from 
viewing divorce lightly. This sum was increased in regulations 
enacted in 1953. Obviously today, after so many years, and ex- 
tensive inflation, these sums are meaningless, and each couple 
decides on a generic amount when the ketubbah is written. 

In some cases, pressure exerted by family members, 
or the couple's excitement over their approaching wedding, 
leads to the stipulation of exaggerated sums in the ketubbah. 
In such cases, rabbinic authorities and dayyanim are divided 
over whether these sums are binding. One view is that, so long 
as the groom does not swear to the amount of the sum when 
signing the ketubbah y it should not be given binding force. 
Rather, the husband should be obligated to pay the primary 
sum of the ketubbah (ikkar ha-kettubah) without the incre- 
ment, i.e., the value of two hundred zuz. This view regards the 
original undertaking solely as an asmakhta (see * Asmakhta) y 
i.e., the person assumed an obligation without really intend- 
ing to be bound thereby, but was only exaggerating, or op- 
erated on the belief that the obligation would never actually 
take effect. 

Another view is that, in principle, even a large sum binds 
the husband, in accordance with the ruling ofKezot ha-Hoshen 
(264:4) that a person cannot claim "I was only joking with 
you," provided that he either swears or shakes hands on the 
agreement (see * Undertaking), and also because the under- 
takings included in the ketubbah are considered as essential 
preconditions for marital life. 

Nevertheless, when a manifestly "astronomical" sum is 
involved, to the extent that it is obvious that neither party ever 
contemplated the possibility of the sum being binding, the 
husband cannot be compelled to pay it. In such a case, even 
according to the second view, the husband should be required 
to pay a ketubbah and increment "in accordance with accepted 
practice and the family's social level, whatever is accepted 
amongst families of that ethnic community in our day." 

A third opinion is that, fundamentally, the husband is 
obligated by any amount he undertook, even if exorbitant. 
The mere fact of his having undertaken to pay that amount is 
tantamount to an acknowledgment that he has the sum at his 
disposal and, accordingly, the law of asmakhta does not ap- 
ply to the sum of his ketubbah. In a ruling by the Rabbinical 
Court of Appeals (2128/48 pdr 15, 211), the majority of dayya- 
nim ruled in accordance with the second opinion. 

In 2000, the Chief Rabbinate issued a proclamation that 
there is no minimum sum for the ketubbah, but that the maxi- 
mum sum of the ketubbaWs increment is nis 1,000,000. 

Furthermore, when the sum stipulated in the ketubbah is 
only an expression of respect for the proceedings, or symbolic 
in some other way, the question of asmakhta also arises. Re- 
garding cases in which the sum is not exorbitant, the Rabbini- 
cal Court of Appeals rejected the husband's claim that the sum 
has no binding significance, ruling that it is legally binding. 

The husband's argument that he did not understand the 
ketubbaKs wording, or the implications of specifying such a 
large sum when he signed it, is unacceptable. After all, there 
is also the testimony of the witnesses who are signed on the 
ketubbah y and "for it is presumed that they did not sign with- 
out their first having orally testified (i.e., orally explained the 
document they were signing) in his presence, for without this 
presumption, there would be no possibility of obliging the 
ignorant ... to comply with their obligation under the ket- 
tubah ... for they would all raise this claim" (Resp. Rashba 
1:629; Rema, Sh. Ar. eh 66:13). 

revaluating the ketubbah amount. When the bet din 
or the court rules on the husband's obligation to pay the ke- 
tubbah , the question arises as to how to revaluate the ketub- 
bah. This is particularly relevant during inflationary periods, 
when there is liable to be an immense discrepancy between 
its value at the time it was signed and its value at the time of 
divorce or the husband's death. The Israeli rabbinical courts 
have adopted various methods for revaluating the ketubbah. 
The ketubbah cannot be reassessed unless it explicitly states 
how it should be reassessed. The possibilities for revalua- 
tion include linking it to the American dollar; linking it to 
the consumer price index; leaving the original sum but obli- 
gating the husband in accordance with the currency used at 
the time of payment; arbitration (Takkanat Raanah - i.e., the 
Enactment of Rabbi Eliyahu ben Hayyim; see Resp. Maharit 
eh 2); linkage to the silver standard; reevaluation of the sum 
so that it does not fall below the amount needed to support 
the wife for a year. 

prenuptial agreements. Given that in most instances 
the ketubbah does not actually fulfill its purpose of regulating 
the couple's financial relationship at the time of the divorce, in 
recent years there has been a growing tendency to use prenup- 
tial financial agreements between the couple for that purpose. 
Besides serving a monetary role similar to that of the ketub- 
bahy these agreements also assist in preventing refusal to grant 
SLgety as within the framework of these agreements both par- 
ties undertake a legal or financial commitment which spurs 
them into giving a get in the event of the marriage failing and 
one of the parties desiring to terminate it. These agreements 
raise a number of problems in the context of the laws of di- 
vorce, such as the risk of a "coerced get" (get meuseh) y ques- 
tions with which halakhic authorities have dealt extensively 
in recent years (see Bibliography; see ^Divorce). 

divorce compensation. In addition to the wife's ketubbah 
rights, the rabbinical court sometimes rules that the husband 
must pay her compensation. The roots of this compensation 
award are found in a number of responsa from the last few 
hundred years, and in the mid- 20 th century the matter became 
a binding minhagy conferring on the wife a right to receive part 
of the joint property. This compensation, which can be viewed 
as a quasi "equitable right," is similar in purpose and source to 
the joint property presumption (see ^Matrimonial Property). 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


It serves to provide the woman with part of the property cre- 
ated during the years of marriage, through the couples joint 
efforts. In addition, it provides the wife with economic stabil- 
ity during the period following the divorce. 

Originally, the Israel Supreme Court distinguished be- 
tween divorce compensation and the joint property rule, ex- 
plaining that the latter is based on the legal presumption that, 
when the couple wed, their intent was that their property be 
shared between them equally. By contrast, the law of divorce 
compensation does not derive from any presumption. Rather, 
"its source lies in the principle of justice and fairness, for it 
is fitting for the wife to be compensated in accordance with 
her efforts in raising and nurturing the family unit ... in or- 
der to enable her reasonable subsistence after the divorce" 
(ca 630/70, Lieberman v. Lieberman, pd 35(4), 373, per Jus- 
tice Menachem Elon). However, in recent years the Supreme 
Courts justification for the joint property rule has changed, 
and it is now similarly regarded as deriving from principles 
of justice and fairness, and a number of halakhic authorities 
have noted the similarity of the logic behind the presumption 
regarding joint property and the logic guiding a Rabbinical 
court to award divorce compensation. (For an elaboration on 
this point, see ^Matrimonial Property). 

Some halakhic authorities, however, oppose giving the 
wife divorce compensation, because it has no halakhic basis. 
In their view, such compensation can only be awarded as a 
means of effecting a divorce when a problem arises in attain- 
ing the wife's consent. 

In recent years, in accordance with the decision of the 
Supreme Court, even rabbinical courts are obligated to divide 
the property up equally in accordance with the joint property 
rule (regarding the way the halakhah relates to this, see *Dina 
de-Malkhuta Dina). This division of property does not apply 
to obligations deriving from the ketubbah. Hence, the Rab- 
binic courts need to proceed with caution, lest a situation be 
created in which a woman receives double rights. 

[Menachem Elon (2 nd ed.)] 

Conservative and Reform 

To meet and resolve the problem presented in Jewish law by 
the *Agunah, the Rabbinical Assembly of America (Conserva- 
tive) in 1953 adopted a takkanah ("enactment") proposed by 
Saul *Lieberman. The enactment went into effect in 1954 and 
the modified form of the ketubbah into which it was incor- 
porated is currently widely used by Conservative Rabbis. The 
additional clause in both the Aramaic and English versions of 
the ketubbah provides that both bride and bridegroom "agree 
to recognize the Beth Din of the Rabbinical Assembly and the 
Jewish Theological Seminary of America ... as having author- 
ity ... to summon either party at the request of the other in 
order to enable the party so requesting to live in accordance 
with the laws of Jewish marriage ..." By mutual agreement, 
the "Beth Din" is authorized to impose such terms of compen- 
sation as it may see fit for failure to respond to its summons 
or to carry out its decision. The clause is aimed to compel a 

recalcitrant husband or wife divorced by civil law to agree to 
the writing and acceptance of the traditional get. At the time 
of marriage, the ketubbah is filled out in duplicate by the offi- 
ciating rabbi and the copy is forwarded for filing at the mar- 
riage registry established by the Rabbinical Assembly. 

Reform Judaism has dropped the use of the traditional 
ketubbah. Instead, most Reform rabbis issue a marriage certifi- 
cate drawn up by the Central Conference of American Rabbis 
(Reform). The certificate makes no reference to the halakhic 
formulations of the traditional ketubbah. 

[Theodore Friedman] 

Illuminated Ketubbot 

Most Jewish communities have followed the custom of dec- 
orating the ketubbah. An Ashkenazi ketubbah from Krems. 
Austria, dated 1392, shows that illumination was usual among 
Ashkenazi communities during the Middle Ages. However, 
the best-known illuminated ketubbot, which date from the 
16 th century onward, were from Italy, certain Sephardi com- 
munities, and from Near and Far Eastern Jewry. 

European ketubbot. Richly illuminated ketubbot, which 
date from the 17 th and 18 th centuries, are from Italy, Corfu, the 
Balkans, and Gibraltar. They are written on parchment and the 
text is usually bordered by an illuminated frame, depicting a 
variety of decorative themes in many bright colors. The frame, 
which is sometimes divided into a diptych, is often illustrated 
with biblical or mythological motifs, portraits of the bride and 
groom in contemporary costume, family coats of arms, sym- 
bols representing conjugal bliss, and even nude figures. Typi- 
cal Jewish symbols were used, such as the hands forming the 
priestly blessing, a sign that the groom was from a family of 
kohanim, or a ewer and basin indicating a levite. Sometimes, 
the biblical figures represented in the ketubbah symbolize the 
bride or grooms name; thus a scene from the life of Joseph 
might mean that the grooms name was Joseph, a scene from 
the Book of Ruth that the bride s name was Ruth. 

Dutch Sephardi ketubbot of the same period are distin- 
guished by their delicate ornamental engraving. They were 
mainly executed on parchment and are in the best Dutch 
copper- engraving tradition. An outstanding example is a 
1658 Rotterdam ketubbah, executed by Shalom Italia, a cop- 
per engraver from Mantua who emigrated to Holland. This 
ketubbah is rich in biblical motifs. Another famous copper- 
engraved ketubbah, dating from the late 17 th century, is deco- 
rated with flowers and allegorical figures in the typical Dutch- 
Jewish contemporary manner. The border contains the date 
1693, commemorating the year of the death of the renowned 
Amsterdam rabbi, Isaac *Aboab de Fonseca. 

eastern ketubbot. Ketubbot from the Near East and 
countries bordering Israel are decorated in a manner differ- 
ent from the European ones. They are mostly on paper and 
are decorated with plant motifs, mainly flowers, or geomet- 
ric patterns similar to carpet patterns. The best-known ex- 
amples are from the Persian community of ^Isfahan, which 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



also feature the national emblems of Persia, the lion, a half- 
sun with a face, and sometimes a sword. Other noteworthy 
Persian ketubbot are from Hamadan. The decorations of these 
ketubbot sometimes include wood-block prints. The ketub- 
bot from the Teheran community were made in the form of 
small booklets. Their pages are illuminated in typical Persian 
style. Other interesting Persian ketubbot are from *Meshed. 
In 1839, the Jews of Meshed were forcibly converted to Islam. 
They thus prepared two ketubbot for the marriage ceremony: 
one in Arabic and Persian in order to prove that the couple 
were Muslim, and an "illegal" one in Hebrew and Aramaic, in 
the Jewish form. These ketubbot were decorated with an abun- 
dance of colored flowers. Ketubbot from the *Herat commu- 
nity in Afghanistan are noteworthy for the delicate composi- 
tion of garlands and wreaths of colored flowers surmounting 
the text. One interesting feature of Persian and Afghan ketub- 
bot is that the signature of the illuminator sometimes appears 
on the bottom margin. 

Although the Yemenite ketubbot were mostly undeco- 
rated, an occasional gaily-colored example is to be found. Hu- 
man forms, as well as flower motifs, appear in the Sana ketub- 
bah of 1793 in the Israel Museum. Ketubbot from North Africa 
are illuminated with multicolored decorations, but are mainly 
distinguished by the exquisitely written text. Sometimes the 
frame is decorated with black-white arabesques. Indian ke- 
tubbot, from Calcutta and Bombay, are written on parchment 
and decorated with colored ornamentation. These ketubbot 
are heavily influenced by Indian art motifs, such as gateways 
and animals. Those from * Cochin bore above the text a circle 
with verses of good omen, the whole in a floral border. The 
typical i9 th -century Jerusalem ketubbah, although belonging 
geographically to the Arab countries, shows no evidence of 
this in its decorative style. The most commonly used orna- 
mentation is a garland of flowers over the text, with palm or 

cypress trees on either side. 

[David Davidovitch] 

bibliography: A. Buechler, in: Festschrift .. . Lewy (1911), 118, 
122-9; J«S. Zuri, Mishpat ha-Talmud, 2 (1921), 57-93; Gulak, Yesodei, 
3 (1922), 35f., 46f., 60-63; idem, Ozar, 28-30, 41-67, 93-109, 167-70; 
idem, in: Tarbiz, 3 (1932), 249-57; S. Zeitlin, in: jqr, 24 (1933-34), 
1-7; L.M. Epstein, The Jewish Marriage Contract (1927); H. Albeck, 
in: KovezMadda'i le-Zekher Moshe Schorr (1945), 12-24; ET > 2 ( 1 949)> 
18, i83f.; N. Lamm, in: Tradition, 2 (1959/60), 93-113; S. Goren, in: 
Mahanayim, no. 83 (1963), 5-14; B. and H. Goodman, The Jewish 
Marriage Anthology (1965); Elon, Mafteah, 114-20. illuminated: 
D. Davidovitz, Ha-Ketubbah ki-Khetav-Yad Ommanuti (1963); idem, 
Ketuba: Jewish Marriage Contracts through the Ages (Eng. and Heb., 
1968); M. Gaster, Ketubah (1923); Roth, Art, index; Meyer, Art, index; 
F. Landsberger, A History of Jewish Art (1946); Narkiss, in: Tarbiz, 25 
(1955/56), 441-51; 26 (1956/57), 87-101; Yoel, in: ks, 38 (1962), 122-32. 
add. bibliography: M. Elon, Ha-Mishpat ha-Ivri (1988), i:ii2f, 

116, 188, i9of., 205, 336, 351-56, 362, 373f., 403^, 449f-> 458f, 47°f., 483* 
485f., 531, 54of., 543, 577, 633, 637, 640, 651, 653, 663, 672, 682f., 773^, 
775> 794^; 2:887, 1233, 1339; 3:1473; idem, Jewish Law (1994), i:i26f, 130, 
211, 2i3f., 231, 403, 424-30, 437, 452f., 49if., 547f., 559^, 573^, 588, 59of., 
646, 658f., 661, 711, 783, 789, 792, 805, 808, 820, 830, 84if., 95if., 953, 
974f.; 3:1070, 1476, 1599; 4:1573; M. Elon, Maamad ha-Ishah (2005), 
233fT., 259-62, 266, 278 ff., 285; idem, Hakikah Datit (1968), 165-67; 

M. Elon and B. Lifshitz, Mafteah ha-Sheelot ve-ha-Teshuvot shel 
Hakhmei Sefarad u-Zefon Afrikah (legal digest) (1986), 1:195-201; B. 
Lifshitz and E. Shochetman, Mafteah ha-Sheelot ve-ha-Teshuvot shel 
Hakhmei Ashkenaz, Zarefat ve-Italyah (legal digest) (1977), 143-47; A. 
Bar Shalom, Mishpat ha-Ketubbah, 1-2 (1995); Z. Boblil, "Ketubbah 
Mufrezet u-Pizuei Gerushin," in: Tehumin, 25 (2005), 204-15; M. Broid, 
Y. Reis, and Z. Boblil, "Erkah shel Ketubbah," in: Tehumin 25 (2005), 
180-94; S. Dikhovsky, "Heskemei Mammon Kedam-N issuing in: 
Tehumin 21 (2001), 279-87; idem, "Hiyyuvei Hazmadah be-Batei Din 
Rabbaniyyim," in: Dinei Yisrael, 12-13 (1984-85), 103-18; G. Gorman, 
"Shiarukh ha-Ketubbah," in: Tehumin, 25 (2005), 195-203; D. Mikhe- 
lov, "Heskemim Kedam-Nissuin," in: Dinei Yisrael, 12-13 (1984-85), 
324-39; P. Shiffman, Dinei ha-Mishpaha be-Yisrael (1995); B. Schere- 
schewsky, Dinei ha-Mishpahah (1993 4 ), 89-95. 

KETUBBOT (Heb. DilTlD; "Marriage Contracts"), second 
tractate in the order Nashim, dealing with rights and duties 
arising out of the contract of marriage. Ketubbah, literally, 
"that which is written," denotes in this tractate not so much 
the marriage document itself (see ^Ketubbah) as the obliga- 
tions statutorily contained in it. In fact, according to Mishnah 
4:7-12, the usual terms of a ketubbah are binding upon hus- 
band and wife even if no document has been drawn up. The 
word ketubbah came to be identified with the most important 
provision in the marriage contract from the point of view of 
the halakhah, namely the sum of money due to the wife if 
she is divorced or widowed. Thus, throughout this tractate, 
phrases like "the ketubbah is so-and-so many zuzim," or "she 
is entitled to the ketubbah" refer to the amount due to the 
wife according to the ketubbah. The ketubbah of a virgin was 
fixed at 200 zuzim while that of a non-virgin, by rabbinical 
enactment, at 100 zuzim. This distinction between virgin and 
non- virgin as it relates to the amount of the ketubbah takes 
up much of the first two chapters of this tractate. In this con- 
text the proof of ^virginity is widely discussed, with digres- 
sions, for most of the second chapter, into general questions 
of trustworthiness and evidence. Chapter 3 deals with fines 
payable in cases of rape and seduction (Ex. 22:15; Deut. 22:29). 
Chapter 4, after stating that fines for seduction to a girl go to 
her father, mentions other rights of the father vis-a-vis his 
daughter; the chapter also includes duties incumbent upon 
the husband even if not written in the ketubbah. Chapters 5-6 
deal mostly with the mutual rights and duties of husband and 
wife in marital and material respects, and also touches on the 
question of a daughter s dowry. 

Chapter 7 deals with circumstances in which a woman 
can demand divorce and receive her statutory ketubbah 
money, and gives instances in which a man can divorce a 
woman without being liable to pay the ketubbah. Chapters 8-9 
deal with the rights of the woman to her own property and 
with her claims upon her husbands property after his death. 
Chapter 10, in the context of polygamy, deals with the prob- 
lem of adjudicating the conflicting claims of several wives. 
Chapters 11 and 12 deal with the rights of the widow and the 
duties of heirs toward her (whether she is their mother or 
stepmother), and the position of the stepdaughter. Chap- 
ter 13 has a distinctive character, quoting various halakhot 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


of earlier authorities (Adorn and Hanan). The last Mishnah 
speaks of the great merit of living in the land of Israel (espe- 
cially in Jerusalem), with the halakhic consequence that if a 
man wishes to go to live in Israel and a woman refuses to go 
with him, he can divorce her without payment of the ketub- 
bah y and if she wishes to do so and he refuses, she is entitled 
to divorce with ketubbah. 

According to Epstein (Tannaim, passim), Mishnah 10:4 
belongs to the Mishnah of R. Nathan (Ket. 93a), while 3:1; 7:10; 
8:3, 7 belong to that of R. Meir, and 1:5 to that of R. Judah b. Ilai. 
The Tosefta has 12 chapters. Interesting differences between 
the marriage customs of Judea and Galilee are mentioned in 
1:4. There are several independent passages of ancient origin, 
one of which, 4:1-3, contrasts the respective rights of the fa- 
ther, husband, and levir of a woman. Another, 4:9-14, lists a 
series of laws each beginning with the phrase, "Rabbi [so and 
so] expounded." A. Weiss discerned three major strata in the 
Babylonian Talmud to Ketubbot: The most ancient contains 
the opinions of Rav and Samuel and the teachings of the acad- 
emy of *Pumbedita. The second stratum is that of Abbaye and 
Rava, who also lived in Pumbedita, but part of Rava's sayings 
originate from other academies. The third stratum is Papa's, 
and hails from his academy in Naresh. These three strata do 
not receive equal representation in the Gemara. Thus, al- 
though chapter 7 is replete with the opinion of Samuel on al- 
most every Mishnah (cf. 77a, where R. Assi testified to Samu- 
el's having delved deeply into the chapter), chapter 3 contains 
almost no material of this stratum and is dominated by the 
viewpoints of rabbis of the second and third strata. This pat- 
tern of chapter 3 is also seen in chapters 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13 
(Hithavvut ha-Talmud bi-Shelemuto (1943), 6-27). 

Both the Jerusalem and the Babylonian Talmuds main- 
tain that the Roman governor insisted on the jus primae noc- 
tis. According to the Jerusalem Talmud, in order to prevent 
this it became customary for the groom to have intercourse 
with his bride while she was still in her father's house, a cus- 
tom which remained in effect even after the decree was no 
longer enforced (1:5; 25c). Another saying is that God valued 
the mitzvah of procreation over that of the construction of 
the Temple (5:7; 3oa,b). The entire passage of 12:3, 35a-b is 
devoted to aggadic discussion, and contains biographical de- 
tails about Judah ha-Nasi and his nephew Hiyya, and, like the 
Babylonian Talmud, expatiates on the virtues of Erez Israel. 
In the Babylonian Talmud the discussions of miggo which 
play a significant role in the Jewish law of * evidence (chap- 
ter 2) are of particular halakhic interest, as are the references 
to the takkanot of Usha (49b-5oa). Some of the aggadic pas- 
sages to the Babylonian Gemara are of great beauty. They in- 
clude accounts of rabbis dancing and singing at wedding fes- 
tivities in fulfillment of the precept of gladdening bride and 
bridegroom (i6b-i7a; see also Ber. 6b); of the romance of R. 
Akiva (then a shepherd) with the daughter of Kalba Savua 
(62b-63a); Rabban Gamaliel's example of simplicity in burial 
(8b); and the description of Judah ha-Nasi's death and burial 
(i03b-i04a). Taking up the last Mishnah's allusion to the su- 

periority of Erez Israel, the concluding portion of the tractate 
is dedicated to praise of that land. The aggadic portion starts 
with the saying (110b) that one should live in Israel, even in 
a town with a heathen majority, rather than in the Diaspora, 
even if it be a place abounding with Jews; its concluding sen- 
tence expounds Joel 2:22, stating that in Israel even the bar- 
ren trees will bear fruit. 

bibliography: Epstein, Tanna'im index; H. Albeck, Shishah 
Sidrei Mishnah, Seder Nashim (1954), 77-87; A. Weiss, Hithavvut ha- 
Talmud bi-Shelemuto (1943), index. 

[Arnost Zvi Ehrman] 

KETURAH (Heb. nTIUj?), a wife (Gen. 25:1) or concubine of 
Abraham (cf. 25:6; 1 Chron. 1:32). She bore him six sons (Gen. 
25:2; 1 Chron. 1:32), the most prominent of these being *Mid- 
ian. All these names are eponyms of peoples and locales. These 
children complete the fulfillment of the promise that Abraham 
would be the father of many nations (Gen. 17:5). Abraham is 
said to have given them gifts and to have sent them away from 
his son Isaac eastward, to the land of the East (Gen. 25:6). The 
text emphasizes that Abraham was still living when he sent 
Keturah's sons away in order to show that they had no claims 
to rival Isaac. The peoples and locales Sheba, Dedan, Ephah, 
Midian, and Medan are mentioned in connection with an- 
cient international trade, especially in spices, gold, and pre- 
cious stones which were brought from southern Arabia (Isa. 
60:6; Ezek. 27:15, 20, 22; cf. Gen. 37:25, 28, 36). Given that these 
locales were on the incense route, it is probable that the writer 
of the account named Abraham's wife Keturah to connect 
her with the word ketoret (qetoret y rn'Uj7, "incense"), of which 
a by-form ketorah (qetorah, riTiUj7) occurs in Deuteronomy 


[Israel Eph'al / S. David Sperling (2 nd ed.)] 

In the Aggadah 

Keturah is identified with Hagar. The connection with incense 
(see above) is that her good deeds gave off a fragrance like in- 
cense; or that she combined (kitrah) in herself piety and no- 
bility (Gen. R. 61:4). She was a daughter of Japheth (Yal. Reub. 
Gen. 26:2, 36c). 

bibliography: E. Meyer, Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbar- 
stamme (1906), 312-22; J.A. Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible (1934), 
42-45. in the aggadah: Ginzberg, Legends, index; I. Hasida, Ishei 
ha-Tanakh (1964), 375. add. bibliography: N. Sarna, jps Torah 
Commentary Genesis (1989), 171-73; E. Knauf, in: abd, 4:31. 

KEVER AVOT (Heb. DilK "inj?; "grave of the fathers"), the 
custom of visiting the graveside of parents or close relatives 
and praying there. The theme of the prayers is peaceful eter- 
nal rest for the departed and an invocation for God's aid to the 
living on the basis of the pious deeds of the dead performed 
in their lifetime. 

Judaism did not encourage "praying to the dead" and 
the custom of kever avot was, therefore, limited to special oc- 
casions; the day of the *Yahrzeit, the eve of Rosh Hodesh es- 
pecially that of the month of Elul, and in various Ashkenazi 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



communities also the Ninth of *Av in the afternoon (Isserles 
to Sh. Ar., oh 459:10 and 481:4). 

It was also customary to visit the graveside of pious in- 
dividuals so that "the departed will intercede for mercy on 
behalf of the living" (Ta'an. 16a). It was related that Caleb vis- 
ited Hebron and prostrated himself upon the graves of the 
patriarchs, saying to them, "My fathers, pray on my behalf 
that I maybe delivered from the plan of the spies" (Sot. 34b). 
According to the Midrash, Jacob buried Rachel on the way to 
Ephrath near Bethlehem so that she could later pray for her 
children as they passed by her grave on the way to the Baby- 
lonian exile (Gen. 35:19; Jer. 31:15). 

This practice was particularly stressed by the Hasidim 
who considered the earth above the final resting places of their 
rabbis as holy as the Land of Israel. Rooms known as ohalim 
were constructed above their graves, and Hasidim gathered 
there to pray on the Yahrzeit or whenever they desired the 
heavenly intervention of the departed rabbis. Those who op- 
posed the Hasidim, however, discouraged these practices. It 
was related that R. ^Elijah b. Solomon of Vilna even regretted 
the one time he visited his mother's grave. R. Hayyim *Volo- 
zhin reportedly left instructions that his disciples were not to 
visit his final resting place. Likewise, R. Hayyim * Soloveichik 
of Brest- Litovsk never visited the graves of his parents. 

See: *Av the Ninth, ^Cemetery, *Hillula, *Holy Places, 
*Lag ba-Omer, ^Mourning Customs. 

bibliography: Aaron Wertheim, Hilkhot va-Halikhot ba- 
Hasidut, 226 f.; Harry Rabinowicz, A Guide to Life, 99 f. 

KEYSERLING, LEON H. (1908-1987), U.S. economist. Born 
in Charleston (South Carolina), after a short period of teach- 
ing at Columbia University Keyserling became, in 1933, Leg- 
islative Assistant to Senator Robert E Wagner. He then served 
as a consultant to numerous Senate committees on banking, 
taxation, monetary policy, public works, housing, labor rela- 
tions, social security, and employment. Under the Truman 
administration he was chairman of the President s Council 
of Economic Advisers. He was frequently consulted by Israel 
government agencies. Keyserling's main economic interests 
were the fields of employment and production, and his nu- 
merous publications included The Federal Budget and the 
General Welfare (1959); Food and Freedom (i960); Poverty and 
Deprivation in the United States (1962); Progress and Poverty 
(1964); and Role of Wages in a Great Society (1966). His wife, 

MARY DUBLIN KEYSERLING (19OO-I997), who Was bom in 

New York City, was a professional economist, connected with 
federal agencies in the United States. 

[Joachim O. Ronall] 

KEZAZAH (Heb. rTC^i?; " a severing of connections," lit. "cut- 
ting-off"), a technical term used in the Talmud for a ceremony, 
whereby a family severs its connection with one of its mem- 
bers who marries a person beneath his social rank (Ket. 28b), 
or when one sells part of his estate (tj, Kid. 1:5, 60c). In both 
of these instances the kezazah acts as a kind of publicity for 

the act done. It would seem from the Jerusalem Talmud that 
the kezazah was at one time a form of kinyan ("act of pos- 
session"), but even in early times it fell, as such, into disuse. 
The Talmud gives the following description of the kezazah. 
"How is the kezazah performed? If one of the brothers mar- 
ried a woman unsuitable for him, members of the family 
come and bring a barrel filled with fruit and break it in the 
town square, saying, c O brethren of the House of Israel, give 
ear, our brother so-and-so has married an unsuitable woman 
and we are afraid lest his seed mingle with our seed. Come 
and take yourselves a sign for the generations [which are to 
come] , that his seed mingle not with our seed'" (Ket. 28b). A 
similar kezazah took place when the renegade divorced his 
unsuitable mate, or when the estate which had been sold was 
repurchased (tj, ibid?). 

bibliography: Freund, in: Festschrift A. Schwarz (1917), 
179 f.; Krauss, Tal Arch, 2 (1911), 33; 3 (1912), 188. 

[Abraham Hirsch Rabinowitz] 

KHALAZ, JUDAH BEN ABRAHAM (d. before 1537), rabbi 
and kabbalist from Castile, Spain. In 1477 Judah fled from anti- 
Jewish excesses in his native town and went to Granada, where 
he remained for five years, acting as a teacher. From there he 
proceeded to Malaga, where he spent another four years in 
a similar capacity. In i486 he arrived in Honain, from where 
he proceeded to Tlemcen, Algeria, where he was resident tu- 
tor to the son of the wealthy Joseph b. Sidon. There he wrote 
Mesiah Illemim, on Rashi's Bible commentary and Sefer ha- 
Musar (also called Sefer ha-Mefoar, Constantinople, 1537), an 
ethical work with both rational and kabbalistic expositions, 
which is essentially an adaptation of the Menorat ha-Mabr of 
Israel *A1-Nakawa. In his work, Judah interprets kabbalistic 
explanations of the commandments and prayers by his rela- 
tive Moses b. Eleazar Khalaz. Judah is probably the author of 
Maggid Mishneh (a commentary on the laws of shehitah of 
*Maimonides) published in Zevahim Shelamim by Abraham 
Ankawa (Leghorn, 1858). He also wrote an introduction to the 
Talmud, containing 58 rules of talmudic methodology (pub- 
lished by M. Herschler, in: Sinai, 55 (1964), 25-36). A work on 
the Exodus, Pi Yehudah, is still in manuscript, judah ben 
Abraham ha-kohen khalaz, who lived in the l6 th -17 th 
century, was a member of the same family and according to 
some the grandson of Judah. He studied under Solomon b. 
Zemah Duran 11, to whom he dedicated a laudatory poem 
published in Duran's Heshek Shelomo (Venice, 1623). 

bibliography: A. Neubauer, in: rej, 5 (1882), 47-52; M. 
Steinschneider, in: jqr, 11 (1899), 125; Israel al-Nakawa, Menorat ha- 
Mabr ed. by H.G. Enelow, 3 (1931), 56 (introd.); S. Wiener, Kohelet 

Moshe (1893-1918), 405, no. 3377. 

[Abraham David] 

KHALYASTRE (Yid. "The Gang"), post-World War 1 Warsaw 
group of Yiddish expressionist and futurist poets. It received 
its title from Hillel * Zeitlin, editor of the influential Warsaw 
daily Moment, who used the term in a derogatory sense be- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


cause the slogans and practices of the group's members out- 
raged public opinion in their struggle against realism in art. 
These writers were led by Peretz *Markish, Uri Zvi *Green- 
berg, and Melech *Ravitch. Accepting Zeitlins designation as 
a badge of honor, they termed their short-lived literary re- 
view Khalyastre. The first issue appeared in Warsaw in 1922 
under the editorship of Markish and I. J. *Singer. The second, 
final, issue appeared in Paris two years later, under the edi- 
torship of Markish and O. *Warszawski, with illustrations by 
Marc *Chagall. Contributors also included D. *Hofstein, I. 
*Kipnis, M. Khashchevatsky, and Israel Stern. Not all of these 
writers were in sympathy with the flamboyant futurism of the 
Khalyastre, but they were impressed by the irrepressible vi- 
tality of the lyric triumvirate. Ravitch's Nakete Lider ("Naked 
Songs," 1921), Greenberg's Mefisto (1922), and Markish's Di 
Kupe ("The Mound," 1922) were among the best products of 
the Khalyastre. The climax of the groups striving was reached 
in the issues of Albatros (edited by Greenberg in Warsaw, 1922, 
and in Berlin, 1923), a periodical which proclaimed itself as 
the organ of extreme individualism in poetry. It advocated ex- 
altation, renovation, and revolution of the spirit. It set out to 
fragment the language of the classical masters and to rebuild 
Yiddish anew. It preferred rhythmic tautness and explosive - 
ness to rounded, melodious verses. Khalyastre came to an end 
with the dispersal of many of its leading figures: Markish to 
Soviet Russia, Greenberg to Erez Israel in 1925, and Ravitch to 
Australia. The journal was endowed with a kind of second life 
with the publication of a French translation of its two issues, 
including the original illustrations and an exhaustive critical 
apparatus: Rachel Ertel, Khaliastra: La Bande (1989). 

[Sol Liptzin / Alan Astro (2 nd ed.)] 

KHANAQIN (Khaniqin, Khanikin), town in Diyala prov- 
ince of E. Iraq; on the ancient Baghdad- Ham adan road, N.E. 
of Baghdad. In the middle of the 19 th century there were about 
20 Jewish families residing in Khanaqin; a century later the 
Jewish community numbered 700 people, most of whom were 
Arabic -speaking - about a quarter of them spoke Mountain 
Aramaic. The Jews were cloth and iron merchants, shopkeep- 
ers, itinerant moneychangers, innkeepers, etc. In 1911 the *A1- 
liance Israelite Universelle established a coeducational school 
in the town which had an attendance of 181 pupils. In the 1920s 
Zionist activities were introduced. In August 1949, the police 
arrested the head of the community, accusing him of orga- 
nizing an illegal Zionist organization; many other Jews were 
arrested at the same time. In the early 1950s the community 
left Khanaqin for Israel. 

bibliography: A. Ben-Jacob, Yehudei Bavel (1965), 317. 

[Abraham Haim] 

KHAN YUNIS, town 14 mi. (23 km.) S.W of Gaza. This may 
be the town 'Irjvuaoc, which Herodotus lists among the Phi- 
listine towns (3:5). During the period of *Mamluk rule, Khan 
Yunis served as an important market for the caravan trade be- 
tween Erez Israel and *Egypt. At that time the sultan Barquq 

ordered an inn (khan) to be built there. There are remnants 
of this inn with Arabic transcriptions and architectural frag- 
ments. Almost all the population was Muslim, except for 316 
Christians. The 1931 census indicated 3,811 inhabitants in Khan 
Yunis (and another 3,440 then living in its vicinity); among 
these were three Jews and 40 Christians. In 1944, the popu- 
lation figure stood at 11,220. Before 1948, Jewish institutions 
and private persons repeatedly attempted to buy holdings, 
particularly Jiftlik (i.e., lands in public ownership), but legal 
difficulties precluded the final transfer. In 1948, the town was 
in the Gaza Strip, which remained under Egyptian rule. It was 
briefly in Israeli hands after the Sinai Campaign in 1956 and 
again from the Six-Day War of 1967. In 1994 it was transferred 
to the jurisdiction of the ^Palestinian Authority. Its economy 
was based almost exclusively on farming (citrus groves, date 
palms, other fruits, vegetables, and irrigated and unirrigated 
field crops). In 1967 its population was 52,997 inhabitants, 
nearly half (23,475) living in refugee camps. By 1997 its popu- 
lation had reached 123,056, nearly two-thirds of whom were 
refugees. A stronghold of the Hamas terrorist organization, 
Khan Yunis was hit by Israeli forces during the al-Aqsa In- 
tifada (see ^Israel, State of: Historical Survey) and buildings 
have been razed after providing cover for terrorists firing at 

Israeli settlements in * Gush Katif. 

[Efraim Orni] 

KHARAJ AND JIZYA, Arabic-Turkish for tribute or remu- 
neration in general which later came to mean land tax and poll 
tax, respectively. According to the constitution of the Muslim 
state, as conceived by the legislators, the payment of the poll 
tax by the non- Muslim gives him the right to live within the 
state. Many times the jizya is named jilya or aljavali. Although 
the jizya is mentioned in the * Koran (Sura 9:29), the poll tax 
probably was a continuation of the policies of the Persian 
and Byzantine empires. In Sassanid ^Persia all subjects, with 
the exception of the aristocracy, had to pay a poll tax accord- 
ing to their wealth. The poll tax in the various provinces of 
the Byzantine empire was not collected in the same way and 
when the Arabs conquered the lands of the Fertile Crescent, 
they concluded treaties with certain towns and districts, de- 
termining lump sums to be paid to them and to be collected 
by local notables. Therefore, the sources of the early period 
of Muslim rule reveal a bewildering confusion. Khar a] (Sura 
23:74) and jizya were apparently used interchangeably in vari- 
ous regions, reflecting the lack of uniform fiscal systems. Un- 
der the later *Umayyads, from Omar 11 (717-720), the authori- 
ties began to distinguish between the kharaj, the land tax to 
be paid by most landholders, and the jizya, the poll tax to be 
paid by non-Muslims. Under the first *Abbasids, at the end of 
the eighth century, the Muslim lawyers fixed the rules of the 
jizya. According to the precepts of Abu Hanifa, which were 
taken over by most jurists, the poor had to pay one dinar per 
year; the middle class, two; and the rich, four. Women, chil- 
dren, old men, the sick, the mentally ill, and those without any 
income were to be exempt. They also established that the tax 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



should be paid at the beginning of the lunar (Muslim) year. 
The majority of the Muslim jurists thought jizya as a punish- 
ment, a means to degrade the non-Muslims. 

Both Arabic reports referring to the period of the Uma- 
yyad and Abbasid caliphs, and Judeo-Arabic documents from 
the 11 th century show that the authorities used very harsh 
methods in collecting the jizya, imposing it even on those 
exempt from paying by virtue of the short a (the canon law of 
Islam). Under the first caliphs the punishment of those who 
had not paid the jizya consisted of pouring oil on their heads 
and exposing them to the sun. Many extant *Genizah letters 
state that the collectors imposed the tax on children and de- 
manded it for the dead. As the family was held responsible for 
the payment of the jizya by all its members, it sometimes be- 
came a burden and many went into hiding in order to escape 
imprisonment. For example there is a Responsum by *Maimo- 
nides from another document, written in 1095, about a father 
paying the jizya for his two sons, 13 and 17 years old. From 
another document, written around 1095, it seems that the tax 
was due from the age of nine. Even foreigners and transients 
were compelled to pay the poll tax; hence, nobody dared travel 
without a certificate of payment (baraa). Everyone paid where 
he was registered as resident. These documents also prove that 
the non-Muslims had to pay the jizya in advance (i.e., some 
time before the beginning of the Muslim year). The Jews in 
the Muslim territories did not try to ask exemption from the 
jizya, because they wanted to be protected. The stability of 
this tax gave the Jews stable security. There is a famous legend 
from the tenth century about the Jewish banker * Natira, who 
objected to the idea of an Abbasid caliph to exempt the Jews 
from paying jizya. The leaders of Egypt in the *Fatimid period 
were requested many times by poor people to help them out 
of difficulties incurred with the Muslim jizya collectors. Since 
the payment of the jizya was considered a sign of humiliation, 
Muslim lawyers insisted that it be paid in person. Such was 
the practice in 12 th - and 13 th - century Iraq and in Fatimid and 
*Ayyubid *Egypt. Sometimes the authorities made agreements 
with local communities, fixing a lump sum to be paid regard- 
less of the number of taxpayers. Several extant Genizah letters 
point to the fact that the Jews in ^Jerusalem in the 11 th century 
paid the jizya as a fixed sum; the Italian rabbi Obadiah di *Ber- 
tinoro presents a similar situation in Jerusalem in the second 
half of the 15 th century. In Ottoman Turkey the method of col- 
lecting the jizya (called khardj) underwent several changes. 
At the end of the 15 th century it was paid individually, but in 
later agreements, communities apparently would pay a lump 
sum (maktu). A letter written c. 1500 points out that the Jews 
of * Aleppo were arrested by the *Mamluk ruler because they 
could not pay the high jizya following a very difficult winter 
in which their economic life had declined. 

In the second half of the 16 th century the Jews of Jeru- 
salem, like the local Christians, paid personal jizya through 
the community. The community had to pay the Ottoman au- 
thorities a sum of money for jizya according to a list of Jews 
which was prepared during the censuses. That list was the 

basis for the annual jizya payment, and everyone paid it for 
the male members of his family (hane). A law promulgated in 
1691 provided for the reestablishment of the old system of in- 
dividual payment. The new law was acted upon in Erez Israel. 
In any case, it is clear that the leaders of Jewish communities 
in various Muslim lands (or in the confederations of the com- 
munities) were not responsible for the payment of the jizya. 
The rates of the jizya varied throughout and usually did not 
correspond to those fixed by the short a law. Generally, Jews 
from poor communities paid a low rate of jizya. In Egypt dur- 
ing the reign of the caliphs, all non-Muslims paid two dinars 
per year. Ibn Mammati stated that under the *Ayyubids the 
*dhimmis paid according to three rates; the rich paid 4.16 di- 
nar; the middle class, 2.08; and the poor, 1.59. At the beginning 
of *Mamluk rule the rate of the poll tax was doubled. At the 
end of the 14 th century, however, the highest rate amounted 
to one dinar and the lowest to 0.4 dinar. In 1412 the Egyptian 
government once more decided to levy the poll tax according 
to the rates fixed in the short a law, i.e., 1, 2, and 4 dinars. The 
accounts of Italian Jews who visited or settled in Erez Israel in 
the late 15 th century indicate a lower rate. According to their 
reports the (uniform) rate of the jizya would have been be- 
tween one and two ducats. In Ottoman Turkey the rate was 
relatively low, in comparison with the rates fixed in the short a. 
In most provinces during the 17 th century it was collected at 
a uniform rate, from 25 to 50 akce, whereas in the provinces 
conquered from the Mamluks it reached up to 80 akce (60-70 
akce equaled the value of one silver piece). In addition to these 
rates, all non-Muslims had to pay a collection fee. In the 18 th 
century the Jews continued to pay jizya individually. In the 
^Ottoman Empire men paid the jizya until they were 60 or 65 
years old. In the list of jizya taxpayers in Ruschuk in the year 
1831, many children 12 years old and even younger were in- 
cluded. After the conquest of * Istanbul in 1453 the Ottomans 
determined a total assessment for the Jewish community as a 
whole and submitted it to the community representative. In 
the 16 th century the secular leaders of every congregation ap- 
portioned its share among its individual members. In the sec- 
ond half of the 16 th century all Jews paid the jizya according 
to the lowest rate: 80-90 akce. The tax was sent to the Central 
Treasury in Istanbul, but the jizya of 85 Jews was sent to the 
Wakf of the Dome of the Rock. Throughout this century the 
government explored the jizya lists and requested the * Jeru- 
salem community to pay the real jizya. The Jews often com- 
plained about these lists, especially in times when the com- 
munity was in steep decline. They also complained frequently 
about the authorities oppressing them and forcing them to pay 
a high rate of the poll tax. In addition, there were many com- 
plaints about forcing the Jewish pilgrims to pay this tax. The 
Grand Vezir Sinan Pasha issued an order in 1586/7 to examine 
the subject of the jizya of the Jews and to bring him a list of 
Jews who had to pay this tax. A special official was sent from 
Istanbul to make enquiries about the Jews evading the Jizya. In 
the Muslim court of Jerusalem and in the responsa literature 
many documents deal with these difficulties. Few lists of poll 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


tax taxpayers in Jerusalem and * Hebron have survived. These 
together cover the course of 400 years. For example, we can 
point to a list of 400 Jerusalem Jews who paid the jizya during 
1760-1763. In the year 1762 only 31 persons paid the high rate 
(evla) of jizya y 123 persons paid the medium rate (evsat), and 
195 persons paid the low rate (edna). Women were exempted 
from this tax, but rich widows who had inherited land from 
their husbands were listed and paid the jizya. In the 18 th cen- 
tury Rabbi Raphael Shelomo Laniado of Aleppo wrote a hal- 
akhic decision that persons who could not pay the. jizya could 
pay it from their charity money (tndaser kesafim), "because 
it is like a ransom mitzvah? He meant that everyone who did 
not pay the poll tax was arrested by the Ottoman authorities. 
Until the 19 th century this tax in Aleppo was personal, but it 
was the duty of the community to collect the money from its 
members, and the leaders of the community were responsi- 
ble for the sum of the requested tax. In 1672, 380 Jewish resi- 
dents of Aleppo paid jizya. Under the Safavid government in 
* Persia the nasi of * Isfahan was responsible for collecting the 
jizya and delivering it to the local officials. Under * Reza Shah 
this tax was cancelled. In Ruschuk the jizya was collective. In 
1831/2, 15 Jews paid a total of 420 grossos, 53 paid 1,272 grossos 
and 36 paid together 432 grossos. Under the reign of Sultan 
Bayezid 11 in 1510-1511 the Ottomans used the monies raised 
by the poll tax in * Salonika and its environs for the purchase 
of textiles to outfit the Janissary corps. The Ottoman registry 
books from the reign of *Suleiman the Magnificent indicate 
tax payments according to the congregations of the commu- 
nity. But the tax total shown in the registry books was a tally 
for all the Jews of Salonika, without an itemization by con- 
gregation. Rabbi Moses Almosnino wrote in 1568 that he had 
succeeded in his mission to Istanbul in modifying the poll-tax 
procedures for the Jews of Salonika. 

Undoubtedly the poll tax was a burden to the poor for 
more than one thousand years. Therefore, the Jewish com- 
munities collectively raised money to pay the tax, the poor 
contributing only a small amount. Many documents referring 
to these drives are extant in the Cairo Genizah. These drives 
helped prevent the compulsory payment of the poll tax from 
becoming a reason for conversion to *Islam, as it had been 
for Christians. In urgent cases the local leaders of the com- 
munities regarded the payment of the jizya for the poor as a 
holy obligation and a pious deed. For example, there are let- 
ters given by the nagid Abraham Maimonides dealing with 
the payments in place of the poor living in Fustat. The poll 
tax continued to be levied in the Ottoman Empire until the 
hatti-sherif (the order of the Sultan) in 1856, when the jizya was 
abolished by law and non-Muslims were required to pay a tax 
exempting them from military service (bedel i-askeri). This tax 
continued to be levied until the Young Turk Revolution, when 
military service was imposed upon non-Muslims (1909). In 
Egypt the jizya was abolished by the Napoleonic regime that 
briefly ruled in Egypt and later in 1855 by Sa c id Pasha. Dur- 
ing the Ottoman era it was stipulated that the communities 
must guarantee the jizya payment for merchants away from 

the town. In many Jewish communities the family (hane) paid 
the jizya. There are numerous censuses from the Ottoman pe- 
riod which give the number of the families and the number of 
bachelors who paid this tax in many communities. The jizya 
taxpayers were males aged 15-60. We have many documents 
from the Ottoman period dealing with disputes between rich 
and poor, in the communities where the jizya was collective. 
In other communities the jizya was personal. The community 
of Istanbul in 1771/2 had a list of taxes paid by it to the state; 
it suggests that the community had to pay the jizya for 1,200 
impoverished taxpayers who could not meet their tax obliga- 
tions to the government. In Ottoman Egypt the government 
demanded the jizya from the Jewish community collectively 
and the Jewish leaders collected the money from the taxpay- 
ers according to their economic status, It is possible that in the 
later years of the 17 th century Egyptian communities changed 
this system and adopted a new jizya that was personal and 
not collective. In the 18 th century the rich Jews in Egypt paid 
440 para every year, the middle class community members 
paid 220 para, and the poor paid 110 para. Other documents 
give other rates of jizya: 420, 270 and 100 paras, respectively. 
In Ottoman Egypt the jizya money was sent by the Ottoman 
government to the Ulema and other pious Muslims in Egypt. 
In some cities, such as Hebron, the revenues of the jizya were 
earmarked for Muslim religious institutions. The 17 th - cen- 
tury historian Joseph *Sambari writes that " the time of 
Mehmed Gazi Pasha the Oriental Jews, named al-Masharika, 
began to pay the kharaj to the Sherif Ali Savis, because [until 
that time] they had an old order from the Sultan of that time 
exempting them and their descendants from kharaj y and that 
minhag has been cancelled? 

The Jews did not object to the jizya y but there were cer- 
tain Jews under Islam who were granted exemption from the 
jizya. A few such cases occur in *Genizah letters related to 
Egypt, and there are documents about Jewish communities 
that paid the tax burden for their scholarly officials. This was 
an internal arrangement. There seem to have been special ar- 
rangements in the Ottoman communities exempting Torah 
scholars holding recognized positions from all tax obliga- 
tions, including the jizya. The communities undertook these 
payments. Scholars who had no recognized positions were 
obliged to make jizya payments during most of the 16 th cen- 
tury, in spite of the regulation of the * nagid R. Issac Hacohen 
Solal in Jerusalem at the beginning of that century, which was 
also adopted in *Safed. But from 1535 until the end of the 16 th 
century the scholars in Safed paid it gradually. While in Jeru- 
salem during the 16 th century the payments were fixed and 
uniform, in Safed they were progressive until the mid-i56os, 
a fact which caused many Jews to settle in Safed, and from 
then on they were apparently made in full. About 1560 Rabbi 
David Ibn Zimra (Radbaz) decided to demand jizya from the 
community scholars of Jerusalem. At the end of the 16 th cen- 
tury Rabbi Moshe Alshekh urged the establishment of yearly 
support from the communities of ^Venice and Istanbul for 
paying the jizya of 25 Safed Jewish residents. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



In Egypt Rabbi Mordechai Halevi and the other spiritual 
leaders of Cairo in the 17 th century issued a regulation exempt- 
ing scholars who did not work but rather studied To rah all day 
from paying jizya. The Jewish communities in the Ottoman 
Empire tried to prevent new jizya censuses as well as govern- 
ment inquiries about this tax. Many Jews left the city and hid 
when Ottoman officials came to write new lists of jizya tax- 
payers. Generally, the number of persons in the jizya lists is 
incorrect and probably the real number of community mem- 
bers was higher. Many communities arranged special jizya re- 
cord books. Sometimes there were congregations (synagogues, 
kehalim) in the community that paid the Ottoman authorities 
the jizya of their members by themselves and were listed in the 
Ottoman records as independent communities. Such registra- 
tion existed in 16 th century in Salonika and Safed. The fran- 
cos active especially in the great communities of the Ottoman 
empire were exempted from jizya, but there were francos who 
had been settled in the Ottoman Empire for 10 years and were 
compelled to pay the jizya according to the Ottoman law. 

In Africa, especially in Arab sources, the term jaliya 
(plur: jaw all) is used many times in place of the term, jizya. The 
meaning of jaliya is exile. We know nothing concerning its col- 
lection, but we may suppose that it was collected by the Jewish 
authorities together with other taxes and charges to which the 
members of the community were liable, the amounts due to 
the government being set apart from the general collection. 
The Tunisian constitution of 1857 contains a reference to the 
jizya. Exemption from personal taxes is mentioned in the *ca- 
pitulations concluded in the second half of the 19 th century 
between ^Morocco and European countries; therefore, the 
poll tax must have remained in force there. In the emirate of 
^Bukhara the jizya was collected from the Jews, but not from 
the Russian Christians. This and other forms of discrimina- 
tion continued even after Bukhara had become a Russian pro- 
tectorate. Complaints about the existence of a poll tax do not 
occur but at times the collection methods were a source of 
hardship to the non-Muslim populations. The Jews of ^Tripoli 
(Libya) paid the bedeli-askari until the year 1901. 

bibliography: Lokkegaard, Islamic Taxation (1950), chapter 
6; d.c. Dennett, Conversion and the Poll-Tax in Early Islam (1950); A. 
Fattal, Statut legal des non-musulmans en pays dTslam (1958), chapter 
7; S.D. Goitein, in: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the 
Orient, 6 (1963), 278-95; Ashtor, Toledot, 2 (1951), 259-316; 3 (1970), 
11-12, 85, 102, 121; RK. Hitti, History of the Arabs (19679), 171. add. 
bibliography: H. Inalcik, "Djizya," in: eis 2 , 3 (1965), 146-48; M. 
Gil, Documents of the Jewish Pious Foundations from the Cairo Geniza 
(1970), index; A. Cohen, Palestine in the 18 th Century (1973), 249-56; 
S.D. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, The Jewish Communities of the 
Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 1-3 
(1967, 1971, 1978), index; A. Shochet, in: Sefunot, 11 (1971-1978). 301-8; 
S.J. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, (1977), 
1, 84, 95, 96, 97, 100, 104, 128; M. Benayahu, in: Sefunot, 14 (1971-78), 
92; H.Z. Hirschberg, A History of the Jews in North Africa, 1 (1974), 
117, 120, 132, 207, 288, 199, 267-69; A. Cohen and B. Lewis, Popula- 
tion and Revenue in the Towns of Palestine in the Sixteenth Century 
(1978), 28-75, 1 55~69; A. Schochet, in: Cathedra, 13 (1979), 6-9, 15, 

30-37; M.R. Cohen, The Jewish Self -Government in Medieval Egypt: 
(1980), 217, 260, 320; MA. Epstein, The Ottoman Jewish Communities 
and their Role in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (1980), 62, 66, 
72, 90, 111, 122, i34f, 178. i84f., 191, 195; M. Kunt, in: B. Braude and B. 
Lewis (eds.), Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, 1 (1982), 58; 
J.R. Hacker, in: ibid. (1982), 117-26; R Ahmad, in: ibid., 398, 447; H. 
Gerber, Yehudei ha-Imperya ha-Otmanit ba-Meot ha-Shesh Esre ve- 
ha-Sheva-Esre, Hevrah ve-Kalkalah (1983), 27, 36-37, 122-26, 130-31; 
40-43, 48, 105, 109, 117-19, A. Cohen, Jewish Life Under Islam (1984), 
index; A. Shmuelevitz, The Jews of the Ottoman Empire in the Late Fif- 
teenth and Sixteenth Centuries (1984); J. Hacker, in: Shalem, 4 (1984), 
63-117; M. Rozen, Ha-Kehillah ha-Yehudit bi-Yrushalayim ba-Meah 
ha-Sheva-Esre (1985), index. S. Bar Asher, in: S. Ettinger (ed.), Toledot 
ha-Yehudim be-Arzot ha-Islam, 1 (1981), 145; 2 (1986), 333-39; L. Born- 
stein- Makovetsky, in: Jacob M. Landau (ed.), Toledot Yehudei Mitz- 
rayim ba-Tekufah ha-Otmanit (1517-1914) (1988), 131, 181-182, 188; M. 
Winter, ibid., 387, 390-92, 404; Rozan, ibid., 423-25, 443, 458-59; M. 
Zand, in: Peamim, 35 (1988), 57-59; B. Masters, The Origins of West- 
ern Economic Dominance in the Middle East: Mercantalism and the 
Islamic Economy in Aleppo, 1600-1750 (1988), 38, 89, 107 no. 49, 127; 
A. Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the 
Eighteenth Century, (1989), 148, 338; M. Gil, A History of Palestine 
634-1099 (1992), 242, 245, 262, 761; A. Levy, The Sephardim in the 
Ottoman Empire (1992), 15, 59, 92, 144; A. Cohen, Yehudim be-Veit 
ha-Mishpat ha-Muslemi (1993), 37-52, 70-84; M. Rozen, in: A. Levy 
(ed.), The Jews of the Ottoman Empire (1994), 254-62; Y. Barnai, in: 
Cathedra, 72 (1994), 135-68; M.R. Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross, 
The Jews in the Middle Ages (1994), index; M. Ben- Sasson, Zemihat 
ha-Kehillah ha-Yehudit be-Arzot ha-Islam (1996), 354, 386-88, 398; 
N. Gruenhaus, Ha-Misuy ba-Kehillah ha-Yehudit be-Izmir ba-Meot 
ha-Sheva-Esre ve-ha-Shemone-Esre (1997), 57-59; I. Abramski-Bligh 
(ed.), Pinkas ha-Kehillot: Libya,Tunisia (1997); Y. Avrahami, Pinkas 
ha-Kehillah ha-Yehudit Portugezit be-Tunis (1997), 27-28; B. Rivlin 
(ed.), Pinkas ha-Kehillot: Yavan (1999); A. David, To Come to the Land: 
Immigration and Settlement in the 16 th Century Eretz Israel (1999), in- 
dex; J.R. Hacker, in: Shalem, 7 (2002), 133-50; Y Barnai, ibid. (2002), 
199-205; M. Rozen, A History of the Jewish Community in Istanbul: 
The Formative Years, 1453-1566 (2002), 26-27; D. Schroeter, in: A. 
Levy (ed.), Jews, Turks, Ottomans (2002), 90, 92, 99; Y Harel, Bi-Se- 
finot shel Esh La-Maarav, Temurot Be-Yahadut Surya bi-Tekufat ha- 
Reformot ha-Otmaniyyot 1840-1880 (2003), 103, 173-74; M. Gil, The 
Jews in Islamic Countries in the Middle Ages (2004), 166, 172, 173, 252, 
268, 307, 324, 326, 353, 363; A. Levy (ed.), Jews, Turks, Ottomans (2002), 
6, 90-92, 99, 109; E. Alshech, in: Islamic Law and Society, 10 (2003), 
348-75; Z. Keren, Kehillat Yehudei Ruschuk, 1788-1878 (2005), 56, 77, 
84, 95-96, 102, 106, 130-32, 134, 143-44- 

[Eliyahu Ashtor / Leah Bornstein- Makovetsky (2 nd ed.)] 

KHARASCH, MORRIS SELIG (1895-1957), organic chem- 
ist. Kharasch was born in Kremenets, Ukraine, and educated 
in the U.S. He was professor at the University of Maryland 
(1922-28) and at the University of Chicago from 1930; he was 
also a consultant to the U.S. Department of Agriculture from 
1926. His field of research included the electronic structure 
and physical properties of organic compounds, free radicals, 
chain reactions, hydro-peroxides, and ergot. 

KHARIK, IZI (Yitskhok; 1898-1937), Soviet Yiddish poet. 

Born in Zembin, Belorussia, he began publishing Yiddish po- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


etry in 1920. His talent and dedication to building socialism 
earned him an invitation to Moscow to study the arts. His lit- 
erary career skyrocketed after he published his shtetl poems 
in the literary magazine Shtrom and his epic poem, "Minsker 
Blotes" ("Minsk Swamps"), which appeared in Nayerd (1925) 
and portrays the transformation of a shtetl during the Revolu- 
tion. It was heralded as one of the first Yiddish works to depict 
Jewish life, as opposed to death, during the Civil War. After 
returning to Belorussia, Kharik published his first major col- 
lection of poems, Af der erd ("On the Land," 1926), marking 
him as the Yiddish poet who best expressed the ambiguous 
relationship between Jewish tradition and modernity, between 
memory and imagination. He also began editing for the Minsk 
newspaper, Oktober. His most important contribution to So- 
viet Jewish literature, the pessimistic narrative poem "Mit 
Layb un Lebn" ("With Body and Soul," 1928), portrays the life 
of the Soviet Jewish intelligentsia through the eyes of a young 
Jewish teacher whose grand hopes for rebuilding the shtetl 
are ultimately dashed. Reviewers nonetheless lauded Kharik 
for portraying "real Soviet life" and showing the remaking of 
Soviet society. In the 1930s, he became a member of the pres- 
tigious Belorussian Academy of Sciences, and his colleagues 
celebrated him in poetry readings, special book dedications, 
and other rites that conferred importance on Soviet writers. 
He became editor of the Minsk literary journal Shtern and, in 
1932, put out his third important collection of poetry, Kaylekh- 
dike Vokhn ("Week After Week"). In June 1937, at the peak of 
his career, he was arrested, and killed later that year, as part 
of the Great Purges that decimated the Soviet cultural elite. 
His work was not republished until the late 1950s after his re- 
habilitation following Stalin's death. 

bibliography: lnyl, 4 (1961), 382-6; E.H. Jeshurin, Dovid 
Hofshteyn, Izi Kharik, Itsik Fefer: Bibliografye (1962). add. bibli- 
ography: I. Howe and E. Greenberg (eds.), Ashes Out of Hope: Fic- 
tion by Soviet-Yiddish Writers (1977); Sh. Rozhansky (ed.), Dovid Hof- 
shteyn, Izi Kharik, Itsik Fefer: Oysgeklibene Shriftn (1962); D. Shneer, 
Yiddish and the Creation of Soviet Jewish Culture, 1918-1930 (2004). 

[Elias Schulman / David Shneer (2 nd ed.)] 

KHARKOV, city in Ukraine. It was built as a fortress against 
the invasions of Crimean Tartars in the 16 th century, and it 
was the headquarters of a Cossack brigade in the 18 th . Khar- 
kov was outside the Tale of Settlement. Jewish merchants of- 
ten attended the large fairs held there from the second half 
of the 18 th century, however, and individual Jews even settled 
there without hindrance. In 1821 the authorities forbade Jews 
to enter the town, but, on the complaint of the local authorities 
that the order was harmful to the business of the fairs, Jewish 
merchants were again admitted in 1835. From 1859 Jews who 
were allowed to live outside the Pale of Settlement began to 
settle in Kharkov. In 1868 they were permitted to build a syn- 
agogue and nominate a community council. There were then 
35 families of merchants and craftsmen. In that period there 
were 26 Jewish pupils studying at the local secondary school 
and university and 68 Jewish soldiers. By 1878 Jews numbered 

2,625 (total population 83,507). When the fairs were held, some 
3,000 Jews would visit the town. In the mid-i8oos there was a 
Karaite community of 525 persons with a synagogue and cem- 
etery. They dealt mostly in tobacco. 

Toward the end of the 19 th century, many Jewish youths 
from the provinces of the Pale began to attend the University 
of Kharkov, and in 1886 the 414 Jewish students formed 28.3% 
of the student body. A *Bilu society was founded among the 
Jewish students there. The community numbered 11,013 (6.3% 
of the total population) in 1897. At that time there were three 
large Jewish banks, and many wholesale businesses with many 
trade connections abroad. Others lived from petty trade and 
crafts. The community opened a hospital and a soup kitchen 
for the needy. In 1880 the Goldfaden theatrical group per- 
formed there for a month. During World War 1 and the Civil 
War (1918-20) many Jews, expelled from their places of resi- 
dence or escaping from the fighting zone or pogroms, took 
refuge in Kharkov. The pedagogic seminary of ^Grodno and its 
teachers and pupils were transferred to Kharkov in this period. 
Kharkov became an important Jewish center. A Hebrew sec- 
ondary school and popular Jewish university were established, 
and books and newspapers in Yiddish and Hebrew were pub- 
lished there. The conferences of He-Halutz (1920, 1922), the 
Socialist-Zionist Party (1920), and Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir (1923) 
were held in the town. A group of Hebrew writers was also 
active there. The consolidation of the Soviet regime marked 
the end of organized Jewish life, but the choice of Kharkov as 
capital of Ukraine from 1919 to 1934 and its general develop- 
ment resulted in a rapid increase in the Jewish population, 
which numbered 65,007 (17.2% of the total) in 1923, 81,138 
in 1926, 115,811 in 1935, and 130,250 (total population 832,913) 
in 1939. The town was the center of the *Yevsektsiya's activi- 
ties in Ukraine. Several Yiddish Communist newspapers, in- 
cluding the daily Der Shtern (1925-41), and the journals Di 
Roite Welt ("The Red World") and Sovetishe Literatur were 
published there. In 1925 the All-Ukrainian Jewish State The- 
ater was opened, performing there until it was moved with 
the capital to Kiev in 1934. The Jewish State Theatre, Khar- 
kov took its place. In the 1920s there existed Jewish sections 
in the court of law, the militia sectors, and the municipality. 
At the end of the 1920s there were four Yiddish schools with 
about 1,900 pupils, a teachers' college, a vocational school for 
machine production (over 400 pupils), and a Jewish section 
at the journalism school. 

Holocaust and Modern Periods 

The Germans occupied Kharkov on October 24, 1941. Most 
of the city's Jews succeeded in evacuating or fleeing the town. 
The commander of the 6 th Army (quartered there and led by 
General von Paulus) ordered hostages taken, most of them 
Jews, and they were shot for every breach of martial law. In 
mid-November buildings in which German headquarters and 
organizations were housed were blown up, and 1,000 hostages, 
mostly Jews, were taken and executed. On December 14, 1941, 
the Jews were ordered to move in two days to barracks that 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



housed workers of a machine and tractor factory in the city's 
district 10. The barracks were without windows and doors and 
had no heating. No food was allowed and water only during 
limited hours. Many died of diseases and starvation. At the 
end of December 100 were killed. Between January 2 and 8 the 
ghetto was liquidated, and the Jews were murdered nearby in 
the Drobitski Yar (about 8 km. from town) - according to the 
Soviet Commission to Investigate Nazi Crimes, about 15,000 
persons. Together with the hostages and Jews from hospitals 
and old-age homes, the number of victims was 21,685 Jews, 
according to German sources. Kharkov was liberated on Au- 
gust 23, 1943. Jewish settlement was renewed in Kharkov, 
and the Jewish population numbered 81,500 (9% of the total) 
in 1959, dropping to 62,800 in 1970. The last synagogue was 
closed down by the authorities in 1948-49. All subsequent 
attempts to obtain permission to organize a synagogue were 
unsuccessful, and the former synagogue was converted into 
a sports gymnasium. In 1957, 1958, and 1959 private prayer 
groups were dispersed on the High Holidays (New York Times, 
May 21, 1959). Several Torah scrolls were confiscated. In i960 
the minyanim were again dispersed and Jews were arrested for 
baking mazzah. In 1967 Jews attending private services on the 
High Holidays were beaten by the militia. The old cemetery 
was converted into a park. In 1970 Jews had their own section 
in the general cemetery, and kasher poultry was available. In 
the 1990s many Jews immigrated to Israel and the West. 

bibliography: M. Oshero witch, Shtet un Shtetlekh in 
Ukraine, 2 (1948), 24-34; Dokumenty obviniayut', 2 (1945), 307-12. 

[Yehuda Slutsky / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

KHARKOV CONFERENCE, a consultation of the leading 
Zionists from the various parts of Russia convened at the be- 
ginning of November 1903 in order to organize the opposition 
to the * Uganda Scheme. When the Sixth Zionist Congress ad- 
opted *Herzl's proposal to send a commission to investigate 
whether Uganda was suitable for Jewish settlement, a storm 
of protest was aroused in the Zionist Movement, especially 
among the Russian Zionists - the overwhelming majority of 
those who voted "no." Menahem * Ussishkin, who did not at- 
tend the Congress because he was in Erez Israel at the time, 
was the head of the opposition movement. Upon his return to 
Russia, he published a sharp open letter in the Zionist press 
against the Congress' decision and the "diplomacy and exag- 
gerated politization" of the Zionist Movement, stressing that 
the Congress had no right to adopt a resolution that consti- 
tuted the abandonment of Zion. In reaction to this letter, Herzl 
accused Ussishkin (in the official Zionist Die *Welt, Oct. 30, 
1903) of a breach of discipline and severely criticized his ac- 
tivities in Erez Israel. 

At the beginning of November of that year, the Russian 
members of the Zionist General Council and their deputies 
(together numbering 15) met in Kharkov on the initiative of 
Ussishkin, who was the moving force at the conference, and 
demanded a condemnation of Herzl. The conference decided 
to oppose the Uganda scheme as a contradiction of the *Basle 

Program and to present Herzl with an ultimatum under which 
he was to commit himself in writing to the following demands: 
not to propose in the future any territorial programs other 
than the settlement of Syria and Erez Israel; to withdraw and 
dissolve the Uganda Scheme entirely by no later than the Sev- 
enth Congress, and to convene a special session of the General 
Council to discuss the matter prior to the dispatch of the com- 
mission to Uganda; and to embark immediately on practical 
settlement work in Erez Israel. 

Should Herzl reject the ultimatum, another consulta- 
tion would be convened to devise measures of opposition to 
the Zionist leadership, including withholding contributions 
to the Zionist Executive in Vienna, a publicity campaign, the 
dispatch of opposition propagandists to all Zionist centers in 
Europe and America, a convention of the opposition prior to 
the Seventh Zionist Congress, establishing an independent 
Zionist organization, appealing to world public opinion and 
before a British court against the rights of the "East African 
majority" (supporters of the Uganda Scheme) to the finances 
of the Zionist Organization-the * Jewish Colonial Trust and 
the * Jewish National Fund. *Z. Belkowsky, *V. Tiomkin, and 
*S. Rosenbaum were chosen as members of the delegation to 
present the ultimatum to Herzl with *J. Bernstein- Kogan as 
an alternate member. It was also decided that the transfer of 
funds to the Zionist treasury in Vienna should be suspended 
until the conclusion of negotiations with Herzl and that the 
money should be kept temporarily in Russia. 

The delegation arrived in Vienna on Dec. 31, 1903, but 
Herzl, who was gravely offended by the aggressive tone of the 
Kharkov resolutions, refused to receive it officially. He agreed, 
however, to meet with each of its members privately and in- 
vited them to attend the meeting of the Executive as guests 
after they had declared for the record that they did not come 
as emissaries and that they did not intend to deliver any ulti- 
matum. In the meantime, the British government, under pres- 
sure from the English settlers in Uganda, withdrew its offer to 
the Zionist movement. As a result, a reconciliation took place 
between Herzl and the Russian Zionists on April 11, 1904. 

bibliography: A. Bein, Theodor Herzl (Heb., 1962 7 ), 453-503; 

Th. Herzl, Complete Diaries, 5 (i960), index s.v. Kharkov; S. Schwarz, 

Ussishkin be-Iggerotav (1949), 79-87; J. Klausner, Ha-Oppozizyah 

le-Herzl (i960), 231-49; M. Heymann, The Uganda Controversy, 1 


[Yitzhak Maor] 

KHAYBAR, the largest Jewish settlement in ^Arabia in the 
time of *Muhammad, approximately 60 mi. (97 km.) from 
Medina. Khaybar is located on a very high mountainous pla- 
teau entirely composed of lava deposits, containing very fer- 
tile valleys that are, however, covered by malarial swamps; 
the Jews of Khaybar were thus forced toward the mountains, 
only going down into the valleys (during the day) in order to 
work their lands. They cultivated dates, grapes, vegetables, and 
grain, and raised sheep, cattle, camels, horses, and donkeys. 
They also engaged in spinning, weaving, and the manufacture 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


of silk clothing, garments which were well-known in the entire 
Hejaz, and benefited from the caravan trade between Arabia, 
*Syria, and * Iraq and traded with Syria. The Arabs were not 
at that time capable of producing for themselves the tools, the 
weapons, the textiles, and the jewelry which they needed or 
coveted, and the Jews, being skillful artisans and drawn to- 
wards commerce, were in a position to supply these objects 
because they understood the art of manufacturing them or the 
means of importing them. The Jews provided the capital for 
commercial activities while the Arabs acted as intermediaries 
between them and the tribes of the interior. The Jews of Khay- 
bar were well known for their diligence, wealth, and hospital- 
ity. During the night they would place beacons in the towers 
of their castles, guiding those who were lost to their houses, 
which remained open all night. The Jewish Banu *Nadir of 
^Medina, who claimed to be descendants of Aaron the priest, 
owned lands in Khaybar and had castles, fortresses, and their 
own weapons there. After Muhammad expelled them from 
Medina in 625, their leaders moved to their estates in Khay- 
bar in order to prepare for war against Muhammad and to re- 
cruit the aid of Arab tribes. In fact, they led those who fought 
against Muhammad, and the men of Khaybar, who had in- 
termarried with them, treated them with respect and obeyed 
them. The settlements of Khaybar were concentrated around 
three centers - Natat, Shiqq, and Katiba - scattered over a 
wide area. The settlers engaged in the manufacture of metal 
implements for work and weapons such as battering rams and 
catapults, which they stored in their castles and even lent to 
Arab tribes. According to the sources, most of them written 
by Arabic chroniclers, they had 10,000 warriors but this num- 
ber is probably very exaggerated. 

Muhammad's war against the Jews of Khaybar (628) was 
very harsh. At first he sent disguised guests to the homes of 
the leaders of Banu Nadir who then killed their hosts. Mu- 
hammad's victory over the Jews of Khaybar, some of whom 
were held in esteem by the enemy, was also aided by the dis- 
tance of the settlements and their castles from one another, 
the absence of coordination between the fighting forces, the 
death of the leader Sallam ibn Mishkam, and the treachery of 
a Jew who showed the Muslims the secret entrances to one 
of the fortresses. The castles of Khaybar had tunnels and pas- 
sages which in wartime enabled the besieged to reach water 
sources outside the castles. Muhammad treated the Jews of 
Khaybar with cruelty, murdering Huyayy ibn Akhtab, head 
of Banu Nadir, in Medina. He ordered the son of the leader 
and the husband of his daughter Safiyya killed in Khaybar. He 
married Safiyya, who herself was taken captive, on the way 
from Khaybar to Medina. The sources emphasize her beauty, 
her faithfulness to Muhammad, and her privileges, which in- 
cluded the inheritance of her property by a relative and his 
uncle in Khaybar. 

Concerned that Khaybar would remain desolate and 
would not continue supplying its agricultural produce to the 
Hejaz, Muhammad and the Jews signed an agreement which 
allowed many of its inhabitants to remain on their lands, even 

though the payment of half their crops to the conquerors 
undermined the economic position of the Jews of Khaybar. 
From a legal point of view the pact was defective, since it did 
not define the situation of the Jews and did not say whether 
they were to remain the owners of the soil which they were 
to cultivate. In later years Muslim jurists defined this settle- 
ment as land tenure with rent paid in produce. One version 
of this agreement was copied by Joseph * Sambari in the 17 th 
century. According to Muslim sources, Muhammad returned 
to the Jews copies of the To rah seized during the siege, since 
he opposed desecrating them. After captives of war and slaves 
from other countries were brought to Khaybar and the people 
of Hejaz became more accustomed to agriculture, the caliph 
*Omar decided to expel the Jews of Khaybar in 642 under the 
pretense that before his death Muhammad had commanded 
that two religions could not exist simultaneously in the He- 
jaz. Contrary to the statements of Graetz, Dubnow, and oth- 
ers, however, not all the Jews of Khaybar were expelled by 
Omar. Those who had made special treaties and covenants 
with Muhammad, especially the members of the family of his 
wife Safiyya, were allowed to remain. Graetz s theory about the 
wanderings of the Jews of Khaybar to Kufa on the Euphrates, 
where they influenced the center of the gaonate in Babylonia 
and served as an ethnic background for the growth of Kara- 
ism there, is basically incorrect. Some of the Jews of Khaybar 
settled in Wadi al-Qura and *Tayma, but most of them settled 
in * Jericho. Among those exiled to Jericho was the son of the 
chief warrior of Khaybar, Harith, who was the father of Za- 
ynab, the woman credited with the attempt to poison Muham- 
mad in revenge for the slaughter of her people. The Jews of 
Khaybar apparently spread out from Jericho along the Jordan 
Valley, reaching the Sanur Valley in northern Samaria. This is 
indicated by the names Tell- Khaybar and Khirbat- Khaybar in 
that valley and an ancient Arab tradition about a Jewish king 
and princess who lived in these places. An Arabic source pub- 
lished by I. *Goldziher (rej, 28 (1894), 83) quotes an Arabic 
account in which the Muslims express their astonishment that 
the Jewish women of Khaybar put on their most beautiful jew- 
elry on the Day of Atonement. 

The Jews of Khaybar, like Jews in other parts of the He- 
jaz, are mentioned hundreds of years after the expulsion of 
some of them by Omar. At the end of the 11 th century they 
still had possessions, lands, fields, and castles in the region 
of Katiba, which was a region of Banu Nadir in the time of 
Muhammad. The Jews of Wadi al-Qura addressed questions 
about the cultivation of dates to R. Sherira and Hai Gaon in 
Babylonia. ^Benjamin of Tudela (12 th century) heard rumors, 
which are exaggerated, about the power of the Jews of Khay- 
bar and Tayma, who were still addressing questions to the 
exilarchs in ^Baghdad. He noted that the Jews of Khaybar 
were descendants of the Reuben, Gad, and Menashe tribes 
and that they numbered 50,000, including scholars and war 
heroes who fought against their enemies. In the 11 th and 12 th 
centuries the Jews of Khaybar are mentioned in Egypt and 
Babylonia. In a letter from the gaon Solomon b. Judah writ- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



ten in Jerusalem around 1020, a certain Isaac from Wadi al- 
Qura is mentioned. This man deserted his family for four 
years, traveled to Egypt and returned "to his land," that is, to 
Wadi al-Qura. Two * Genizah documents attest the settlement 
of Khaybar Jews in Tiberias during that period. According to 
Muslim tradition, the Jews of Khyabar were expelled in the 
days of Omar. They claimed in Tiberias to be Khayberis, and 
therefore exempt from tax, 

Great attention has been devoted by scholars to a letter 
from the Cairo Genizah., written in Arabic in Hebrew letters, to 
"Hanina (or Habiba) and the people of Khaybar and Maqna," 
showering numerous privileges on them and promising their 
safety from harm by the Muslims for the sake of their cousin 
Safiyya; the letter, which is written on paper, is probably copied 
from one which had been written on leather, as was the case 
with the letters and treaties of Muhammad. Arabic sources at- 
test that correspondence to Jews in the time of Muhammad 
was in Arabic in Hebrew letters. The letter, however, has been 
recognized by most scholars as a forgery, although there is dis- 
agreement as to whether its details are drawn from authentic 
treaties and historical facts and are copies of these sources. In 
any event, the letter was composed at the time of the caliph 
Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah (ca. 1010) as a defense against perse- 
cutions, expropriation of property, and coercion to accept the 
Muslim faith in his time, not only in Egypt but in other parts 
of his rule and including Khaybar itself. An Arabic source 
explicitly states that "Khaybar Jews" are exempt from the de- 
crees. A Genizah letter tells about the poet Yakhin who fled 
from *al-Mahalla (Egypt) when he was requested to pay the 
poll tax. The letter supposes that Yakhin was entitled to tax 
exemption because he was a Khayberi. In other Genizah let- 
ters from the 11 th century there are references to persons called 
Ibn al- Khayberi. It seems to *Goitein that a distinction should 
be made between Jews who really emigrated from north Ara- 
bia and were called Hizajis, and the Khaybaris, who probably 
came to the West via Iraq and had no real connection with 
Khaibar. Gil also doubts whether those Jews claiming exemp- 
tion and special status were in fact Khayberis. 

From the 16 th century onward, when European travelers 
began to visit Arabia, rumors were spread about the presence 
of the Jews of Khaybar in the Hejaz, their bravery, their con- 
trol of the roads to Mecca, and their collection of road taxes 
from pilgrims. Varthema, who traveled in Arabia during the 
early years of the 16 th century, noted that in a locality between 
^Damascus and ^Medina there lived between 4,000 and 5,000 
Jews, but the orientalist Pirenne doubts this. David Hareuveni 
claimed in 1524 in Italy that he was the army general of the 
king Solomon from Habur (Khaybar) desert. During the 19 th 
century these rumors encouraged some hardy, imaginative 
Jews to go out into the wilderness of Arabia in search of the 
"Sons of Rehab" (Khaybar) and the "Sons of Moses, Dan, and 
Asher." Some of them died on the way and were not heard of 
again. Pirenne writes that in the mid- 19 th century, the Jews 
were in considerable numbers in that area. According to ru- 
mors, a few Khaybar Jews arrived in Palestine and appeared 

in synagogues. Of special interest is the Muhamara family in 
the village of Yutah in the mountains south of Hebron, which 
traces its lineage to the Jews of Khaybar, as well as the family 
of the head of the deserted village of Huj, near kibbutz Dorot, 
who was related to the descendants from Khaybar in Yutah. 
The old father of the Muhamara family settled in Yutah in the 
second half of the 18 th century. G.M. Kressel wrote (in 2001) 
about the symbolic meaning amongst the Negev Bedouin pop- 
ulation of Muhammad's war against the Jews of Khaybar. 

bibliography: I. Ben-Zeev, Ha-Yehudim ba-Arav (19572), 
index; H.Z. Hirschberg, Yisrael ba-Arav (1946), index; I. Ben Zvi, 
in: Keneset, 5 (1940), 281-302; J. Braslavsky, Le-Heker Arzenu (1954), 
3-52 (English summaries: 3-4, English section); S.D. Goitein, in: ks, 
9 (1932/33), 507-21; Caetani, in: Annali dell* Islam, 2 (1905), 8-41; R. 
Leszynsky, Juden in Arabien zur Zeit Mohammeds (1910). add bib- 
liography: J. Pirenne, A la decouverte de I'Arabie (1958), 33, 76, 
215 ff.; Ashtor (Strauss), Toledot, 2 (1953), 298-309; I. Ben-Zvi, Shear 
Yashuv (1966), 370, 380, 415-23; B.Z. Dinur Israel ba-Golah, 2:2 (1959), 
26-27, 169-170; 2:3 (1968), 424-25; M.A. Shaban, Islamic History, 
A New Interpretation (600-/50) (1971), 10, 13; eis 2 (1978), 1137-43; 
Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 2 (1971), 386, 611; 5 (1988), 603; M. 
Lecker, in: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 5 (1984), 1-11; N. 
Dana, in: Moreshet Yisrael, 1 (2005), 88-99; M.R. Cohen, Under Cres- 
cent and Cross, The lews in the Middle Ages (1994), index; M. Gil, A 
History of Palestine, 634-1099 (1992), index; M. Lecker, in: Peamim, 
61 (1994), 6-15; S. Shtuber, Sefer Divrei Yosef le-Rabbi Yosefbe-Rabbi 
Yizhak Sambari (1994), 97, 293, 313; G.M. Kressel, in: Israel as Cen- 
ter Stage (2001), 165-87; M. Gil, The Jews in Islamic Countries in the 
Middle Ages (2004), 3-45. 

[Joseph Braslavi (Braslavski) / 
Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky (2 nd ed.)] 

KHAZARS, a national group of general Turkic type, indepen- 
dent and sovereign in Eastern Europe between the seventh and 
tenth centuries c.e. During part of this time the leading Kha- 
zars professed Judaism. The name is frequently pronounced 
with an a- vowel, as in the Greek Xd^apoi and Arabic Khazar 
(Hazar), but there are traces of a different pronunciation in 
Hebrew (Kuzari, pi. Kuzarim), Greek (Xor^ipoi), and Chinese 
(fCo-sa). The name has been explained as having derived from 
Turkish qazmak ("to wander," "nomadize (?)"), or from quz 
("side of mountain exposed to the north"). The latter etymol- 
ogy would account for the o/u-vowel in some forms of the 
name, for which no satisfactory explanation has been given. 

The Origin of the Khazars 

The Khazars, of Turkic stock, originally nomadic, reached the 
Volga- Caucasus region from farther east at some time not 
easily determinable. They may have belonged to the empire 
of the Huns (fifth century c.e.) as the Akatzirs, mentioned 
by Priscus. This name is said to be equivalent to Aq- Khazar, 
i.e., White Khazars, as opposed to the Qara- Khazar or Black 
Khazars mentioned by al-Istakhri (see below). The Khazars 
probably belonged to the West Turkish Empire (from 552 c.e.), 
and they may have marched with Sinjibu (Istami), the first 
khaqan of the West Turks, against the Sassanid (Persian) for- 
tress of Sul or Darband. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


In the time of Procopius (sixth century) the region im- 
mediately north of the Caucasus was held by the Sabirs, who 
are referred to by Jordanes as one of the two great branches 
of the Huns (Getica, ed. Mommsen, 63). Mas c udi (tenth cen- 
tury c.e.) says that the Khazars are called in Turkish, Sabir 
(Tanbihy ed. Cairo, 1938, 72). 

In 627 (Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. De Boor, 1 (1883), 
315) "the Turks from the East whom they call Khazars" under 
their chief, Ziebel, passed the Caspian Gates (Darband) and 
joined Heraclius at the siege of Tiflis. In view of what is known 
of a dual kingship among the Khazars (see below), it would 
be natural to assume that Ziebel, described by Theophanes 
as "second in rank to the khaqan," was the subordinate Kha- 
zar king or beg. However, there are grounds for thinking that 
Ziebel stands for yabgu, a Turkish title - in the parallel Arme- 
nian account (Moses of Kalankatuk, trans. Dowsett, 87) he is 
called Jebu Khaqan - and that he is T'ung-ye-hu, Ye-hu Kha- 
gan of the Chinese sources, i.e., T'ung Yabgu, Yabgu Khaqan, 
the paramount ruler of the West Turks, who is represented as 
second in rank to "the King of the North, the lord of the whole 
world," i.e., the supreme khaqan of the Turks. In the narra- 
tives of Theophanes and Moses of Kalankatuk respectively, 
the Khazars are also called Turks and Huns. From 681 c.e., 
we hear much in the latter author of the Huns of Varach c an 
(Warathan), north of Darband, who evidently formed part of a 
Khazar confederation or empire. Their prince Alp Ilutver was 
often in attendance on the Khazar khaqan and was converted 
to Christianity by an Albanian bishop. 

It will be seen that the question of the precise racial af- 
finities of the Khazars is not readily solved (see also below). 
There appears to be insufficient evidence to warrant the con- 
clusion of K. Czegledy that the Khazars were of Sabir origin 
and distinct from the Caucasian Huns and West Turks ("Be- 
merkungen zur Geschichte der Chazaren," Acta Orientalia... 
Hungariae, 13 (1961), 245), since it is not known how far these 
ethnic names mean the same thing. 

Consolidation of the Khazar State 

According to Theophanes (ibid., 358), the ruler of the Bul- 
gars in the region of the Kuban River (West Caucasus) died 
c. 650 c.e., leaving five sons of whom only the eldest remained 
in his inheritance, while the others moved further west, as 
far as the Danube. On this, the Khazars, described as a "great 
nation . . . from the interior of Berzilia in the First Sarmatia," 
emerged and took possession of the territory as far as the Black 
Sea. The change of position was completed by 679, when one 
of the brothers crossed the Danube and conquered present- 
day Bulgaria. Earlier than this, in 576 c.e., a West Turkish 
force had been present at the siege of Bosporus (Kerch) in 
the Crimea (Menander Protector, ed. Bonn, 404), but hitherto 
there is no mention of the Khazars as such so far to the west. 
The advance of the Khazars to the Black Sea and Crimea area 
appears to be mentioned also in the Reply of Joseph (see be- 
low, Khazar Correspondence), where a great Khazar victory 
over the W-n-nt-r is referred to. A people north of the Khazars 

called W-n-nd-r is mentioned in the Hudud al- c Alam (Regions 
of the World, trans, by V. Minorsky (1937), 162). Both names are 
best explained as corresponding to Onogundur, an old name 
in Greek sources for the Bulgars. The advent of the Khazars on 
the Black Sea was clearly of great consequence for the future, 
for they now came within the sphere of Greek political and 
cultural influence. By 700 c.e. or earlier there were Khazar of- 
ficials in Bosporus and Phanagoria. Henceforth the Crimea, 
as well as the Volga and the Caucasus, came to be specially 
associated with the Khazars, and a further way westward was 
opened for them toward both Kiev and the Slav lands via the 
Dnieper (see below). 

Arabs and Khazars had already been in conflict on the 
line of the Caucasus (first Arab-Khazar war, 642-52 c.e.). *Bab 
al-Abwab at the eastern end of the range was occupied by the 
Arabs in 22 a. h. (643). In the same year the caliph Omar sent 
instructions to advance northward. Though the Arabs attacked 
*Balanjar repeatedly, they were unable to take it. The defeat 
and death of the Arab general at Balanjar in 32 a.h. (653) prac- 
tically marks the end of the war and the close of the first phase 
of Arab-Khazar relations. According to Mus'udi, the Khazar 
capital was at this time moved from *Samandar to *Atil, but he 
says elsewhere that Balanjar was the former capital. 

Further Relations with Byzantium and the Arabs 

After the exile of Justinian 11 to the Crimea in 695, the Kha- 
zars on several occasions played an important, even deter- 
mining, part in Byzantine politics. Toward 704 the khaqan 
helped the emperor at a crucial moment and gave him his 
sister Theodora in marriage. Justinian returned to Constanti- 
nople to reign a second time. His successor Bardanes (711-13) 
was likewise indebted to the khaqan. In 732 the emperor Leo 
the Isaurian married his son, the future Constantine v, to a 
Khazar princess called in the sources Irene. The child of this 
marriage was Leo iv, the Khazar (775-80). It is to be under- 
stood that Irene and Theodora above are baptismal, i.e., not 
Khazar, names. 

The second Arab-Khazar war began in 722 or earlier, and 
ended in 737 with the defeat of the Khazars by Marwan b. Mu- 
hammad (later Marwan 11). The Khazar khaqan is said at this 
time to have professed Islam. If so, we hear no more about it. 
Later the khaqan was a Jew, as we know from the Arabic ge- 
ographers Ibn Rustah (c. 290/903), Istakhri (c. 320/932), Ibn 
Hauqal (367/977), etc., and it is implied in the Reply of Jo- 
seph that the beginnings of Khazar Judaism dated as far back 
as 112/730, when the Khazars defeated the Arabs south of the 
Caucasus, and from the spoils consecrated a tabernacle on the 
Mosaic model. The conversion of the leading Khazars to Juda- 
ism perhaps took place toward 740 c.e. (see below). It seems 
at all events certain that the Khazars successfully resisted the 
Arabs for several decades, and that they were reduced only 
with difficulty and at a time when the internal situation of the 
caliphate prevented the Arabs from exploiting their victory: 
Marwan was called away to become the last *Umayyad Caliph 
(744) and to struggle against ever-growing opposition, until 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



• ? Sarkil 
4? ? Khazaran-Atil 

? Doros 


Sea ofNltas (Black Sea) 



^yp ? Samandar 

? Balanjar 

? Targhu 
? Barshaliyah| 
(? Varach'an/N Warathan) 

Tiflis • Bab al Abwab 




Gurganj (Jurjaniyah) 


Dihistanan Sir 



# Khilat ? S - WarathSn 





The Khazar kingdom, c. seventh-tenth century. From D.M. Dunlop, History of the Jewish Khazars, New York, 1967. 

his death in 750 at the hands of * Abbasid soldiers in Egypt. 
The dynastic crisis probably saved Khazaria. At the same time 
the situation had wider implications, for if Marwan had been 
able to hold the Khazar territory permanently, the history of 
Eastern Europe might have been very different. 

The Khazar Double Kingship 

This was a phenomenon found among other Turkic peoples, 
e.g., the Qara-Khanids, and not unknown elsewhere; compare 
the double kingship at Sparta in antiquity, and the shogun and 
mikado of medieval Japan. How far back the institution goes 
among the Khazars cannot be exactly determined. Ya c qubi 
(ninth century) speaks of the Khazar khaqan and his repre- 
sentative (khalifa) apparently in the sixth century (Historiae, 
ed. by M.T. Houtsma, 1 (1883), 203; cf. above for Ziebel Jebu 
Khaqan in 627). Arab accounts, in Tabarl, Ibn al-Athir, etc., of 
the Arab -Khazar wars (see above) afford no precise evidence 
of the dual kingship, yet the Arab geographers regularly men- 
tion it. The account of al-Istakhri, written c. 320/932, is as fol- 
lows (Viae regnorum, ed. by M.J. De Goeje (1927), 223ff.): "As 
to their politics and system of government, their chief is called 
khaqan of the Khazars. He is greater than the king of the Kha- 
zars [elsewhere called by al-Istakhri the bak or bak y i.e., beg], 
except that the king of the Khazars appoints him. When they 
wish to appoint this khaqan, they bring him and throttle him 
with a piece of silk, till, when his breath is nearly cut off, they 
say to him, 'How long do you wish to reign?' and he says, 'So- 

and-so many years.' If he dies short of them, well and good. If 
not, he is killed when he reaches that year. The khaqanate is 
valid among them only in a house of notables. He possesses 
no right of command nor of veto but he is honored, and peo- 
ple prostrate themselves when they enter his presence. . . . The 
khaqanate is in a group of notables who possess neither sov- 
ereignty nor riches. When the chief place comes to one of 
them, they appoint him, and do not consider his condition. 
I have been informed by a reliable person that he had seen a 
young man selling bread in one of the suqs. People said that 
when their khaqan died, there was none more deserving of 
the khaqanate than he, except that he was a Muslim, and the 
khaqanate is not conferred on any but a Jew." 

A remarkable parallel to the inauguration ceremony de- 
scribed by Istakhri is found in a Chinese source on the Turks 
in the sixth century c.e., the Chou Shu (trans, by Liu Mau- 
Tsai, Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost- 
Tuerken, 1 (1958), 8). Recently the theory of A. Alfoldi that 
the double kingship among nomadic peoples corresponds 
to leadership of the two wings of the horde ("Turklerde cift 
krallik," Ikinci Turk Tarih Kongresi y Istanbul, 1943, 507-19) has 
won wide acceptance, but does not apply particularly well to 
the Khazars. Mas c udi had already suspected that the Khazar 
khaqan represented a dynasty which had been superseded 
(Muriij al-Dhahab, ed. by B. de Maynard and P. de Cour- 
teille, 2 (1878), 13). K. Czegledy (op. cit.) has suggested that 
the khaqan was the representative at the Khazar capital, Atil, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


of the West Turks, whom he thinks of as in control of Khaz- 
aria. This is not likely to have been the situation except for a 
very short time, since the Khazar capital was not transferred 
to Atil before the time of the first Arab- Khazar war (642-52) 
and the destruction of the West Turkish power took place in 
652-57. Yet the Khazar khaqan may in fact have represented 
the West Turk ruling dynasty This seems to be the view of the 
tenth-century Persian work, Hudud al- c Alam (trans. Minor- 
sky, 162), according to which the khaqan of the Khazars was 
"of the descendants of Ansa," apparently corresponding to 
Asna, or Achena, well-known as the ruling family among the 
Turks. Ko-sa (different from K c o-sa above), the name in Chi- 
nese of a subtribe of the Uigurs, is often taken as the equivalent 
of Khazars. We know that the destruction of the West Turks 
was brought about by a coalition of which the Uigurs formed 
part. It may therefore be that the convulsions which attended 
the breakup of the West Turkish Empire brought forward this 
section of the Uigurs, so that, while the khaqan represented 
the old ruling family, the Khazar beg, i.e., the effective king, 
was their representative. 

Date of the Khazar Conversion to Judaism 

This has already been referred to above (see *Bulan and below 
Khazar Correspondence). The date c. 740 c.e. is suggested by 
converging considerations, namely, the circumstances of the 
reported conversion to Islam in 737 and the dating given by 
*Judah Halevi in the Kuzari (Cosri). The absence of distinct 
references to the Judaism of the Khazars in the biographies of 
St. Abo of Tiflis, who was in Khazaria c. 780 c.e. and of Con- 
stantine (Cyril), who was there c. 860, should not be pressed 
as proof that the conversion to Judaism took place only later 
(cf. also M.I. Artamonov, Istoriya Khazar, 332-3). Mas c udi 
states positively that the king of the Khazars became a Jew in 
the caliphate of Harun al-Rashid (786-809 c.e.). This may 
well refer to the reformation c. 800 under *Obadiah of which 
the Reply of Joseph speaks. S.R Tolstovhas sought to explain 
the Khazar conversion to Judaism as a result of the conquest 
of Khwarizm (*Khorezm) by the Arab general Muslim ibn 
Qutayba in 712. 

The Khazar Empire 

The extent of the territory ruled by the Khazars has been vari- 
ously estimated. Thus B.A. Ribakov ("K voprosu o roli kha- 
zarskogo kaganata v istorii Rusi," Sovetskaya Arkheologiya, 18 
(1953), 128-50) makes Khazaria a small territory on the lower 
courses of the Volga and Don, to include Sarkil (see below) 
and the Khazar capital (assigning separate localities to Atil, 
Khamlij, and al-Bayda, usually taken to be the same place). 
This is based principally on the data in the world map of Idrisi, 
which offers a somewhat misleading picture of Khazaria (see 
K. Miller, Mappae Arabicae, 1 (1926), Heft 2). On the other 
hand, S.R Tolstov envisages a Khazaria united with Khwarizm 
under one ruler to form a single state, a view for which the 
evidence is slight. 

It must be allowed, however, that at one time Khazar rule 
extended westward a long way beyond the Crimea- Caucasus- 

Volga region which for the Greek and Arabic sources is Khaz- 
aria. The Russian Primary Chronicle ((1953), 58-59; Chronicle 
of Nestor, Povest vremennykh let) reports that at an unspeci- 
fied date the Polians south of the Middle Dnieper paid tribute 
to the Khazars of a sword per hearth, and that in 859 c.e. the 
Polians, Severians, and Viatichians paid them a white squir- 
rel skin per hearth (trans. Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, 58, 
59). Later these payments in kind ceased to be made, being 
evidently replaced by money payments; e.g., the Radimichians 
paid the Khazars a shilling or dirham apiece until 885 c.e., ac- 
cording to the Chronicle (61), and the Viatichians until 964, 
the same per plowshare (ibid., 84). All these peoples were ex- 
posed to attack by any strong forces coming up the valleys of 
the Don and Donets from the Khazar territory. Kiev itself was 
occupied by the Khazars for some period before 862, but pre- 
sumably was not built by or for them {ibid., 60, cf. 54), unlike 
Sarkel or *Sarkil on the Don, which on the application of the 
khaqan and beg to Emperor Theophilus was constructed by 
Byzantine workmen in 833 c.e. All of these territories were to 
be taken from the Khazars, some already in the ninth century, 
by the advancing Russians. 

East of the Volga, in the direction of Khwarizm, the situ- 
ation is obscure. Al-Istakhri tells of caravans passing between 
Khwarizm and Khazaria, mentioning specifically Slav, Kha- 
zar, and Turkish slaves and all kinds of furs among the prin- 
cipal merchandise of Khwarizm. On the other hand, he says 
that Khwarizm has the nomad Turks (Ghuzz) on its northern 
and western frontier, not the Khazars. According to Tolstov, a 
"royal road" led from Khorezm to the Volga, traces of which 
may be seen from the air, and he finds in it an indication of 
the emergence of a great Khorezmian- Khazar state in the tenth 
and beginning of the 11 th century (cf. above). 

The Extent of Khazar Judaism 

While the Khazars were generally known to their neighbors 
as Jews (cf. notably the narrative of Ibn Fadlan), they seem to 
have had little or no contact with the central Jewish organiza- 
tion in Iraq, and they tend to be mentioned less by Rabbanite 
than by Karaite authors. This is not to say that the Khazars 
were Karaites, a view which has not lacked defenders, at least 
since the time of A. * Firkovich. Yet such contemporary or 
nearly contemporary documents as we possess offer no evi- 
dence of the Karaism of the Khazars. On the other hand, it 
would seem that the lack of interest in the Khazars on the part 
of the Jewish authorities, as reflected in the literary works at 
our disposal, was due at least partly to their imperfect adher- 
ence to Judaism. This is illustrated notably in their retention of 
a number of pagan (shamanist) customs, dating back to their 
Turkic past, which are duly noted by the Arab geographers. 

We may here consider the position of H. Baratz that in 
the oldest Russian writings of a legal character there are He- 
brew, mostly biblical- talmudic, elements, and that these go 
back to Khazar times. Thus the fact that early Russian codes, 
including the Zakon sudni liudem ("Law for the Judging of the 
People"), contain traces of Mosaic and talmudic legislation, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



is due not to contact with the Catholic West, as has also been 
maintained, but to the influence of the Jewish Khazars. This 
view has been characterized by a Russian academician (I.V. 
Yagich) as "a scarlet thread for everyone to walk by." Yet the 
chance of Khazar influence on Russian codes, in the form of 
the introduction of Mosaic and talmudic elements, clearly be- 
comes less if it is demonstrable, as seems to be the case, that 
Khazar Judaism was never very strong. (For Baratz s view see 
his Collection of Works on the Question of Hebrew Elements 
in Ancient Russian Literature - in Russian - Vol. i, Paris, 
1926-27, Vol. 11, Berlin, 1924; also Leon Baratz, Sur les origi- 
nes etrangeres de laplupart des lois civiles russes y Publications 
de rinstitut de Droit Compare de FUniversite de Paris (lere 
Serie), 52, Appendice.) 

The Downfall of Khazaria 

The Reply of Joseph mentions that the Khazars guarded the 
mouth of the Volga before 961 c.e. and prevented the Rus- 
sians from reaching the Caspian. On several occasions, nota- 
bly c. 913 and again in 943, the Russians made raids down the 
Volga, passing through Atil. Later, apparently in 965, Khazaria 
was the object of a great Russian attack, which was aimed at 
the Khazar capital and reached as far as Samandar, as we know 
from Ibn Hawqal. From this disaster the Khazars appear to 
have recovered only partially. Again at this time (cf. above) we 
hear of a Khazar khaqan adopting Islam. His motive is said to 
have been to secure the help of the people of Khwarizm (Mis- 
kawayh, ed. Amedroz, 11, 209; Ibn al-Athir, vni, 196). 

After 965 the Khazars are still mentioned occasionally, 
but scarcely for long as an independent people. We cannot 
use the Cairo Genizah document published by J. Mann, con- 
cerning a messianic movement supposedly in Khazaria in the 
time of al-Afdal, the great Fatimid vizier who ruled 1094-1121 
(rej, 71 (1920), 89-93; 89 (1930), 257-8), as proof of contin- 
ued Khazar existence until this time, since it has been shown 
that the movement in question took place in Kurdistan (see 
S.D. Goitein, "Obadyah, a Norman Proselyte," in jjs, 4 (1953), 
74ft.). Furthermore, Oleg, the same who, according to the Rus- 
sian Chronicle, established himself in Tmutorokan in 1083, is 
called in a seal of the n th -i2 th century "archon of all Khazaria" 
(N. Banescu in Bulletin of the Romanian Academy, Hist. Sect. 
22 (1941), cited by A.V Soloviev, For Roman Jakobson (1956), 
478). Whatever is precisely indicated here by "Khazaria" - e.g., 
the Khazar country in the Crimea - such a claim could not 
have been made prior to 965. We must therefore see the Kha- 
zar state as having subsisted until the second half of the tenth 
century, or the 11 th century at the latest. By the 12 th century the 
Qipchaqs or Cumans (identified also with the Polovtsi) ap- 
peared in the steppes once ruled by the Khazars. At the time 
of the Mongol invasions in the 13 th century, it was they, not 
the Khazars, who were in possession. 

The Khazar Correspondence 

This name is usually given to what appears as an interchange of 
letters in Hebrew between *Hisdai ibn Shaprut, a well-known 
personality of Muslim Spain in the tenth century, and * Joseph, 

king of the Khazars. M.I. Artamonov (Istoriya Khazar ', 12) in- 
cludes the Cambridge Document as well as the Letter of Hisdai 
and the Reply of Joseph in the Khazar Correspondence, but 
this would seem to be contrary to general usage. The Reply is 
available in a Long Version and a Short Version (lv and sv). 
The Correspondence involves serious critical difficulties, and 
its authenticity has been much debated. 

The Letter of Hisdai begins with apiyyut containing an 
acrostic which gives his own name and that of Menahem b. 
Saruq, the latter presumably acting as Hisdai's secretary and 
being the author of the piyyut. The prose part, after compli- 
ments, refers to the geographical situation of al-Andalus and 
Khazaria and describes the natural wealth of al-Andalus and 
Hisdai's own position there. It seems that his interest has been 
aroused by his having heard repeatedly that the Khazars are 
Jews. The Letter mentions attempts made by Hisdai to get in 
touch with the Khazar king. He was finally successful through 
the instrumentality of two Jews, Mar Saul and Mar Joseph, 
who accompanied an embassy which arrived at Cordoba from 
the "king of the G-b-lim, who are the Saqlab" (see below). The 
Letter of Hisdai was conveyed to the East by their means, i.e., 
overland, and eventually was put into the hands of the Khazar 
king, according to the Reply, by a certain Jacob or (lv) Isaac 
b. Eliezer, a Central European Jew. The tone of the Letter of 
Hisdai is mostly one of enquiry, and it invites an answer to 
questions which range over a variety of topics: Is there a Jew- 
ish kingdom anywhere on earth? How did the Jews come to 
Khazaria? In what way did the conversion of the Khazars take 
place? Where does the king live? To what tribe does he be- 
long? What is his method of procession to his place of wor- 
ship? Does war abrogate the Sabbath? Has the Khazar king 
any information about the possible end of the world? Hisdai 
mentions that c Abd al-Rahman 111 al-Nasir is the reigning king 
of al-Andalus. This gives 961 as the terminus ad quern for the 
Letter, with 953-55 as a possible terminus a quo, for in those 
years Cordoba was visited by John of Gorz, as envoy of the 
German emperor Otto 1, who maybe the "king of the G-b-lim, 
who are the Saqlab" already referred to. 

The Reply of Joseph begins by referring to the principal 
contents of the Letter and recapitulates a number of its ques- 
tions. It then relates the early history of the Khazars, and pro- 
ceeds to deal at length with the conversion to Judaism under 
Bulan. The conversion is initiated by a dream of Bulan, which 
he communicates to a certain general among them (lv), ap- 
parently the beg. From the spoils of a Khazar attack on Ard- 
abil, south of the Caucasus, for which we have the synchro- 
nism 730 in the Arabic sources, a tabernacle on the biblical 
model is set up. A religious debate between representatives 
of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam is held, after which Bulan 
and the principal Khazars accept the religion of Israel. Under a 
later king, Obadiah, there was a reform of religion. Synagogues 
and schools were built, and the Khazars became familiar with 
Torah, Mishnah, Talmud, and the liturgy, i.e., rabbinic Judaism 
was introduced. Joseph then traces his descent from Obadiah 
and gives a description of his country and capital. He refers 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


to Hisdai's question concerning the end of the age in a some- 
what noncommittal fashion, and finally expresses his desire 
that Hisdai may come to Khazaria, which, if a notice in a map 
of Ibn Hawqal can be trusted, he actually did. 

The correspondence has been available since the appear- 
ance of the work Kol Mevasser of Isaac Akrish in or after 1577, 
and more generally since the two letters were published by 
the younger *Buxtorf in his edition of the book Cosri (Kuzdri) 
of Judah Halevi in 1660. It is not known what manuscript 
source was used by Isaac Akrish; Buxtorf depended on Kol 
Mevasser. The only known manuscript of the Correspondence 
as a whole, containing the Letter of Hisdai and the Reply of 
Joseph (sv), is in the library of Christ Church, Oxford. This 
manuscript is very similar to the printed text, which, it has 
been suggested, is a transcript. There appear to be no special 
grounds for this opinion, though the manuscript, which is un- 
dated, has no claims to great antiquity. Nothing is sure about 
its provenance, but it is thought to have belonged originally 
to the celebrated Dr. Fell (1625-1686). 

A longer version of the Reply of Joseph was published by 
A. *Harkavy in 1874, from a manuscript of the Second Firkov- 
ich Collection in the Leningrad Public Library. The Long Ver- 
sion bears no indication of any alterations or additions, and 
is supposed to date from the 13 th century. Harkavy, in spite of 
his very critical attitude to Firkovich, regarded it as the un- 
doubted original of the Short Version. 

It appears impossible to suppose that the Khazar Cor- 
respondence is a fabrication of the 16 th century in view of a 
reference to it, with the citation of part of the Reply of Joseph, 
agreeing in general with the Long Version, in the Sefer ha-It- 
tim of Judah b. Barzillai al-Bargeloni, dated between 1090 and 
1105, and a similar reference in the Sefer ha-Kabbalah of Abra- 
ham *Ibn Daud in the 12 th century. It cannot be admitted that 
these works were interpolated in the 16 th century or later, to 
support the authenticity. Nor does it appear at all plausible that 
the letters forming the Khazar Correspondence were forger- 
ies of the tenth century, composed with a view to informing 
the Jews about the Khazars. It is demonstrable that the literary 
style of the Letter of Hisdai differs from that of the Reply of 
Joseph in a marked manner. The classical Hebrew construc- 
tion of vav conversive with the imperfect to express the past 
tense is freely used in the Letter of Hisdai, actually 48 times 
as against 14 times when the past tense is rendered by simple 
vav with the perfect. In the Reply (lv), on the other hand, vav 
conversive with the imperfect occurs not more than once or 
twice, while the past is expressed by the perfect and simple vav 
nearly 100 times. Further, in the Short Version of the Reply the 
vav conversive with the imperfect to express the past, instead 
of simple vav with the perfect, occurs in a number of passages 
where the wording is different from the Long Version. There 
is a new proportion of vav conversive with the imperfect to 
simple vav with the perfect: 37 to 50. It may therefore be af- 
firmed that there is a separate authorship for the Letter and 
the Reply, and assumed that the Long Version of the Reply, or 
something very like it, has been worked over by a third hand 

to produce the Short Version. There are grounds for thinking 
that the Reply originally was written in a non- Arabic-speak- 
ing environment. Most people would agree with Kokovtsovs 
cautious statement that as basis for both versions there is the 
same original text, in general better preserved in the Long Ver- 
sion. B.A. Ribakov supposed that an authentic letter of King 
Joseph was worked over in Tmutorokan toward the end of the 
11 th century ("about 1083"), which resulted in the Long Ver- 
sion, and that some time afterward the text of the Long Ver- 
sion was modified by Jews of Barcelona to produce the Short 

Version of the Reply. 

[Douglas Morton Dunlop] 

Khazar Jews After the Fall of the Kingdom 

The artifacts of the Khazars appear to be scant. A number of 
sites have been excavated, and though details of the archaeo- 
logical activity in Russia are difficult to obtain (the Russians 
hold a monopoly on digs in ancient Khazaria), it appears that 
there have not been any sensational discoveries to date. No 
royal burial sites have been unearthed - hardly surprising 
since, according to Ibn Fadlan, the khaqans were buried un- 
der a stream - and no inscriptions, public or private. 

Prior to 1914 archaeological excavations were con- 
ducted in successive years, especially at Verkhnii Saltov on 
the Donets. Since then, scholars have been divided on whether 
or not Saltov is a Khazar site. Additional work has been done 
at Bulghar and at the neighboring town of Suwar, which was 
mentioned in al-Istakhri. A tenth-century two-storied palace, 
in which many coins were found, was discovered at the latter 
site, but this, the only building of a public character which has 
come to light, might possibly be Bulgar rather than Khazar. 

Belaya (Bela) Vezha, the ancient Sarkil, near the village 
of Tsimlyanskaya on the left bank of the lower Don, has been 
the site which has attracted the most interest in recent years. 
Though not the Khazar capital, as had been erroneously at- 
tested, it was an important settlement. Nothing specifically 
Jewish has been found there. Nevertheless, discoveries anal- 
ogous to the culture of Saltov and Mayatskoe Gorodishche, 
both at least presumed Khazar sites, were unearthed, as well 
as ceramics engraved with markings of the type found in the 
Don inscriptions. No traces of the fortress constructed by the 
Greeks for the Khazars have been found. 

In spite of the negligible information of an archaeological 
nature, the presence of Jewish groups and the impact of Jewish 
ideas in Eastern Europe are considerable during the Middle 
Ages. Groups have been mentioned as migrating to Central 
Europe from the East or have been referred to as Khazars, thus 
making it impossible to overlook the possibility that they orig- 
inated from within the former Khazar Empire. Even though 
the 12 th -century traveler Benjamin of Tudela did not mention 
Khazaria as such he did refer to Khazars in Constantinople 
and Alexandria. Aside from the Kabars (Khazars) who mi- 
grated earlier to Hungary, the Hungarian duke Taksony (tenth 
century) is said to have invited the Khazars to settle in his 
lands. In about 1117 Khazars appear to have come to Vladimir 
Monomakh, Prince of Kiev, after fleeing from the Cumans, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



building a town they named Bela Vezha (near Chernigov). If 
this assumption is correct, these Khazars previously lived in 
Bela Vezha (Sarkil) and then settled near Chernigov. Prior to 
this time Jews who were possibly Khazars were introduced by 
Svyatopolk into Kiev. The Khalisioi in the 12 th century, who 
were mentioned as fighting against Manuel 1 Comnenus, re- 
tained, according to John Cinnamus, "the Mosaic laws but not 
in their pure form" (see bibl.). As late as 1309 a council of the 
Hungarian clergy (at Pressburg) forbade Catholics to marry 
those people who were at that time described as Khazars; pa- 
pal confirmation of this decision was given in 1346. 

Both the Mountain Jews and the Karachais seem to be 
connected with the Khazars of the Caucasus region. It is also 
possible that there were Khazar Jews in the Crimea, which was 
known to the Italians in the late Middle Ages and perhaps still 
later as Gazaria. The Turkish -speaking Karaites of the Crimea, 
Poland, and elsewhere have affirmed a connection with the 
Khazars, which is perhaps confirmed by evidence from folk- 
lore and anthropology as well as language. There seems to be 
a considerable amount of evidence attesting to the continued 
presence in Europe of descendants of the Khazars. 

The story of the conversion of the Khazar king to Juda- 
ism formed the basis for Judah Halevi s famous philosophical 
dialogue, Kuzari (see * Judah Halevi). 

bibliography: D.M. Dunlop, History of the Jewish Khazars 
(1954, p. b. 1967), includes extensive bibliography; idem, in: Roth, 
Dark Ages, ch. 8, and index; M.I. Artamonov, Istoriya Khazar (1962), 
especially valuable for the archaeology; V. Minorsky, in: Oriens, 11 
(1958), 122-45 (review of Dunlop s History...); G. Moravcsik, Byzanti- 
noturcica, 2 (1958), 334-6 (refers to Greek sources); A. Zaj^czkowski, 
in: Acta Orientalia Hungaricae, 12 (1961), 299-307 (regards the Kara- 
ites as successors of the Khazars); Szyszman, in: Revue de I'Histoire 
des Religions, 152 (1957), 174-221 (an original short treatment from 
the Karaite standpoint); A.N. Poliak, Kazariyyah (Heb., 1951 3 ); A. 
Yarmolinsky, in: Bulletin of the New York Public Library, 42 (1938), 
695-710; 63 (1959), 237-41 (bibliographies); B.D. Weinryb, in: Stud- 
ies in Bibliography and Booklore, 6 (1963), 111-29 (updates Yarmo- 
linsky s bibliographies); B.A. Ribakov, in: Sovetskaya Arkheologiya, 
18 (i953)» 128-50. 

KHERSON, city in Nikolayev district, Ukraine. The town 
was founded in 1778 and Jews began to settle there a few years 
later. In 1799 there were 39 Jewish merchants in Kherson and 
180 Jewish townsmen. A Jewish hospital was built in 1827. Like 
other communities in New Russia, that of Kherson grew rap- 
idly during the 19 th century, as a result of the settlement of 
the whole area by Jewish emigrants who left the northwestern 
provinces of the Tale of Settlement for the southern provinces 
which were developing in this period. The number of Jews in- 
creased from 3,832 in 1847 to 17,755 (30% of the total) in 1897. 
Jews played an important role in the development of the town, 
and in 1862 the governor of Kherson province even recom- 
mended that one of the Jewish merchants be elected mayor, 
claiming that there were no suitable Christian candidates. He 
added that since many of the Jewish merchants owned prop- 
erties and were educated, the election of one of them to the 

mayoralty would result in tangible benefits to the town. Al- 
though also supported by the governor- general of New Russia, 
this recommendation was not approved. In 1884, of 150 mer- 
chants, 73 were Jews; 8 factories out of 53 and 55 shops out of 
123 belonged to them. At the end of the 19 th century, Kherson 
became an active center of Zionism: the Biluists Ya'akov Sher- 
tok and Ze'ev Smilansky were then active. When Eliezer Paper 
was appointed director of the talmud torah in 1896, he intro- 
duced the "Ivrit-be-Ivrit" method, teaching Hebrew through 
the medium of Hebrew. Jewish pupils constituted a majority 
in the secondary schools. From the beginning of the 20 th cen- 
tury there operated a mutual fund bank for petty merchants 
and artisans. In 1909 it had 1,093 members and a capital of 
13,880 rubles. The Jews of Kherson suffered during the po- 
groms which swept the Ukraine in 1905 and during the civil 
war. *Denikiris soldiers carried out pogroms in April 1919. In 
the beginning of the Soviet regime, in the years 1921-22, there 
was great hunger, and many died of starvation (in December 
1921, 39; in February 1922, 189). In the 1920s there was a court 
of law in which proceedings were held in Yiddish, and a Jew- 
ish elementary school with an enrollment of 220 in 1925, out 
of 1,200 children of school age. There were also an industrial 
school and Jewish departments in the local university. An un- 
derground Chabad yeshivah existed at the beginning of the 
1930s. Early in the 1930s many Jews worked in factories, and 
in the biggest - the Petrovski plant - there were 1,500 Jews 
out of 4,500 workers. There were 14,837 Jews (19% of the total 
population) in the town in 1926, and 16,145 (of a total popu- 
lation of 96,988) in 1939. The Germans occupied Kherson on 
August 19, 1941. On August 29 they killed 100 Jews and in early 
September, 110. On September 7, a ghetto was established, and 
a Judenrat and Jewish police were organized. On September 
24-25 Einsatzkommando 11a murdered 8,000 Jews. Later Jews 
found hiding were executed, and in February 1942 some 400 
children of mixed marriages were killed. In 1959, there were 
9,500 Jews (6% of the total population) living in Kherson. The 
last synagogue was closed by the authorities in 1959 but was 
returned to the community in 1991 as Jewish life revived de- 
spite the emigration of most of the Jews. 

Province of Kherson 

The province (gubernia) of Kherson was until the 1917 Rev- 
olution among the provinces of New Russia, and during the 
19 th century one of the main areas attracting Jews from other 
parts of Russia. The number of Jews in the province grew from 
11,870 in 1818 to 339,910 in 1897, one of the highest rates of in- 
crease in the Pale of Settlement. The majority of the Jews lived 
in the towns: 70.89% in 1897, as against 10.18% in the townlets 
and 18.93% i n the villages. A considerable part of the Jewish 
population was concentrated in the large urban centers, es- 
pecially * Odessa. Other large communities at the end of the 
19 th century were Yelizavetgrad (*Kirovograd), *Nikolayev, 
and Kherson. The province of Kherson was the principal 
center for government-sponsored Jewish agricultural settle- 
ment in Russia, and the largest relative concentration of Jew- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


ish farmers in the country was found there (7.15% of the Jew- 
ish population of the province in 1897). From the economic 
point of view, the Jews of the Kherson province were among 
the wealthiest and most stable in the Pale of Settlement. Like 
the Jews of the other southern provinces of Russia, those of 
Kherson were mainly engaged in commerce (41.36% in 1897), 
particularly trading in grain and other agricultural products; 
20.52% of the Jews of the region earned their livelihood from 
this trade in 1897. General education and modification in the 
traditional way of life made greater progress among the Jews 
of Kherson province than in the other regions of the Pale of 
Settlement; 45.1% of the Jewish men and 24.6% of the Jewish 
women in the province were able to read Russian in 1897. After 
the 1917 Revolution, the province was divided up into several 
separate administrative units. 

bibliography: Hakla'im Yehudim be-Arvot Rusyah (1965); 
M. Golinkin, Me-Hei khalei Yefet le-Oholei Shem (1948), 15, passim. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

KHMELNIK (Humielnik, Khmelnik until 1772), town in the 
Vinnitsa district, Ukraine. A Jewish community is mentioned 
there as early as 1565; it possessed five houses. In 1606 the lo- 
cal Christian merchants and artisans complained about Jewish 
competition. It can be assumed that the community suffered 
during the *Chmielnicki massacres, but it slowly recovered, 
mainly during the Turkish occupation, 1672-99. In the first 
half of the 18 th century the Jews suffered from the *Haidam- 
acks' attacks. In 1789 there were 38 Jewish shopkeepers, 53 
innkeepers, and 43 artisans, most of them tailors. From 1,417 
persons in 1765 (in Khmelnik and environs), the number of 
Jews had risen to 3,137 in 1847, and to 5,977 in 1897 (of a total 
population of 11,657). On the eve of World War 1 most of the 
shops - in some trades, all of them - belonged to Jews. On 
May 5, 1919, Jewish ^self-defense in Khmelnik was organized. 
It fought successfully for three months against the bands of 
Ataman Shepil and Volyniets, killing many of them and taking 
their arms. In 1926 Khmelnik had 6,011 Jews (of a total pop- 
ulation of 10,792), their number dropping to 4,793 (of 7,513) 
in 1939. In the 1920s artisans' cooperatives were organized, 
and in 1927 an agricultural cooperative of former merchants, 
which numbered 100 Jewish families in 1935, had 60 desyat- 
ines, a large number of livestock, and agricultural machines. 
In the 1920s there was a local Jewish council that conducted 
its deliberations in Yiddish. In 1934 the Jewish school had 
600 pupils (most of the children of the town). The German 
forces occupied the town on July 17, 1941, and most of the Jews 
stayed, because the local Party boss was against evacuation. 
The Jews were ordered to establish a Judenrat of four, to wear 
a white armband with a blue Magen David, to do slave labor, 
and to turn over all radios, sewing machines, bicycles, etc. On 
August 12, 1941 Einsatzkommando 5 murdered 387 men. On 
January 5, 1942, a ghetto was established, swelled by refugees. 
On January 9, 5,800 Jews were killed, leaving skilled work- 
ers with families and the many who hid. Another 1,240 were 
gathered and executed on January 18. On June 12 Ukrainian 

policemen along with Hungarian soldiers killed 360 Jews. On 
March 3, 1943, the ghetto was liquidated and 1,300 were mur- 
dered. Another 132 were executed on June 26, 1943, while 85 
Jews escaped. The last 14 escaped in December 1943. Some of 
them joined Soviet partisan units. Khmelnik was liberated on 
March 18, 1944. In 1959 over 1,000 Jews (8.5%) lived there. In 
1979 they numbered about 500. Most of them left for Israel 
and the West in the 1990s. 

bibliography: Reshummot, 3 (1923), 393; B. West (ed.), Naf- 
tulei Dor, 2 (1955), 142-59 (Eng., Struggle of a Generation, 1959); idem, 
Be-Hevlei Kelayah (1963), 94-98; Vyestnik Zapadnoy Rossti (1869). 

[Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 


(1886-1939), Russian poet, son of a Russified Pole and of 
the daughter of J. *Brafman. Khodasevich began to publish 
verse in 1905, and his first anthology appeared in 1908. Born 
in Moscow, he emigrated from the U.S.S.R. in 1922 and set- 
tled in Paris, where he lived destitute and in poor health. A 
highly gifted lyric poet in his own right, Khodasevich is also 
remembered as a translator of Polish, Armenian, and mod- 
ern Hebrew verse. His appreciation of *Bialik (1934) is prob- 
ably the best brief essay on the Hebrew poet ever written in 
Russian. Khodasevich translated many Hebrew poets, most 
notably Saul *Tchernichowsky, and he published a volume of 
these translations, Iz yevreyskikh poetov (1921, 1923 2 ). He was 
also coeditor, with L.B. Jaffe, of Yevreyskaya antologiya, an 
anthology of Hebrew writing brought out in Russia in 1918 
by the Safrut publishing house. The foremost Russian emigre 
poet, Khodasevich remained unknown in the U.S.S.R., where 
none of his books or translations was allowed to appear or to 
circulate in the U.S.S.R. after his departure for the West. Lit- 
eraturnye stati i vospominaniya, a volume of essays and recol- 
lections, appeared in New York in 1954, and a modern edition 
of his poetry in 1961. 

bibliography: N.N. Berberova, The Italics Are Mine (1969); 

idem, in: Russian Review, 11:2 (1952), 78-85; V.V. Veidle, Poeziya Kho- 

dasevicha (1928). 

[Maurice Friedberg] 

Russian "oligarch." Born in Moscow to a Jewish father who 
was a factory worker, Khodorkovsky graduated from the 
Mendeleev Institute of Chemical Technology, where he stud- 
ied economics, and served as deputy head of the Communist 
Youth League, the Komsomol. With several partners from the 
Komsomol he opened a private coffee house in 1986, expand- 
ing to import and sell such goods as brandy and computers. By 
1988 he had built up an import-export business that brought 
in $10 million a year. In 1989 he and his partners opened Bank 
Menatep, one of Russia's first privately owned banks. Highly 
successful, Menatep was the first Russian enterprise to issue 
stocks to the public since the Russian Revolution (1917). Its 
clients included many government services and ministries. 
Meanwhile, Khodorkovsky continued to expand his import - 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



export empire. In 1995 Menatep won the bid to acquire a con- 
trolling interest in the state-owned oil company Yukos. 

When the ruble collapsed in 1998 Menatep went under 
as well, losing its banking license and its shares in Yukos. By 
2000 Khodorkovsky was back on his feet, and back in control 
of Menatep and Yukos. In 2003 Yukos merged with the Sibneft 
oil company. With 19.5 billion barrels of oil and gas, the cor- 
poration owned the second-largest oil and gas reserves in the 
world, after Exxon Mobil. That year, Khodorkovsky ranked 
#26 on the list of the Worlds Richest People and #1 as the 
wealthiest man in Russia. 

On October 23, 2003, the billionaire Khodorkovsky was 
arrested on charges of fraud and tax evasion. His dramatic 
arrest was carried out by 15 masked federal operatives and 
dozens of armed agents. In May 2005 he was sentenced to 
nine years' imprisonment. In October 2005, he was sent to 
a labor camp. 

The Russian crackdown on the economic crimes of the 
so-called oligarchs - a few dozen Jews and non-Jews control- 
ling a quarter of Russia's national product and worth over 
$100 billion - has been perceived by many as tinged with an- 


[Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

°KHOMEINI, AYATOLLAH (1902-1989), Iranian religious 
leader. He was born in the small town of Khomein situated 
in the central part of * Iran and died in *Teheran. He lost his 
father when he was an infant and later his mother when he 
was 15. He studied Islamic theology in Arak, a town in cen- 
tral Iran, and years later completed his studies in the holy 
city of Qomm. 

In 1961 and 1963 Khomeini showed strong opposition 
to Mohammad Reza Shah's reforms, leading demonstrations 
and riots against the Shah. He consistently blamed the U.S. 
and Israel for all the corruption and backwardness in Iran. 
On June 3, 1963, he gave a provocative speech mainly against 
what he called the dependence of the Shah's regime upon the 
U.S. and Israel. Two days later he was arrested, which resulted 
in anti-Shah demonstrations in Qomm and in other cities of 
Iran. The slogan "Death to the Shah, Death to America, and 
Death to Israel" was seen and heard almost everywhere. The 
demonstrations were crushed by the Shah's troops; many were 
killed or wounded. On November 4, 1963, Khomeini was sent 
into exile, first to ^Turkey and then to * Iraq where he resided 
in the Shi'i holy city of Najaf. 

Anti- regime demonstrations motivated by Khomeini's 
speeches, recorded on cassettes and pamphlets in Najaf, con- 
tinued however to arrive in Iran. The unrest and commotions 
culminated in 1977/78. The shah requested the Iraqi Govern- 
ment to expel Khomeini from Iraq. Khomeini chose to go to 
France (October 5, 1978). His frequent speeches from there, 
too, agitated the people against the Shah, the U.S. and Israel. 
The future of the Jewish community in Iran was in jeopardy. 
Several thousand Jews in Teheran, headed by some well- 
known social and religious personalities were "advised" to 

take part in demonstrations, which they did (December 11, 
1978). Finally the Shah left Iran on January 16, 1979, and two 
weeks later Khomeini entered the country, being welcomed 
by millions of people; the Jews of Teheran once again were 
"advised" to join the demonstration to welcome Khomeini's 
arrival (February 13, 1979). Soon afterwards, an Islamic Re- 
public was formed with a new Islamic constitution. Though it 
contained many discriminatory provisions against non-Mus- 
lims, it still granted second-class citizenship rights to Jews and 
other religious minorities, as protected non- Muslim monothe- 
ists - with the exception of the Bahais who were persecuted 
and over 200 of them were massacred all over Iran. The treat- 
ment of the Jews was ambivalent. 

In the first two to three years of the Islamic Republic of 
Iran (iri), about one-third of Iran's 80,000 Jews left for Israel, 
Europe, and the U.S. iri broke its relations with Israel. The 
regime adapted a pro- Palestinian policy declaring that Israel 
and Zionism must be destroyed, iri also encouraged the foun- 
dation of Hizbollah in Lebanon by supporting it with money, 
arms, and military advisers. Any tie with Israel was considered 
war against Islam. Though upon his return from Paris Kho- 
meini met with the heads of the Jewish community, declaring 
that Jews were to be protected by Islamic law, some 200 Jews 
were arrested and jailed. During his rule, about 20 Jews were 
executed by the Revolutionary Courts, among them the for- 
mer head of the Jewish Organization, the industrialist million- 
aire Habib Elghanaian (May 9, 1979). Many were deprived of 
their administrative, university, and high business positions. 
Jewish property on a large scale, amounting to more than one 
billion dollars, was confiscated by the regime. In recent years 
the iri has tried to demonstrate some "friendly relations" 
with the remaining Jews of Iran who were led by the former 
Tudeh Party member, Parviz (Haroon) Yeshayai, the head of 
the Jewish Central Organization in Teheran. Nevertheless, 
events, such the arrest of 13 Jews in the last decade of the 20 th 
century, allegedly spying for Israel, show the true face of these 
relations. As long as the hatred against Israel and Zionism and 
the support of terrorist organizations such as Hizbollah con- 
tinue to fuel the foreign policy of Iran, the situation of Jews 
in iri will remain precarious. 

bibliography: Sh. Bakhash, The Reign of the Ayatollas: Iran 
and the Islamic Revolution (1984); A. Netzer, "Beayot ha-Integrazyah 
ha-Tarbutit, ha-Hevratit ve-ha-Politit shel Yehudei Irani' in: Gesher, 
25:1-2 (1979), 69-83; idem, "Yehudei Iran, Yisrael, ve-ha-Republikah 
ha-Islamit shel Iran," ibid., 26:1-2 (1980), 45-57; idem, "Iran ve-Yehu- 
deha be-Parashat Derakhim Historit" ibid., 1:10 (1982), 96-111; R.K. 
Ramazani, Revolutionary Iran (1986), 282-85; B. Souresrafll, Kho- 
meini and Israel (1988). 

[Amnon Netzer (2 nd ed.)] 

KHOREZM (Ar. Khwarizm), formerly also called Khiva, 
district in N.W. Uzbekistan, on the lower course of the Amu 
Darya River (Oxus), S. of the Aral Sea. From references in 
the Chronicles of the Arab historian al-Tabari (838-923) to 
the Arab conquest of Khorezm, and from related passages in 
the Cambridge Document (see *Khazars), S.P. Tolstov con- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


eluded that the religion of the people of Khorezm before the 
Arab conquest was a peculiar syncretistic form of Judaism 
and that this was imported to Khazaria by survivors from the 
Judaizing circles from Khorezm (i.e., around 712 c.e.). The 
refugees were responsible not only for the Khazar conversion 
to Judaism but also, through setting aside the original Kha- 
zar khaqan and making their chief, *Btilan, the real ruler of 
Khazaria, responsible for the establishment of the Khazar dual 
kingship. However, no firm evidence exists for these conclu- 
sions and some of Tolstov's details are manifestly incorrect: 
e.g., that R. Isaac Sangari, traditionally credited with play- 
ing an important part in the Khazars' conversion to Judaism, 
should be identified with Khamjird (presumed = Khangiri, a 
name found on some Khorezmian coins), who is mentioned 
by al-Tabari. Yet in al-Tabaris account Khamjird is evidently 
the name of a region and not of a person. Tolstov further held 
that at one time, apparently in the eighth century, Khazaria 
and Khorezm formed a single state. However, his evidence, 
based largely on coins, is again far from conclusive. Similarly 
doubtful is his projected second union between Khazaria and 
Khorezm in the 10 th and 11 th centuries. 

Nevertheless it is clear that some relations existed be- 
tween Khorezm and Khazaria. Caravans passed between the 
two countries, and a corps of some thousands of men who had 
originally come "from the neighborhood of Khwarizm" were 
stationed at the Khazar capital, *Atil, in the tenth century (ac- 
cording to the contemporary Arab historian, al-Mas c udi). 

bibliography: M. ibn J. al-Tabari, Annates: Tarikh al-Rusul 
wal-Muluk... ed. by M.J. de Goeje, ser. 1 pt. 5 (repr., 1964), 2903; ser. 
2 pt. 2 (repr., 1964), 1142-43, 1236-41; cf. Fr. tr. by M.H. Zotenberg, 3 
(1871), 573; 4 (1874), 177; Abu-Raihan al-Birum, The Chronology of An- 
cient Nations, tr. and ed. by c.e. Sachau (1879), 42; D.M. Dunlop, His- 
tory of the Jewish Khazars (1954), index S.V. Khwarism; A.N. Poliak, 
Kazariyyah (1951), index; Baron, Social 2 , 3 (1954), 326; S. Szyszman, 
in: rhr, 152 (1957), 186-90; S.P. Tolstov, Po sledam drevnekharezmi- 
yskoy tsivilizatsii (1948: Aufden Spuren der altchoresmischen Kultur, 
1953), esp. chs. 9-10; idem, in: Sovetskaya etnografiya (1946), 94-104; 
M.I. Artamonov, Istoriya Khazar (1962), 283-7 an d index; F. Altheim 
and R. Stiehl, in: Anales de historia antigua y medieval, 8 (1955), 56-61; 
idem, Finanzgeschichte der Spaetantike (1957), 264-72. 

KHOROL, city in Poltava district, Ukraine. Jews first set- 
tled in Khorol in the early 19 th century; from only 78 in 1847 
their number grew to 2,056 (25% of the total population) in 
1897. The Jews of Khorol constituted a typical community of 
*Chabad Hasidim, described by B. *Dinur, a native of Khorol, 
in his memoirs Be-Olam she-Shaka (1958). Dinur's grandfa- 
ther, Abraham Madeyevski, was rabbi of Khorol in the second 
half of the 19 th century. There were schools for boys and girls 
as well as hadarim. In October 1905 a pogrom occurred, and 
in 1919 another pogrom was organized by soldiers of Gen- 
eral Denikin. In 1926 the Jewish population numbered 2,089 
(19.7%), but dropped to 701 (6.4% of the total population) in 
1939. The Germans occupied Khorol on September 13, 1941, 
and in October they murdered the 460 remaining Jews. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

KHOTIN (Hotin in Romanian; Khocim in Polish), town in 
Bessarabia, today Moldova. Jewish merchants traveling from 
Constantinople to Lvov in the 15 th and 16 th centuries used to 
pass through Khotin, then an important customs station on 
the Polish- Moldavian border on the commercial route be- 
tween Turkey and Poland. Similarly, Jewish merchants from 
Poland used to visit Khotin for the fairs held there, evidence 
for which dates from 1541. However, the residence of Jews in 
Khotin is first mentioned in documents in 1741. When the 
Frankist movement arose in nearby Podolia in the 18 th century 
(see Jacob *Frank and Frankists), Khotin, then under direct 
Turkish rule, served as a refuge for Frank and his followers 
when they were forced to leave Poland. In this period it also 
served as a refuge for * Judaizers who fled from Russia, and 
the community even sent emissaries to Germany to collect 
contributions for their maintenance. The Jews of Khotin then 
maintained a flourishing trade with the Ukraine and other re- 
gions of Bessarabia, and they also leased the management of 
estates and various branches of the farm economy. There were 
340 Jewish families in 1808. 

After the incorporation of Bessarabia into Russia in 1812 
the community grew as a result of the large Jewish immigra- 
tion into the region. The community numbered 6,342 in 1864 
and 9,227 (50.2% of the total population) in 1897. A Jewish 
government school was established in 1847 which encour- 
aged the growth of Haskalah; a private school for girls was 
opened in 1857. The Jews in Khotin were subject to the restric- 
tions on Jewish residence in the border zones, and suffered, 
mainly at the end of the 19 th century, from persecution by the 
authorities, who expelled them from Khotin on the grounds 
that they had no rights of residence in the city. In the first 
half of the 19 th century, Isaiah Schorr, one of the most impor- 
tant rabbis in Bessarabia in the period, officiated in Khotin. 
After Bessarabia was incorporated into Romania in 1918 the 
community led an active cultural and communal life. Before 
World War 11 its institutions included a hospital (founded in 
1865), an old-age home, a soup kitchen, a talmud torah y and 
a *Tarbut elementary school. It numbered 5,786 (37.7% of the 

total population) in 1930. 

[Eliyahu Feldman] 

Holocaust Period 

In 1940, after Khotin was incorporated into Soviet Russia, it 
had a Jewish population of 15,000, including some Russian 
Jews who had settled there. When war broke out with Ger- 
many a number of Jews managed to escape to other parts of 
the Soviet Union. The city was captured by German- Roma- 
nian forces on July 7, 1941. The Jews were ordered to stay in- 
doors, and detachments of soldiers, commanded by ss offi- 
cers, went from house to house and arrested some 2,000 of 
them who were taken to the city square and shot. A few days 
later the remaining Jewish population was ordered to assem- 
ble in the Jewish school, and all those found hiding were shot 
on the spot. At night the soldiers removed women and girls 
from the school and assaulted them, sometimes killing them 
afterward. After a few days spent without food or water, hun- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



dreds of Jews died, especially the sick, the old, and the very 
young. On the fifth day German troops, commanded by an 
ss officer, picked out Rabbi Twersky and 57 professional men 
among the detainees (lawyers, doctors, and teachers), took 
them to the outskirts, and killed them all. Meanwhile, the 
Jewish houses were looted by the local population. On Au- 
gust 1, the surviving Jews were taken to the village of Barnova, 
east of the town, where some of them were forced by the Ro- 
manian soldiers to dig their own graves, in which they were 
buried alive. The rest were sent to the concentration camp at 
Secureni (Sekiryany). The 3,800 Jews now left in the city of 
Khotin were marched to *Ataki, where many succumbed to an 
epidemic that broke out there. The survivors were sent back 
to Secureni, where hundreds more died of typhus and other 
diseases. Finally, the rest were deported to *Transnistria, from 
which only a few returned. Of the prewar Jewish community, 
only 500 Jews were left in 1945. 

In 1970 the Jewish population was estimated at about 
1,000. The Jews had their own cemetery, but there was no 


[Jean Ancel] 

bibliography: M. Carp, Cartea Neagrd, 3 (1947), 81; Herz- 
Kahn, in: Eynikeyt (Sept. 22, 1945). 

KHOURI, MAKRAM (1945- ), Israeli actor. Khouri, an 
Israeli Arab, was born in Jerusalem and raised in Acre. He 
performed with the Cameri Theater and then with the Haifa 
Municipal Theater. He appeared frequently on Arabic and 
Hebrew general Israeli television as well as on educational 
television and played in films. In 1987 he was awarded the 
Israel Prize for theater, cinema, and television arts. In addi- 
tion, Khouri was awarded the Moshe ha-Levi prize and the 
Kinnor David as the theater actor of the year in 1984. He was 
also awarded the Israeli Oscar as a film actor. Among his films 
are Wedding in Galilee (1987) and The Syrian Bride (2005). In 
2004 he was selected to play the Palestinian president in the 

tv series West Wing. 

[Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.) 

KHOUSHI (Schneller), ABBA (1898-1969), Israeli labor 
leader and mayor of Haifa. Born in Turka, Eastern Galicia, he 
was active in *He-Halutz and Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir in Galicia. 

■ ■ 

He settled in Palestine in 1920 and participated in the founding 
conference of the * Histadrut. In his first years in the country 
he worked in road construction, and also in the drainage of 
swamps in Nahalal and the Jezreel Valley. He was one of the 
founders of kibbutz Beit Alfa, where he engaged in agriculture. 
Khoushi gained a proficient knowledge of Arabic, and had nu- 
merous Arab acquaintances. In 1927 he settled in Haifa, where 
he organized dock workers in a trade union within the frame- 
work of the Histadrut, and helped to bring 500 Jewish dock 
workers to Palestine from Salonika. In 1931-51 Khoushi was 
the secretary of the Haifa Labor Council. On "Black Saturday," 
June 29, 1946, he managed to avoid detention. He was a mem- 
ber of Ahdut ha-Avodah, and later of Mapai. He was elected 

to the First Knesset on the Mapai list, but resigned in 1951 to 
be elected mayor of Haifa, against the background of the vio- 
lent seamen's strike that had broken out in Zim ships. Though 
Mapai objected to the seamen's strike that was supported by 
Mapam and the Communists, and the police in Haifa partici- 
pated in the efforts to break up the strike, Khoushi was known 
for his support of the workers in their industrial struggles, fre- 
quently demonstrating his contempt for the "bourgeoisie" of 
Mount Carmel. As mayor he invested great efforts in devel- 
oping Haifa, which remained the only city in Israel in which 
there is public transportation on Saturday, and constructed 
an underground funicular - the Carmelit - that connected 
Mount Carmel with the downtown area. He also promoted 
the creation of parks and places of recreation in the city, and 
was instrumental in helping establish the University of Haifa. 
He actively promoted good neighborly relations with the Arab 
residents of Haifa, and with the Druze settlements of Usfiyya 
and Daliyat al-Karmil on the outskirts of Haifa. 

He wrote Be-Veit Poalei Erez Yisrael ("In the Home of the 
Workers in Erez Yisrael," 1943). 

[Benjamin Jaffe / Susan Hattis Rolef (2 nd ed.)] 

KHURASAN (also Khorasan), province of N.E. ^Persia. The 
earliest mention of Jews living in Khurasan in the early fourth 
century appears in the Babylonian Talmud (Avodah Zarah 
31b), where the present city of Merv is written in its older 
form mrgw'n. The Tang-e Azao inscription written in He- 
brew script indicates the date 1064 Seleucid era/753-4 c.e. It 
was found in the Gur region in eastern Khurasan. In the same 
period a commercial note, also written in Hebrew script, was 
also found in eastern Khurasan in the place called Dandan 
Uiliq. In the Middle Ages Khurasan also included *Afghani- 
stan, Turkestan, and Transoxiana. Jewish history has a long 
association with Khurasan, which in some Hebrew sources 
was believed to be the dwelling place of the *Ten Lost Tribes. 
Reliable rabbinical, ^Karaite, and Muslim sources testify to 
a widely spread Jewish settlement in Khurasan. The caliph 
Omar 11 (717-720) ordered his governor in the province "not 
to destroy any synagogues, but also not to allow new ones to 
be erected." Muslim sources also speak of Jewish jewelers and 
poets from Khurasan in the period of the * Abbasid caliphate 
(750-1258). An interesting Jewish figure from the ninth cen- 
tury known as *Hiwi al-Balkhi was the resident of the city 
of Balkh situated in the far eastern part of then Khurasan. 
The Arab geographer al-Maqdisi (985) stated, "There are in 
Khurasan many Jews and only a few Christians." The Hebrew 
chronicle of *Nathan b. Isaac ha-Kohen ha-Bavli (10 th cen- 
tury) and the parallel version of *Seder Olam Zuta deal with a 
dispute between the head of the academy in *Pumbedita and 
the exilarch * Ukba concerning jurisdiction over the Jews in 
Khurasan. The Jewish authorities in * Baghdad used Khurasan 
as a place of exile for undesirables. Geonic literature speaks of 
a special Khurasan custom in matters of the calendar, marriage 
laws, and other halakhic subjects, but the Jews of Khurasan 
were enjoined by the Jewish authorities in Babylonia to com- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


ply with the Babylonian minhag. According to ^Benjamin 
of Tudela in the 12 th century the authority of the Exilarch in 
Baghdad extended over the communities of Khurasan. The 
Jews lived in the cities of Sistan, *Nishapur, *Merv, Kabul, 
Kandahar, Ghazni (see ^Afghanistan), *Balkh, and the region 
east of *Herat. During the 16 th century, Jews from Khurasan 
arrived in *India. They settled mainly in Old Delhi, Lahore, 
Kashmir, Agra, and Fatehpur. Many Jewish communities in 
Afghanistan and Turkestan were later augmented by Jews from 
*Meshed fleeing after the forced conversion of 1839. 

bibliography: Neubauer, Chronicles, 2 (1895), 78ff.; W.J. 
Fischel, in: hj, 7 (1945), 29-50. add. bibliography: M. Zand, 
"Bukhara," in: Encyclopaedia Iranica, ed. by E. Yarshater (1989), 
532 ff. 

[Walter Joseph Fischel / Amnon Netzer (2 nd ed.)] 

KHUST (Czech Chust or Huste; Hung. Huszt), city in Sub- 
carpathian Ruthenia (Transcarpathian district), Ukraine. The 
Jewish community established in the middle of the 18 th cen- 
tury numbered 14 families in 1792. Jacob of Zhidachov was 
appointed as the first rabbi in 1812. In the mid-i9 th century, 
the community became one of the largest and most impor- 
tant in northern Hungary, mainly through the authority of the 
Orthodox leader, Moses ^Schick, rabbi of Khust from 1861 to 
1879. Most of the Orthodox rabbis in Hungary were trained 
in his yeshivah, which had some 400 students. His successors, 
Amram *Blum and Moses *Grunwald (1893-1912), prevented 
the development of Hasidism in the community. Under 
Czechoslovakian rule (1920-38), Khust had an active Jewish 
life: five town councillors represented a United Jewish Party 
in 1923. The rabbi of the city from 1921 to 1933 was Joseph 
*Duschinsky, later rabbi of the separatist Orthodox com- 
munity of Jerusalem. The number of Jews living in the town 
was 3,391 in 1921, 4,821 in 1930, and 6,023 (of a total popula- 
tion of 21,118) in 1941. Most of the businesses and artisan shops 
in the town belonged to Jews, among them three banks, fac- 
tories, and flour mills. Among professionals were seven doc- 
tors, three pharmacists, and officials. The Jews of Khust were 
among the first to suffer when the area came under Hungar- 
ian rule in March 1939. Jewish men of military service age 
were forced into the labor battalions, some were sent to 
the Eastern front, where they perished. Hundreds without 
Hungarian citizenship were deported to Ukraine, and were 
murdered there. In 1942 there were approximately 100-130 
yeshivah students in Khust. In March 1944 there were 5,351 
Jews in Khust, and a ghetto and a Judenrat were set up. 
Another 5,000 Jews from the area were brought into the 
ghetto. In late May and early June, all ghetto inhabitants were 
deported in four transports to Auschwitz, where most of 
them were sent to gas chambers. In June 1944 the town was 
declared "*judenrein? A few dozen Jews volunteered for the 
Czechoslovakian army, which fought together with the Soviet 
army. After World War 11 the community was revived. In the 
late 1960s the authorities permitted a synagogue to open in 
Khust, the only one in the district, and the community had a 

shohet. At the time the number of Jewish families in the town 
was estimated at 400. 

bibliography: J.J.(L.) Greenwald (Grunwald), Mazzevat 
Kodesh (1952), 45-53; Y. Erez (ed.), Karpatorus (1959), passim; S. Ro- 
zman, Zikhron Kedoshim li-Yhudei Karpatorus-Marmorosh (1968, 
Yid.), 274-5, 322-7, 458-61, and passim. 

[Meir Lamed] 

KIBBUTZ FESTIVALS. Kibbutz celebrations originated in 
the 1920s and 1930s as an attempt to recapture the "ancient He- 
brew" - mainly the agricultural - character of Jewish holidays. 
(See Table: List of Published Texts of Kibbutz Festivals and 
Special Occasions.) Over the years they acquired a tradition of 
their own, as nearly two generations of kibbutz children grew 
up celebrating them. When the first kindergarten and school 
were established in each kibbutz, the settlers became aware 
of a need for festive occasions, both as an educational experi- 
ence for the children and to relieve the monotony of daily life. 
The traditional Jewish festivals thus served as the basis for a 
revival enriched by biblical and mishnaic sources. 


Passover (Pesah) was the first festival to be revived in its sea- 
sonal context, as it is both the Spring Festival and the Festival 
of Freedom. The kibbutz ^Haggadah - the Haggadah compiled 
at kibbutz Yagur was the prototype - was based on the theme 
of the Exodus from Egypt, but included events of a similar 
nature pertinent to modern Jewish history and kibbutz life, 
as well as appropriate passages from modern Hebrew litera- 
ture. The *seder was held in public and became an elaborate 
function, with music and dancing, for members, children, and 
guests. The 1985 Haggadah of the Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad move- 
ment reflected a tendency to return to traditional materials. 

The Counting of the Omer 

The counting of the Omer (Sefirat ha-Omer). An *omer festi- 
val based on biblical and mishnaic sources was inaugurated, 
symbolizing the harvesting of the first ripe grain. On the eve 
of the first day of Passover, kibbutz members and their chil- 
dren formed a procession and went singing and dancing to 
the fields. A number of ears of grain were ceremonially cut, 
to be placed in the communal dining hall as part of the Pass- 
over decorations. 

The Festival of the First Fruits 

The Festival of the First Fruits (Hagigat ha-Bikkurim) takes 
place during the Feast of Weeks (Shavuot) and marks the 
peak of the first grain harvest and the first ripe fruits. The 
seven species mentioned in the Bible (wheat, barley, vines, 
pomegranates, olive trees, fig trees, and honey; Deut. 8:8) are 
represented graphically and through song and dance. There 
were also mass rallies to bring offerings of first fruits to the 
* Jewish National Fund. 

The Sheepshearing Festival 

The Sheepshearing Festival (Hagigat ha-Gez) originated in 
the 1920s in the Valley of Jezreel, and is based on biblical 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



sources. It was celebrated only in kibbutzim that own flocks, 
and symbolizes the joy of the shepherd when the shearing is 
finished. The last sheep is ceremonially sheared to the accom- 
paniment of singing and dancing. Short plays are performed, 
usually on the theme of i Samuel 25 (the story of Abigail and 
Nabal), and displays of woolen goods and art on pastoral 
themes are held. 

The Festival of the Vineyards 

The Festival of the Vineyards (Hagigat ha-Keramim). Several 
attempts were made to revive this festival, mentioned in the 
Mishnah (Ta'an. 4:8) and held on the 15 th of Av. Festivities com- 
bined music, choreography, poetry, and love songs. 

The Harvest Festival 

The Harvest Festival (Hagigat ha-Asif) y which was added in 
the 1950s to Tabernacles (Sukkot), has as its themes the gath- 
ering of the second grain crop and the autumn fruit, the start 
of the agricultural year, and the first rains. Based on the Wa- 
ter-Drawing (Bet ha-Shoevah) Festival (Mish. Suk. 5:1-4), it 
is celebrated in some kibbutzim at night around the swim- 
ming pool. 

Anniversaries of events important in the history of a par- 
ticular kibbutz inspire many pageants, acted by the members 
and their children. Marriage and bar mitzvah ceremonies are 
celebrated, as are Children's Day, and the day on which the 
young people of the kibbutz become members. Martyrs and 
Heroes Day on the anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Upris- 
ing (the 27 th of Nisan) commemorates the victims of the Ho- 
locaust and is marked by memorial ceremonies and dramas on 
the subject of the Warsaw Ghetto and other Jewish resistance. 
Other festivals, such as the 15 th of Shevat, Hanukkah, and Israel 
Independence Day (the 5 th of Iyyar) are celebrated, but they 
do not take a form peculiar to the kibbutz. Kibbutz festivals 
symbolize the new life and farming background of the settlers, 
and are a rich treasure of Jewish folklore and culture. Provid- 
ing outlets for the talents of those kibbutz members who are 
artists, poets, composers, producers, and choreographers, the 
festivals are a distinct contribution to Israel culture. An archive 
housed in Kibbutz Beit ha-Shitah contains extensive informa- 
tion about kibbutz festivals and cultural life. 

List of Published Texts of Kibbutz Festivals and Special Occasions 

Name of Work 

Author Composer Publisher 

Name of Work 

Author Composer Publisher 

Yagur Haggadah 



The Center for 

(for Passover) 



Education and Culture 


of the Histadrut 

Zikhron Hava'at 


Mo 'adim series, 



"Pesah," (5.3.1946) 

(Omer Celebration) 

JNF and Ommanut 
magazine (M. Lipson, 

Hava'at ha-Omer 



The Center for 

(Omer Celebration) 



Education and Culture 
of the Histadrut 

Massekhet ha-Omer 

An ad ad 


Reprint, Kibbutz Hefzi- 

(Omer Celebration) 




Bi-Sedeh Kozerim 




The Center for 

(pageant for the First 



Education and Culture 

Fruits Festival) 

of the Histadrut 

Kovez Hag ha-Gez 



Aguddat ha-Nokedim 







Shirim le-Tu be-Av 

Dov Shay 



in Y. Yaron, Rinnot,ihe 



Center for Education 
and Culture of the 

Shirim u-Meholot le- 



Reprint, Kibbutz Kiryat 

Tu be-Av (pageant) 





Simhat Beit ha- 



Onot, no. 4, Ha-Kibbutz 

Sho 'evah u-Mo 'adei 




ha-Mayim (Water 


Simhat Beit ha- 



• • 


Kibbutz ha-Dati (1958) 

Sho'evah (pageant 



for Water Festival) 

Tekes Hag ha- As if 



The Center for 

(Harvest Festival) 



Education and Culture 
of the Histadrut 

Yalkut Bar Mitzvah 



Aryeh Ben-Gurion (ed.), 

(bar mitzvah 



Va'adat ha-Haggim ha- 

ceremony, anthology) 


Massekhet ha- 

Va'adat ha-Haggim ha- 

sh 0' ah ve-ha- 


Gevurah (anthology 

for Holocaust 

Memorial Day) 

Kovez "B" ie-Yom 

Zevi Shua, 

Va'adat ha-Haggim 



ha-Bein-kibbutzit and 

"Ha-Sho'ah ve-ha- 


Moreshet (1968) 

Mered" (Holocaust 

Memorial Day) 

"Kelulot" (for kibbutz 


Ha-Va'adah ha-Bein- 



kibbutzit le-Havvai u- 

Kibbutz festivals for Israel's 20th anniversary: 



David Ori 

Ha-Musikah ha- 

(choreographic play) 


Yisra'elit, Ltd. (1968) 

"La-Hag Mizmor" 



Ha-Merkaz le-Tarbut u- 

(Cantata for choir 



le-Hinnukh (1968) 

and orchestra) 

Songs for 

The Music Committee 


of Kibbutz Arzi - ha- 



Shomer ha-Za'ir 


Anniversary celebrations (playlets) 


Various kibbutzim 

[Matityahu Shelem] 



ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


KIBBUTZ MOVEMENT. The kibbutz, or kevuzah (plu- 
ral: kibbutzim, kevuzot) is a voluntary collective community, 
mainly agricultural, in which there is no private wealth and 
which is responsible for all the needs of the members and 
their families. The kibbutz movement in Israel in 1969 num- 
bered 93,000 people in 231 kibbutzim and kevuzot organized 
in several federations according to social, political, and re- 
ligious outlook. Since that time the kibbutz has undergone 
enormous changes, distancing itself from the classic model 
(see below) and becoming what its founders never dreamed 
it would become. 

The first kevuzah was founded in 1909 at *Deganyah by a 
group of pioneers, who, after working at first as employees of 
the Palestine Land Development Company, undertook collec- 
tive responsibility for the working of the farm. Another group, 
which started work at * Kinneret in the same year, became an 
independent kevuzah in 1913. By 1914 there were 11 kevuzot 
established on Jewish National Fund land under the respon- 
sibility of the Zionist Organization, and the number grew to 
29 by the end of 1918. The early kevuzot had small member- 
ships based upon the idea that the community should be small 
enough to constitute a kind of enlarged family. During the 
Third Aliyah, after World War 1, when larger numbers of pio- 
neering settlers (halutzim) arrived, Shelomo *Lavi and others 
proposed the establishment of large, self-sufficient villages, 
combining agriculture with industry, for which the name "kib- 
butz" was used. The first of this type was *En Harod, founded 
in 1921, and many others followed. Later, however, the distinc- 
tion between the two terms almost disappeared. The kibbutzim 
and kevuzot combined to establish federations in accordance 
with their social character, political affiliations, or religious 
outlook: Hever ha-Kevuzot, founded in 1925 (later merged in 
Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve- ha- Kibbutzim); Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi ha- 
Shomer ha-Za'ir, and Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad, both founded 
in 1927; and Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati, founded in 1935. In 1979 the 
two kibbutz organizations, Kibbutz Ha-Meuhad and Ihud Ha- 
Kevutzot ve-ha-Kibbutzim reunited after 28 years of separation 
to form the Ha-Tenuah ha-Kibbuzit ha-Meuhedet (TaKaM). 
(For separate accounts, see below.) 

The kibbutzim received their manpower mainly from the 
pioneering youth movements abroad and, in their turn, pro- 
vided the movements with a practical ideal of pioneering set- 
tlement on the land in order to make a major contribution to 
the building of the Jewish National Home and create a model 
and a basis for the socialist society of the future. They played 
an important part in expanding the map of Jewish settlement 
and safeguarding the growing community. In the late 1930s 
many were set up overnight on the *Tower and Stockade plan 
so as to forestall official obstruction and Arab attack. The kib- 
butzim served as bases for the *Haganah defense force and 
later the * Palmah, its commando section. Most of the new 
villages established under emergency conditions during and 
immediately after World War 11, especially in the Negev, were 
kibbutzim. By the establishment of independence, they num- 
bered 149 out of the 291 Jewish villages in the country. 

In 1948 and 1949 the momentum of kibbutz expansion 
continued: out of 175 new villages founded during the two 
years, 79 were kibbutzim. The Jews from Muslim countries and 
survivors of the Holocaust who arrived in enormous numbers 
during the early years of the state were not favorably disposed 
to the kibbutz idea, however, and most of them preferred to 
settle in *moshavim. Youngsters born or brought up in Israel, 
including the second or third generation from older kibbut- 
zim and graduates of * Youth Aliyah and Israel youth move- 
ments, became more prominent among the founders of new 
kibbutzim, especially in the Negev and, after the Six- Day War 
(1967), in the Golan Heights. 

The Original Character of the Kibbutz 

The kibbutz was a unique product of the Zionist labor move- 
ment and the Jewish national revival. It was not conceived 
theoretically as an escapist or Utopian project; it was devel- 
oped by Jewish workers inspired by ideas of social justice as 
an integral part of the Zionist effort to resettle the homeland. 
From its inception, the kibbutz movement played a pioneer- 
ing role in the economic, political, cultural, and security ac- 
tivities required to carry out that purpose. The movement 
was composed of people from different countries and back- 
grounds, and of varying political beliefs. Some communities 
were inspired by A.D. * Gordons ethical Jewish identification 
with nature and of physical labor as the supreme human value. 
Others cherished the tradition of the * Gedud ha- Avodah of 
the early 1920s, which regarded itself as a militant construc- 
tive task force. Others, again, do not regard themselves as a 
part of the socialist movement, while a number of kibbutzim 
(mostly organized in Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati) have been estab- 
lished by religious Jews and combine communal life with the 
fulfillment of the laws of the Torah. 

In the early 1950s differences of opinion over Marxist 
theory and support for pro-Soviet policies led to a split in Ha- 
Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad, and one section joined with Hever ha- 
Kevuzot to form Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve-ha-Kibbutzim. Ha-Kib- 

• * * 

butz ha-Arzi Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir, believing that the kibbutz 
as an economic unit could not be divorced from its political 
ideals, regarded itself as a political unit as well. Over the years, 
each of the federations was associated to a greater or lesser de- 
gree with one of the Israel parties. With the passage of time, 
many of the initial differences between one type of kibbutz and 
another disappeared. Most of the small, purely agricultural 
ones grew and established industries, and the differences be- 
tween the small kevuzah and the large kibbutz vanished. With 
the intensification of Soviet hostility to Israel, the attitude to 
the U.S.S.R. ceased, to all intents and purposes, to be a divid- 
ing factor, especially since the Six-Day War. There was an in- 
creasing trend toward inter-kibbutz activity and cooperation 
in all spheres, ranging from education to the economy. 

The movement was supported from its inception by 
Zionist and Israel government agencies with long-term leases 
of national land, technical advice, development projects, and 
long-term financing. Through a special corps, *Nahal, com- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



posed of youth movement graduates, the Israel Defense Forces 
trained nuclei of future kibbutzim and helped in their estab- 
lishment. Sites for new kibbutzim were chosen in the light of 
national settlement and defense policy, often at the expense 
of economic viability Many of them were in border areas and 
played an important part in the regional defense system. 


In the classic model, the basis of kibbutz administration was a 
weekly general meeting of the membership, which formulated 
policy, elected officers, and superviseed the overall working 
of the community. Candidates for membership were usually 
accepted after a year's probation. Kibbutzim were incorpo- 
rated cooperative enterprises, and generally speaking mem- 
bers transferred all assets, other than personal effects, to the 
kibbutz. If a member decided to leave he was entitled to his 
personal effects and, in line with a later decision of the move- 
ment, to a cash grant proportional to the time he had been in 
the kibbutz. Uniform national bylaws governing individual 
rights in the kibbutz were approved. 

Affairs of the kibbutz were conducted by elected com- 
mittees, the principal one being the secretariat, which usually 
consisted of a secretary, treasurer, chairmen of some of the 
key committees, the production manager, and others. There 
were committees in charge of education, cultural activities, 
questions of principle and personal problems of members, 
economic planning, coordination of work, and nominations. 
Elective positions, including managerial ones, were rotated 
every year or two. 

The kibbutz federations provided financial assistance to 
their member villages through independent loan funds and 
national negotiation with financial and governmental institu- 
tions. They offered technical advisory services ranging from 
economic analysis to the planning of communal kitchens and 
laundries. Central purchasing and marketing services cut costs 
for individual kibbutzim and a special department dealt with 
kibbutz-based industry. They operated their own psychologi- 
cal clinics for children (including a school for disturbed chil- 
dren) and, in cooperation with institutions of higher learning, 
offered courses in specific branches of technology, agriculture, 
and kibbutz management. Cultural activities ranged from 
movement -wide choirs and amateur orchestras to regional 
schools for adult education on a non- university and university 
level. The kibbutz federations were joined together in Berit ha- 
Tenu ah ha-Kibbutzit ("Kibbutz Movement Alliance"), which 
coordinated their activities in the many areas in which they 
cooperated. The three major ones jointly operated Israel's larg- 
est teachers' training college - Seminar ha- Kibbutzim. 

Each federation operated an ideological center, where 
seminars were conducted, and published bulletins and jour- 
nals of letters and opinion. Berit ha-Tenu'ah ha-Kibbutzit 
established a company for the production of television ma- 
terial on kibbutz topics. Each federation negotiated with its 
kibbutzim for manpower for general movement activity, not 
only within the movement itself but in the Zionist and labor 

movements and in government service. There was an increas- 
ing degree of regional cooperation cutting across federation 
boundaries. This included regional secondary schools, youth 
and cultural activity, and large regional economic and indus- 
trial complexes - including plants for canning, poultry slaugh- 
tering and dressing, packing and fodder preparation, cotton 
gins and large silos, trucking and hauling cooperatives, and 
large regional garages. 

Social and Educational Aspects 

The kibbutz movement believed in personal labor and placed 
equal value on all kinds of work. In the course of time people 
took up more or less permanent jobs, but there was a great deal 
of work mobility. With economic expansion and the increas- 
ing technical complexity of the kibbutz economy, it became 
necessary in many instances to hire outside labor in contra- 
diction to the movement's socialist principles. It was hoped to 
solve this problem in the course of time with increased popu- 
lation and efficiency. Another problem which the movement 
tried to solve was the absorption of the increasing proportion 
of members who pursued academic or professional careers, of- 
ten outside the kibbutz, while retaining their membership. 

The kibbutz provided a complete spectrum of services to 
its members, ranging from razor blades to housing and from 
honeymoons to financial aid for dependents living outside, 
with complete medical coverage. Each kibbutz had a com- 
munal dining hall, laundry, and tailor shop. With the rise in 
the standard of living, increasing allowance was made for in- 
dividual tastes and for spending in accordance with personal 
inclination on clothing, furnishings, cultural activities, hob- 
bies, vacations, and so forth. 

Up to 1970, in all but some dozen kibbutzim children 
lived in children's houses, which included sleeping quarters 
and play and study rooms, where community living was taught 
from the very earliest age. They were part of an organized 
children's community, living, eating, and studying together; 
in some ways they constituted a miniature kibbutz, conduct- 
ing their own affairs, with the advice of teachers and group 
leaders, and in many kibbutzim operating their own small 
farms. Children "graduated" from one house to another as 
they advanced in age. Mothers - especially, of course, when 
nursing - visited their children frequently during the day, and 
after work the children were with their parents. People work- 
ing with children were trained in kibbutz-sponsored courses, 
ranging from intensive three-month seminars to full-fledged 
kindergarten and teacher training. The kibbutz school differed 
from the city school in its emphasis on agriculture and on 
work as an integral part of the curriculum. It was considered 
an extension of the children's society, so that the teacher-pupil 
relationship was close and informal. All kibbutz children con- 
tinued through secondary school; the increasing number who 
intended to go on to higher education were prepared for the 
matriculation examinations. A number of kibbutzim, princi- 
pally among those belonging to the Ihud, changed the system 
to provide for children sleeping in the homes of their parents. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Advocates of the change believed that it enhanced the psycho- 
logical security of the child, as well as improving the position 
of the woman and the family in the kibbutz. The effect of the 
kibbutz and its educational system on its children has been 
extensively studied. Research has not shown significant indi- 
cations of maternal deprivation, though some psychologists 
have found some signs of this at the younger ages. They feel, 
however, that this was overcome at a later age by the power- 
ful supporting environment. 

There were some kibbutzim in which the third, and in 
a few even the fourth, generation had reached maturity, and 
a goodly number in which the kibbutz-born had become the 
dominant group. Through 1970 over 75% of the latter remained 
in the kibbutz, despite the attraction of the cities. Though only 
4% of the total population of Israel, their percentage among 
army officers was three or four times as high. A quarter of all 
the casualties in the Six- Day War were soldiers from kibbut- 
zim. More direct and practical than their parents, and less 
given to hairsplitting ideology, it was the young people who 
were the principal force pushing toward the ultimate unifica- 
tion of the movement. 

Some sociological studies have shown that although there 
was no material basis for social stratification, elements of such 
stratification did exist on the basis of social prestige or kinds 
of work. There were some differences in personal possessions 
as well, due to outside sources of income such as gifts, repara- 
tions from Germany, or inheritances, which were not always 
handed in to the kibbutz in their entirety, though very large 
sums of money received by beneficiaries of reparations were 
handed over to the kibbutzim. Women were disappointed at 
times in their relationship with the kibbutz community. The 
idea of freeing women from household chores so that they 
could work at other tasks was one of the prime aims of the 
movement, but this became increasingly difficult as a kibbutz 
grew older and pressure was generated for increased work 
in child care and household services. Kibbutzim attempted 
to improve the personal and family status of women by im- 
proving physical conditions of work in the services, by rais- 
ing the work level of a profession through training and study, 
and, in some cases, by reducing working hours for women 
with families. 

The kibbutz movement was a major factor in the activi- 
ties of the Zionist movement and the State of Israel. Its influ- 
ence was both moral and practical, ranging from settlement 
and security functions (including settling new areas after the 
Six-Day War), to the absorption of immigrants and Youth 
Aliyah children, and the provision of leading personnel for 
Zionist and government service. The number of kibbutz mem- 
bers in the Knesset and among army officers was far beyond 
their proportion in the population. This influence is indicated 
by such diverse statistics as the fact that in 1970 its production 
accounted for 12% of Israel's gross national product, and that 
more than 20 members of the Knesset were kibbutz mem- 
bers. In the late 1960s the movement was increasing in size at 
the rate of about 2-3% a year. Although it had become an es- 

tablished institution, it was still demonstrating a capacity for 
changing with the times. 

Ihud ha-Kevuzot ve-ha-Kibbutzim 


Ihudha-Kevutzot ve-ha- Kibbutzim (Heb. "Union of Collec- 
tive Settlements") was founded in 1951 through the unifica- 
tion of Hever ha-Kevuzot and Ihud ha- Kibbutzim, which had 
split off from Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad (see below). In 1969 
it comprised 81 communities, with a total population of about 
30,000. Hever ha-Kevuzot was the federation of the smaller, 
purely agricultural collective settlements, many of whose 
members believed in the ethical socialist concepts of A.D. 
^Gordon, and most of whom belonged to *Mapai, the Israel 
Labor Party; it included such long-established villages as 
*Deganyah and *Geva. The Ihud ha- Kibbutzim settlements 
also leaned toward Mapai. The Ihud was considered the 
most liberal of the three major kibbutz federations, allowing 
for more diversity and imposing less social or political disci- 
pline. In 1970, for example, children slept in the parents' homes 
in more than a dozen of its villages, though most of the other 
kibbutzim regard the dormitory system as apart of the move- 
ment's educational methods. A number of Ihud kibbutzim 
also allowed for more latitude in the spending of personal 
funds. In 1953, the non-socialist kibbutzim of *Ha-No'ar 
ha-Ziyyoni, associated with the Independent Liberal Party, 
joined the Ihud on condition of educational and political au- 

Each kibbutz elected its representatives to the national 
executive, and the national secretariat consisted of mem- 
bers drafted from the kibbutzim. The movement operated a 
loan fund, purchasing services, and departments for economic 
planning and assistance, social and ideological problems, 
education, youth work, military security, manpower, and 
immigrant absorption. It delegated members for work in 
youth movements both in Israel and abroad, in Zionist and 
political affairs, in the labor movement, and in government 
service. It conducted a variety of seminars and courses in 
cultural and technical subjects. It cooperated with the other 
kibbutz federations in operating Seminar ha- Kibbutzim 
for training teachers, and at its convention in 1969 it decided 
actively to encourage university education for members. The 
kibbutzim conducted their own elementary schools and re- 
gional secondary schools, attended in some areas by chil- 
dren from moshavim and Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad communi- 
ties as well. 

The movement published a weekly bulletin, Iggeret la- 
Haverim (from 1951); a quarterly journal, Mv ha-Kevuzah 
(from 1930); a bimonthly journal of opinion, Shedemot (from 
1948); and a periodical for educators, Iggeret le-Hinnukh (from 
1952). It organized regional and national cultural activities, 
such as discussion circles and the federation's choir. The youth 
of the movement was affiliated as a group to *Ha-No'ar ha- 
Oved, the Histadrut's youth section. The Ihud had a special 
relationship with a number of youth movements in Israel and 
abroad, sending youth workers to them and receiving rein- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



forcements from them. Among these are Ha-No'ar ha-Oved, 
Ha-Zofim (see *Scouts), *Ihud ha-Bonim, and La-Merhav 

[Moshe Kerem] 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi-ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir 

Founded in 1927, comprised 73 kibbutzim and two *Nahal out- 
posts in 1969. Its ideological basis was a belief in the kibbutz 
as an instrument for fulfilling the Zionist ideal, furthering 
the class struggle, and building a Socialist society. Its found- 
ing members, who belonged to the *Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir 
("Young Guard") youth movement, came from Poland and 
Galicia in 1919, and in 1920 established the movements first 
kibbutz, which settled at *Bet Alfa in 1922. By 1927 there were 
six Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir kibbutzim, four of which founded 
Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi. In the 40 years that followed, the popu- 
lation of its villages grew from 249 members and 19 children 
to over 31,000 persons, of whom some 16,000 were members 
and 10,000 children. 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi ("The National Kibbutz [Move- 
ment] ") regarded the kibbutz as an autonomous unit of social 
life, comprehending all spheres of economic, social, cultural, 
political, and educational activity, which were developed on 
principles laid down by the movement as a whole - both as 
an instrument for the realization of Zionism, the class strug- 
gle and the building of Socialism, and as an end in itself: the 
archetype of the Socialist society. Through continual democ- 
racy in all fields, the movement strove to develop a common 
outlook on life that united all its members (the so-called "ide- 
ological collectivism"). Its ideology was founded on pioneer- 
ing Zionism paving the way for mass aliyah, the kibbutz way 
of life, integration of settlement work with political activity, 
Jewish political independence combined with Jewish -Arab 
cooperation, and the defense of Israel's security coupled with 
unremitting efforts to achieve peace. 

From the start, Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi favored a union of 
all workers, including those in the cities, based on Zionist 
pioneering and Socialist principles. Since such a union failed 
to materialize, a Socialist League was formed in 1936 as its 
political partner. In 1946 they combined to form the Ha- 
Shomer ha-Za'ir party, which, in turn, joined with two other 
groups in 1948 to found *Mapam, the United Workers' Party, 
of which Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi with its constituent kibbutzim 
was an integral part. 

Members of Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi played a prominent 
part in the struggle for Jewish independence. They formed 
the first Tower and Stockade settlement, Tel Amal (Nir David) 
in 1936; many of them joined the supernumerary police, the 
Jewish units in the British army, and the Jewish Brigade; and 
they made an important contribution to Aliyah Bet (* "illegal 
immigration") and the founding of the *Palmah. 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi regarded the education of its mem- 
bers' children as a matter of central importance. It trained 
them for active and creative participation in collective life, 
employing youth movement traditions and progressive edu- 
cational methods. There were independent children's commu- 

nities, covering the first six years of schooling, in almost ev- 
ery kibbutz, as well as 25 schools serving the kibbutzim, with 
youth communities covering the 7 th -i2 th school years,and a 
teachers' training seminar at Givat Havivah. The aim of the 
movement's educational institutions was to inculcate a general 
philosophy of life, and not mere booklearning. Some 4,800 of 
their alumni became kibbutz members and in 1967 the first 
group aiming at the formation of a new kibbutz was founded. 
Members of the older kibbutzim served an additional year in 
newer kibbutzim after completing their army service. 

Although Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi had as its primary objec- 
tive the development of agriculture, most kibbutzim started up 
industrial plants. In 1968, the movement's agricultural output 
was valued at il 168,000,000 ($48,000,000), or 9.9% of ag- 
ricultural output in the country, and the industrial output at 
il 98,500,000 ($28,000,000). Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi published 
various periodicals for its members. It maintained a publish- 
ing house, Sifriat ha-Poalim, founded in 1931, which had is- 
sued about 1,000 books by 1970, and the Moreshet Institute 
for research on the Holocaust, established in 1962. The high- 
est authority in Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi was the triennial conven- 
tion, which had committees that meet annually. The conven- 
tion chose an executive council, which appointed a secretariat. 
Younger members had their own sectional organization. 

[Yaakov Arie Hazan] 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad 

Founded in 1927, Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad ("The United Kib- 
butz [Movement] ") was a national organization of kibbutzim 
united by a common concept of the kibbutz and a common ap- 
proach to the building of a labor society in the Land of Israel. 
The ideology of the movement was based on the following 
principles: the kibbutz should be a large settlement, with no 
predetermined limit to the number of members; it should be 
open to all comers and should not restrict itself to the gradu- 
ates of any particular youth movement; it should engage in all 
forms of essential production, both agricultural and indus- 
trial; it should play a role in the integration of newcomers to 
the country by aiming at a membership representing a wide 
range of geographic origin. The first kibbutz with these aims 
was En Harod (founded in 1921 by *Gedud ha-Avodah, "the 
Labor Legion") and when the Kibbutz Me'uhad movement 
was founded, at a conference in Petah Tikvah in 1927, it was 
based on En Harod, groups of newcomers, and local youth 
from the moshavot. Other kibbutzim joined in 1929, and a 
second conference, held at Yagur in 1936, further elaborated 
the movement's principles. It exercises authority over the kib- 
butzim of the movement in matters of ideology, each kibbutz 
being autonomous in administration and finance. From its 
foundation, it regarded Yizhak * Tabenkin of En Harod as its 
spiritual and ideological leader. During the Mandatory regime 
Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad played a large part in the defense of 
the yishuVy the organization of "illegal" immigration, and the 
struggle for independence, with a special role in the creation 
and maintenance of the Palmah. The movement's kibbutzim 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


were scattered all over Israel, and it prided itself that their lo- 
cation had always been determined by the country's pioneer- 
ing needs. Thus the first Jewish settlement to be established 
on the Golan Heights after the Six-Day War was founded by 
Ha- Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad, conforming to the principle, adopted 
at the 1955 conference held at Givat Brenner, that "the natural 
borders of Erez Israel are those of the historic homeland of 
the Jewish people, and this is the area for aliyah, settlement, 
and the realization of the Zionist program." 

Most of the movements members belonged in the 1940s 
to the left-wing faction of Mapai. When the latter split in 1944, 
Ha- Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad was the nucleus of the newly formed 
Si'ah Bet (b Faction), later *Ahdut ha-Avodah, which joined 
with Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir in 1945 to form Mapam, though a 
minority remained in Mapai. Owing to the fact that its mem- 
bers came from a variety of youth movements, there was never 
a dearth of internal political and social controversy in the 
movement and its kibbutzim. Differences came to a head as a 
result of the growing intensity of the struggle between Mapai 
and Mapam and the decision of the Mapai minority to set up 
its own cultural and educational institutions. At a meeting 
of the movement's council, held at Na'an in 1951, kibbutzim 
with a Mapai majority seceded and formed ihud ha- Kibbut- 
zim, which joined with Hever ha-Kevuzot to form Ihud ha- 
Kibbutzim ve-ha Kevuzot. Four kibbutzim (one of them En 
Harod itself), which were evenly divided between Mapai and 
Mapam, were each split into two separate settlements. 

Members of Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad have figured prom- 
inently among the founders and leaders of the Israel labor 
movement and the Haganah, officers in the Israel forces in 
the War of Independence, authors and artists, Knesset mem- 
bers and cabinet ministers. Always a strong advocate of the 
unification of the labor movement, it supported the forma- 
tion of the Israel Labor Party, which was joined by practically 
all its members. Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad had a chain of eco- 
nomic enterprises and cultural and social institutions: Keren 
ha- Kibbutz and Mishkei ha- Kibbutz, its major financial and 
economic instruments; Efal, a center for higher education 
and leadership training; Mi-Bifnim ("From Within"), an ideo- 
logical quarterly; and Ba-Kibbutz, a weekly. It also published 
periodicals for youth and others dealing with education, cul- 
ture, etc. Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad publishing house issued 
700 original works up to 1968. The movement maintained a 
museum and research center for the study of the history of 
the Holocaust, Beit Yizhak Katznelson, at Kibbutz *Lohamei 
ha-Getta'ot, and an art museum, Ha-Mishkan le-Ommanut, 
at En Harod. 

In 1968 it comprised 58 settlements, with a population of 
some 25,000. One of these, Givat Brenner (population 1,604), 
was the largest kibbutz in the country. In the 1960s the popu- 
lation of the settlements grew by an average of 3.5% per year. 
The area under cultivation was 12,500 acres (50,000 dunams), 
and the number of industrial enterprises was 45, with a turn- 
over of about 1150,000,000. 

[Shlomo Derech] 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati (Heb. "The Religious Kibbutz"), the union 
of *Ha-Po'el ha-Mizrachi kibbutzim, was established in 1935 
by four religious pioneer groups consisting of members of 
Bahad (see *Mizrachi)-Ha-Po'el Ha-Mizrachi from Germany 
and the Mizrachi Pioneers from Poland. Most of its develop- 
ment took place before Israel's independence. Seven pioneer 
groups were founded before 1940 and another nine before 
1948. Ten groups were able to establish kibbutzim: three in the 
Beth-Shean valley (Tirat Zevi, Sedeh Eliyahu, En ha-Naziv), 
three in the Hebron hills (Gush Ezyon), three in the neigh- 
borhood of Gaza (Bee rot Yizhak, Sa'ad and Kefar Darom), 
and Yavneh. Two more were founded in 1948 - Sheluhot in 
the Beth-Shean Valley and Lavi in Lower Galilee. Six of the 
villages, which were situated at the edge of the Jewish area 
in a completely Arab district, were totally destroyed during 
the War of Independence and many of the adult population 
were killed. They were reestablished later, three of them as 
*moshavim shittufiyyim. After a lengthy period of stagnation, 
most of the religious kibbutzim recovered in the 1960s and 
numbered among the most flourishing in the country. One 
new kibbutz, Alummim, was founded in 1966, and at the end 
of 1967 Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati had 11 member settlements with a 
total population of 4,000, including Nahal outposts on Mount 
Gilboa and at Kefar Ezyon. 

principles. Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati was based, from the be- 
ginning, on the idea of combining religious practice with 
labor - Torah va-Avodah. Its founders believed that the best 
means to this end is the communal group, within the frame- 
work of which the community can carry out religious pre- 
cepts in daily life; this attitude was in contrast to the general 
view of Ha-Poel Ha-Mizrachi of the time. While implement- 
ing the general kibbutz principles of communal production 
and consumption, equality, self-labor, and pioneering, it also 
emphasized the importance of Jewish religious tradition. Its 
religious socialism was founded on prophetic concepts of so- 
cial justice and talmudic principles of human relations and 
good government; as regards their attitude to contemporary 
problems, its way was that of religious socialism. It regarded 
democracy as a basic value of the kibbutz, and not merely as 
a corollary of equality. In its view, communal ownership was 
important not only for economic reasons but as an expression 
of religious and human attitudes. 

public activities. Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati aimed at establish- 
ing a self-contained religious society as a major instrument 
for bringing about religious renewal under present conditions 
of national renascence and the resettlement of Erez Israel. It 
developed an approach of its own to the celebration of Inde- 
pendence Day, army service for girls, public prayer, shemittah, 
and so forth. It aimed at establishing groups of kibbutzim in 
the same area, with a view to developing regional activities in 
education and economy in accordance with its principles. 

Ha-Kibbutz ha-Dati influenced public life in Israel in 
various ways: it was among the founders of * Youth Aliyah 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



and of various religious youth villages, yeshivot, and other 
educational institutions, and it provided help and guidance 
for the *Bnei Akiva youth movement. Politically, it expressed 
its independent view within the frameworks of Ha-Po'el ha- 
Mizrachi and the ^National Religious Party, having been in- 
strumental in the establishment of La-Mifneh, the left-wing 
faction in these movements. The association published a jour- 
nal, Ammudim (called Alonim 1938-49, Yedibt ha-Kibbutz 
ha-Dati 1951-56), which appeared monthly and was devoted 
to questions of the religious public and the state, apart from 

purely internal affairs. 

[Moshe Unna] 

The Beginnings of Change 

The period commencing in 1977 was particularly significant 
because of a series of events that had unusual importance for 
the kibbutz movement. The first event was the political up- 
heaval of 1977, in which the Labor Alignment - to which the 
decisive majority of kibbutzim belonged - lost control of the 
government, which it had held in various coalitions since the 
establishment of the state. The change in the political condi- 
tions had far-reaching effects in many areas of the kibbutz: 
these were felt only several years later. In an apparent paradox, 
the years of the Likud government, 1977-1984, were a period of 
rapid economic growth and development in the kibbutz move- 
ment. However, at the end of this period an economic crisis 
began, with social consequences within the kibbutzim them- 
selves. According to some analyses, the sources of their subse- 
quent problems are to be found in the long-term consequences 
of the economic policies carried out by the Likud government. 
The political changes also sped up the processes of change in 
the structure of the kibbutz movement, which culminated in 
the unification of the Ihud ha-Kibbutzim and the Kibbutz ha- 
Me'uhad movements in the United Kibbutz Movement (ukm 
Takam in Hebrew). One of the main justifications for the uni- 
fication was the necessity for the creation of a large and united 
kibbutz body which would aid in renewing the labor move- 
ment and in influencing the general Israeli society. 

As a basis for understanding these events, three struc- 
tural developments, which had previously taken place within 
the kibbutzim, must be noted: 

(1) The kibbutzim were no longer small, rural, commu- 
nal farms, but were now large settlements, with a varied eco- 
nomic base, with several generations born and living there, 
plus new members from all over the world. 

(2) There was a transformation from almost complete 
dependence on agriculture as a source of income to a com- 
plex economic formation, integrating agriculture, industries 
of many kinds, educational and service systems, and con- 
nections to large and powerful local and national economic 
and financial institutions, both in and outside of the kibbutz 
movement itself. 

(3) A noticeable rise occurred in the standard of living 
in the kibbutzim, which made possible the meeting of more 
varied material and personal needs, even as it raised expecta- 
tions in those areas. 

More than in the past, this period posed the question of 
whether and how it was possible to realize the communal and 
egalitarian values upheld by the kibbutz in the conditions of 
a large and complex society which had become increasingly 
heterogeneous and more similar to the surrounding nonkib- 
butz society. 

growth patterns. During this period there was relatively 
fast growth in the kibbutz population. Between 1976 and 1986, 
it grew from 98,800 to 126,700 people. This was an increase of 
28.2%, which was much greater than the rate of growth dur- 
ing other periods after the establishment of the state (from 
1950-1960 the growth was 16.4%; between i960 and 1970, 7.7%; 
and from 1970 to 1976, 7.9%). The rate of growth of the kibbutz 
population in this period was greater than that of the rate of 
growth of the Israeli population as a whole (21.1%), and even 
more so when compared to the rate of the Jewish population 
(17.9%). This was a change from the pattern which had existed 
from after the establishment of the state, where the rate of 
growth of the Jewish population was much greater than that 
of the kibbutzim. This change was mainly a result of the large 
waves of immigration in the 1950s and 1960s, which caused 
the share of the kibbutz within the total Jewish population to 
fall from its height of 7.4% in 1947 to only 3.3% in 1970. The 
turnaround of this tendency in the 1980s was reflected in the 
small, but significant rise in the kibbutz share of the Jewish 
population to 3.6%. 

The rate of growth of the kibbutz population was also 
much faster during this period than that of the moshavim, 
which grew only by 10%. The moshavim - the second major 
form of cooperative settlement - grew much more quickly 
than the kibbutz after the establishment of the state, because 
the vast majority of the mass immigrations which were sent 
to agricultural settlements were directed to them. The moshav 
has been traditionally based largely on individual agricul- 
tural holdings worked by a single family as its source of in- 
come, while maintaining some limited forms of communal, 
social, and economic cooperation. This form of settlement 
was considered more suitable for absorbing the waves of im- 
migrants who came from North Africa and the Middle East 
in the 1950s. 

The growth of the kibbutz population slowed in 1986. 
Apparently this was connected with the economic crisis that 
had overtaken the kibbutz movement and whose effects were 
especially felt at the end of the period. 

The vast majority of the kibbutz population (more than 
85%) were members of the kibbutzim and their children. In 
addition there were children from outside and youth groups 
who were being educated in the kibbutz; groups of young 
people receiving training prior to their joining the kibbutz or 
setting up a new one; students at special schools for learning 
Hebrew and groups of young men and women from abroad 
working in the kibbutz in order to learn about its way of life. 

The sources for the growth in membership of the kibbut- 
zim have changed during the different stages of development 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


of the kibbutz movement. Before the 1960s few of the children 
of the kibbutz had reached the age at which they might join 
the kibbutz as members - this would be in their early twen- 
ties, after finishing their army service. Most of the members 
of the kibbutzim were immigrants, mostly from Europe, and 
a few who were born in Israel or had come from North or 
South Africa or from Middle Eastern countries. From the 
1960s the proportion of kibbutz-born children rose signifi- 
cantly among those joining the kibbutz. Among those coming 
from outside the kibbutz, from the 1970s an increase occurred 
in the proportion of young people who applied for member- 
ship without having gone through the traditional path of the 
youth groups connected to the kibbutz movements. These 
youth movements originally developed independently, prin- 
cipally in Eastern Europe, and continued with the guidance 
and help of the kibbutz movements, which saw in them a ma- 
jor source for growth. 

According to figures from one kibbutz movement (Kib- 
butz Arzi), during the decade of 1970-1980, kibbutz-born 
individuals made up 38% of those joining the kibbutz, and 
young people who came out of the youth movement or who 
were educated in the kibbutz made up 26%, while those who 
came from outside the kibbutz, but were not in the youth 
movement, were the largest source of growth comprising 
44%. Statistics from the other kibbutz movements were not 
available. However, there is reason to believe that the situa- 
tion was similar. 

The proportionate weight of different groups in the 
growth of the kibbutz was dependent not only on their weight 
among the joiners, but also on the rate of those now leaving 
the kibbutz. Each of the groups had a different rate of leav- 
ing the kibbutz. The highest relative leaving rate was that of 
people coming out of the youth movement, particularly the 
Israeli branch. As a consequence the proportion of the three 
different groups in the net growth of the kibbutz in this decade 
was as follows: children born in the kibbutz - 43%; graduates 
of the youth movement - 13%; and absorbees without move- 
ment background - 44%. 

The group of absorbees without movement background 
was not homogeneous in its make-up or motivation for join- 
ing. They joined in large part through marriage to people 
born in the kibbutz, and they were thereby connected indi- 
rectly with internal sources of growth of the kibbutz. (Boys 
and girls from the same kibbutz tended not to marry among 
themselves; the majority of marriages were with people from 
outside the kibbutz movement.) Another group of those with- 
out movement background were graduates of the ulpanim for 
learning Hebrew or volunteers from abroad. There were also 
young families from the city who chose the kibbutz way of life. 
Unlike the past, the kibbutz movements made special efforts 
in the 1980s to encourage absorption from among the latter 
element by means of advertisements in the mass media or by 
special programs aimed at certain communities. 

Evidence of the rise in the importance of internal growth 
may be seen from a comparison between the natural growth 

and the "migration balance" (the ratio between those staying 
and leaving among those who came from outside the kib- 
butz) as factors in the increase in the total kibbutz popula- 
tion. During the entire period from 1950 until 1975, natural 
increase was the only source of growth, while the migration 
balance was negative; the number of those who left was greater 
than those who joined the kibbutz from the general society. 
Of course, some of the kibbutz children left and some of the 
absorbees stayed on, but the latter were so few as to be unable 
to account for any significant part of the population growth. 
The relatively low percentage of absorbees staying reflects the 
process of selection and choice involved in joining a coopera- 
tive society whose way of life is essentially different from that 
on the outside. 

Starting in 1975 this pattern changed, and, in most years 
through the 1980s, the number of those joining from the 
outside was greater than that of those leaving. However, in 
this period, too, natural increase remained the main source 
of growth. This was despite the higher rate of death in these 
years due to the relative aging of the kibbutz population. The 
large share of internal sources in the growth of the kibbutz 
stems also from the relatively higher rate of birth in the kib- 
butz compared to other sectors of the Jewish- Israeli society, 
which will be dealt with below. 

The kibbutz population was originally younger than 
the general population, since it was established by homo- 
geneous groups of young people. Within this decade, in the 
older kibbutzim which were founded in the 1920s and 1930s, 
large groups of the founders passed the age of 70, or even of 
80 and 90. In some of these kibbutzim the members over 65 
make up a quarter or more of the population. However, in the 
total population of the kibbutzim the percent of this stratum 
reached only 9.2%, and this was slightly lower than that of the 
Jewish population in Israel, 10.1%. The percent of the kibbutz 
population in the younger age groups was also greater than 
is found in the general Jewish population (in the age group 
from 0-14, it is 30.3% in the kibbutz vs. 19.9% in the city; and 
for the age group 15-24, it is 19.1% vs. 16%, respectively). In 
general, then, the kibbutz population was younger than that 
of surrounding Jewish society. There was, nevertheless, im- 
portance in the age distribution in the individual kibbutz. In 
some kibbutzim the existence of a large group of aged created 
problems that demanded new solutions. 

When the first members in the older kibbutzim reached 
the age of retirement, they came to a decision, which was later 
taken in all the kibbutz movements, that these older mem- 
bers would not stop working at this fixed age. Later on, a de- 
cision was reached that specified a gradual reduction in the 
daily norm of work hours (the standard was eight hours per 
day), starting at the age of 50 for women and at 55 for men - 
down to four hours a day, at the age of 60 for women and 65 
for men. Most of the oldsters worked until a very old age, and 
research findings show that there was a positive influence on 
their mental health from the continuing activity. The kibbutz 
took care to develop suitable places of work, appropriate for 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



the skills and capacities of the older members, yet many con- 
tinued to work in their previous work places. In general the 
work of the older people made an economic contribution of 
real significance. 

The extended family, with children and grandchildren 
in the same community, was an important supporting ele- 
ment in the process of aging, along with the development of 
welfare institutions and services which dealt with health and 
rehabilitation problems (cases of members being sent to old 
people's homes were very rare). These conditions led to a much 
longer life expectancy in the kibbutz than in other societies. 
At the age of 50 life expectancy for men in Israel was an addi- 
tional 25.7 years, while in the kibbutz 28.3 and for women in 
Israel 27.9 and in the kibbutz 31. The average in 64 other coun- 
tries in 1980 was 23.5 for men and 27.3 for women. It seems 
that in addition to the social support within the family a ma- 
jor factor was the contribution of the communal framework. 
Furthermore, it has been noted that in the kibbutz there is 
no difference in the death-rates for married and unmarried 
people, while in other societies there is a higher death rate for 
unmarried people. 

Different age-structures as found among various kib- 
butzim was only one of the many differences among them in 
the area of demographic characteristics. One crucial differ- 
ence between kibbutzim resulted from the different sizes of 
their population, connected in many cases with when they 
were established. 

While in 39 kibbutzim, most of them young, the number 
of members was less than 100, in the 16 largest kibbutzim the 
number of members was over 500. However, in only four of 
these large kibbutzim were there more than 700 members, and 
in only one did the number approach 1,000. The total popula- 
tion in a single kibbutz community that includes in addition 
to adult members also children and temporary groups varies 
between less than 100 and more than 1,500. 

Patterns of growth occurred in almost all the kibbut- 
zim in this decade, but the rate of growth was higher in the 
younger settlements than in the older kibbutzim. In the older 
kibbutzim the internal growth was augmented by absorbees 
from the outside, who did not come from a movement back- 
ground. In contrast the growth of the younger kibbutzim was 
based more on graduates from the youth movement and to 
a certain degree also on young people who had left the older 
kibbutzim where they had been born. 

From 1967 to the late 1980s, around 50 new kibbutzim 
were set up, mostly in the Galilee and Negev areas, continu- 
ing the traditional trend of settlement distant from the met- 
ropolitan center (51% of kibbutzim were concentrated in the 
north and 20% in the south of Israel). 

As a result of government policy that favored settlement 
in the West Bank over that in other areas, the settlement ac- 
tivity of the kibbutz movement ran into difficulties during the 
decade and had to be partly financed by the movements them- 
selves. Some of the newer settlements did not achieve social 
stability. Up to this period almost all the new settlements had 

been set up by graduates from the youth movements who went 
to them immediately after their army service. 

riod under discussion the process of the strengthening of the 
family continued within the social structure of the kibbutz. In 
addition, there were other tendencies that appeared. The be- 
ginnings of the process of enhanced importance of the family 
date back to the 1950s and 1960s, and found expression in the 
kibbutz's demographic patterns: a rise in the birth rate, low 
rates of divorce, and a low marriage age. 

There were also effects in the social and institutional ar- 
eas. At the social level there appeared the extended family of 
several generations: in the same community would be found, 
besides the parents of the older stratum, the families of their 
children, and in the senior kibbutzim, the families of their 
grandchildren. In the oldest kibbutz therefore, four genera- 
tions of the same family might be living together in the same 
community. This phenomenon was in contrast to the pattern 
outside the kibbutz of intergene rational mobility, geographic, 
occupational, and social. 

In the institutional area, expression of the strengthening 
of the family took the form of demands which arose in differ- 
ent kibbutzim for a transfer of authority in both the educa- 
tional and consumption fields from the kibbutz institutions 
to the individual families. The most obvious example was the 
demand that the children spend the night in their parents' 
homes, and not in the children's houses as was standard in the 
past. This issue raised stormy arguments in many kibbutzim 
before the final decision was taken. 

Until the early 1970s only one kibbutz movement (the 
former 'Thud") gave legitimacy to this change. However, dur- 
ing the 1980s, the changeover was completed in almost all of 
the kibbutzim of the United Kibbutz Movement. The demand 
to have the children sleep in their parents' homes also came 
up in the kibbutz movement which had always opposed this 
move. As a result of pressure from members/parents, approxi- 
mately one -quarter of this movement's kibbutzim were already 
in different stages of the changeover during the 1980s. 

The process of the changeover to having children sleep- 
ing at home developed in parallel with other symptoms of the 
strengthened status of the family, mainly in the area of con- 
sumption. At the same time efforts were made to strengthen 
the cohesion of other groups (work groups, age groups) be- 
sides the extended family. 

The growing importance of the family in the kibbutz 
contradicted prevailing tendencies within Western society to 
weaken its status. On the other hand patterns similar to the 
more general direction began to appear in some areas of kib- 
butz demography. 

With larger groups of kibbutz-born children reaching 
the stage of parenthood in the 1960s, there appeared a sig- 
nificant rise in the rate of birth in the kibbutzim and for the 
first time they surpassed the rates prevalent in the general 
Jewish population. During the period from 1965 to 1975, the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


birthrate of the kibbutzim was 26.8 per thousand, compared 
to 23.4 per thousand for the total Jewish population. From 
1974 onwards a sharp change appeared in this pattern, and 
the birthrate went down from 28.6 to 22% in 1984, which was 
only slightly higher than that of the general Jewish popula- 
tion (21.6 per thousand). 

A movement in the opposite direction appeared in regard 
to the divorce rate. From 1965 until 1975, there were lower rates 
of divorce in the kibbutz than in the past, and they were simi- 
lar to those in the general Jewish society (less than one per- 
cent). From 1975 the rate went up from less than one percent 
to 1.4, which was greater than that prevailing in the society at 
large. There was also a rise in the age of marriage. While in 
the early 1970s many young adults married close to the end of 
their military service, it now became more popular to marry 
after a long trip abroad or after studies. 

In any event, the family continued to play a more central 
role in the area of social relationships and this despite the fact 
that it had no economic function and its educational authority 
was relatively limited, even after the children began to sleep 
at home. The family did not have a defined formal status in 
the kibbutz since kibbutz membership was individual. The 
strengthening of the family resulted from the weakening of 
the overall social bonds in the kibbutz, with the growth and 
differentiation of the population. Furthermore, the family pro- 
vided a kind of personal refuge from the intense communal 
life. These familial tendencies also expressed a desire for pri- 
vacy and, sometimes, individualistic tendencies. On the other 
hand it would seem that the family appeared also as a frame- 
work bound up with obligations that might limit the freedom 
of the individual. This was evidently the significance of the rise 
in the divorce rate and the delaying of the marriage age. 


structure. The economy of the kibbutz went through 
many rapid changes in the 1980s. The process of industrial- 
ization, which began to accelerate in the 1960s, continued at a 
fast pace, and in most of the kibbutzim industrial operations 
employed more workers than agriculture and the income from 
industry was greater than that from agriculture. In 1986, 25.5% 
of the kibbutz's active population worked in agriculture versus 
5.2% of Israel's active population; 22.7% versus 24.6% worked 
in industry. Nevertheless, the agricultural output continued 
to rise during this period, but at a rate slower than the growth 
of the industrial output. The agricultural output of the kibbutz 
movement grew by 30.8% and in 1986 accounted for 39.7% of 
the Israeli total, while the industrial output grew by 73.4% and 
made up 6.8% of the total Israeli product. 

The relative increase in the role of kibbutz agriculture 
in overall Israeli output took place during a period in which 
many crises hit the agricultural sector. Besides a deterioration 
in the export conditions and for various agricultural products, 
such as cotton, flowers, and citrus fruits, the change in the gov- 
ernment's policy had a negative effect on Israeli agriculture as 
a whole. In some periods the agricultural planning was dras- 

tically curtailed and surpluses were formed, causing a fall in 
prices which badly hurt many farmers and certain branches 
of agriculture. The conditions under which credit and loans 
were given were made more difficult, with extremely high in- 
terest rates, far above the norm in the West, and research and 
development activities were limited. 

Kibbutz agriculture was affected relatively less than other 
sectors of agriculture partly due to professional and organiza- 
tional advantages which accrued to the large kibbutz farming 
operation and partly due to capacity to balance the damage 
to agricultural income by means of the income from other 
branches, particularly industry. The data from the agricul- 
tural census of 1981 give evidence of the more efficient use 
of labor and capital in the kibbutz, especially as compared to 
the moshav. 

Kibbutz agriculture continued to concentrate on those 
crops which demanded less manual labor and progressed in 
its process of modernization by introducing computers in dif- 
ferent areas, for example, control of the field crop's irrigation 
and of the nutrition of dairy cows. Those branches in which 
the majority of production was in the hands of the kibbutzim 
were cotton, apples and bananas, fish ponds, potatoes, and the 
raising of cattle for meat and milk. 

However, the principal economic efforts concentrated 
on the development of kibbutz industry. In contrast to their 
dominant position in agriculture, the kibbutz enterprises 
made up a relatively small sector within Israeli industry in the 
mid-1980s: 5.8% of the workers, 4.8% of the plants, and 6.8% 
of the production. From this it can be seen that the average 
number of workers per plant was greater in the kibbutz. How- 
ever, about half of those employed in Israeli industry worked 
in plants with more than 300 workers, while in the kibbut- 
zim, most workers were concentrated in plants with fewer 
than 100 workers. 

The smaller size of kibbutz plants stemmed from the 
tendency to base operation principally on kibbutz members 
alone. In the early stages of kibbutz industrialization, it was 
thought that, in order to succeed in the competition of the 
larger market, the number of workers could not be limited 
to just those who were available from the kibbutz workforce, 
and some kibbutz industries hired a relatively large number 
of workers from the outside. Most kibbutzim opposed this 
tendency and decided to avoid setting up plants which were 
labor-intensive; they specialized in plants that were relatively 
capital-intensive and with a high level of modern technology. 
An example of this type of operation was the plastics branch 
of the kibbutz industries, whose production made up 45% of 
the total Israeli output. Other areas in which the kibbutz sector 
constituted more than the average of kibbutz industries were 
wood and furniture (18.3%) and metalworking (10.6%). The 
avoidance of hired labor and the focus on industrial branches 
based on high technology became the general direction of kib- 
butz industry in the 1980s, in which a relatively large num- 
ber of new plants were set up (73 of the 335 total). At the same 
time, there was a constant decline in the proportion of hired 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



workers within the kibbutz industry workforce from 43% in 
1975 to 28% in 1986. 

In the 1980s the introduction of advanced technology 
became a rapid process, including the use of computerized 
numerical control (cnc) and the use of industrial robots. It 
seems that the introduction of advanced technology in kibbutz 
industry was significantly faster than was the case in similar 
industries in the general Israeli society This is supported by 
the fact that 60% of all the industrial robots in Israel were to 
be found in kibbutz enterprises. 

The capital and technological intensity of the kibbutz in- 
dustries and its special organization and social structure seem 
able to explain the difference in the accomplishments in vari- 
ous areas between kibbutz industry and the other sectors of 
Israeli industry. For example, between 1976 and 1986 the index 
of exports grew in the kibbutz industries from a base of 100 to 
364 in contrast to the growth of Israeli industry as a whole to 
an index level of 224. The index of sales per worker was 20% 
more for the kibbutz than in the general industrial sector, and, 
in the plastics branch, this index was 25% higher than in Israeli 
plastics industry overall. The capital investment per worker 
was also higher in the kibbutz industries, and, with the advent 
of the economic difficulties that appeared after 1983, criticisms 
were voiced asserting that the investments in industry were 
too high given their decreasing rate of return. 

There were other problems in regard to the direction of 
the development of kibbutz industry which arose with the 
economic crisis. Some critics asserted that the relatively small 
size of the kibbutz plants limited their capacities for research 
and development and for proper marketing operations and 
that there was a lack of the necessary experts in the techno- 
logical professions. 

Efforts were made to build up systems of research and 
development and those for marketing to be shared by kibbutz 
industrial plants in the same production branch, and steps 
was taken to improve and encourage technological educa- 
tion and training. 

Throughout the decade there was a remarkable rise in the 
level of education of kibbutz members, especially the younger 
ones. In 1972, only 20.4% of kibbutz members had post-sec- 
ondary education, while in 1985, the rate had risen to 32.3% of 
the kibbutz members. This was considerably higher than the 
level of the general Jewish population in Israel, which stood at 
24.4%. There was an important difference in the distribution 
of the level of higher education, however. In the kibbutz there 
were fewer people with higher degrees, while the percentage 
of people with post-secondary training in the fields of edu- 
cation, technology, and social services was much higher than 
that of the overall Jewish population of Israel. The difference 
in regard to holders of higher university degrees (i.e., M.A. and 
doctorate) stemmed from the fact that only in the 1970s did 
the kibbutz movement free itself of ideological opposition to 
the acquisition of university degrees and begin to encourage 
academic studies. Thus in the 1980s the proportion of hold- 
ers of academic degrees grew at the same time that the repre- 

sentation of kibbutz members on the teaching and research 
faculties of the institutions of higher learning also increased. 

Along with the contribution made by people with aca- 
demic degrees to the economic and social capacities of the 
kibbutz, problems caused by the unsuitability of the kibbutz 
work structure, based on work in agriculture, industry, and 
the services, to the academic qualifications of its members 
arose. Most of the jobs simply did not demand the high level 
of education acquired by college graduates, and this created 
conflicts with their expectations and desires for professional 

A labor market did not exist in the kibbutz because there 
were neither the wages nor economic incentives or sanctions 
which operate in the general society to direct people into the 
different occupations in some relation to supply and demand. 
This made the coordination between the changing needs of 
kibbutz society and economy and, on the other hand, the 
professional and academic aspirations of the members more 
complicated than ever before. Decisions about the economic 
structure were made democratically at the general assem- 
blies and in the committees and were thereby influenced by 
the preferences of the members. The other side of this rela- 
tionship was that the professional plans of the members were 
themselves influenced by the present and/or expected occu- 
pational structure, although increasing numbers of young and 
old members chose courses of academic studies which seem 
to have no direct connection to the kibbutz's expressed eco- 
nomic and educational needs. 

The 1980s saw changes as a result of the rising level of 
education and of the rapid technological advances, but the 
economic crisis of the kibbutz movement also had very im- 
portant effects in this period. Different factors contributed to 
the development of the crisis, expressed principally by the for- 
mation of a large debt accompanied by high interest payments, 
which weighed heavily on ongoing economic activities. This 
occurred despite the successes in the fields of both industry 
and agriculture. The major cause of the crisis was the lack of 
economic stability that characterized the Begin years and was 
most obviously reflected in the rates of hyperinflation which 
ran rampant from the late 1970s until the mid-1980s. From 
1978 to 1984, the rate of inflation jumped from 51% a year to 
445%! As a result of the governments economic program in 
the mid-1980s, there was a sharp drop to an approximately 
20% rate of inflation per year, which was accompanied by an 
even steeper rise in the cost of money, i.e., the interest rate, 
which rose from 11.8% in 1983 to 89% in 1985. 

Besides these outside factors, financial mistakes were 
made by the kibbutz movements and by individual kibbutzim, 
which invested in unsuccessful business ventures, in specu- 
lative stocks, or in consumption projects. The economic cri- 
sis was especially damaging to those kibbutzim that had not 
been successful in their attempt to balance the decline in the 
profitability of agriculture with an increase in their industrial 
activity. This had the added effect of exacerbating the inequal- 
ity among the kibbutzim. For example, in the United Kibbutz 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Movement, the group of 19 kibbutzim in the most difficulties 
had to use 38% of their yearly income just to pay the interest 
on their debt, while another group of 38 kibbutzim had to ear- 
mark 25% of their income for interest payments; the majority 
of the kibbutzim, 83 in number, had to earmark only 6.6% of 
their yearly income for interest payments. 

In an attempt to overcome the crisis and to make possible 
the continuation of production operations, the United Kib- 
butz Movement asked the government for help, not for grants 
but to restructure its loan repayment schedules. This request 
made the issue of help to the kibbutzim the focus of a political 
debate, where representatives of the Likud took advantage of 
this situation to criticize the kibbutz movement while putting 
pressure on the Labor party, to which the ukm is affiliated. 

Kibbutz ha-Arzi, which also was in need of additional 
sources of funding, preferred to mobilize capital on a com- 
mercial basis, essentially without government intervention, 
by means of bonds issues, which avoided dependence on the 
political system. The requests of the ukm for aid were only 
approved in part, after many delays and after a public politi- 
cal campaign by the kibbutz and moshav movements. Even 
before the public aid could come, the kibbutzim strengthened 
their apparatus of mutual support. The kibbutzim which were 
economically stronger were helping the weaker ones both by 
giving them loans from the movements trust funds, which 
were funded by means of a progressive tax on the kibbut- 
zim, and by providing guarantees for loans taken out by the 
weaker kibbutzim. 

At the same time all the kibbutzim decided to lower their 
standard of living, regardless of their economic situation. This 
took various forms, such as not allowing trips abroad or kib- 
butz-financed vacations, lower spending on food in the com- 
munal dining room, and reducing the number of members 
sent to study, etc. All of these cutbacks were even more harsh 
in those kibbutzim in the worst shape, where even their auton- 
omy in day-to-day expenses was severely curtailed. Parallel to 
these moves, cutbacks in capital spending, particularly in such 
area as apartments and public buildings, were made. 

equality and democracy. The cutbacks in spending, 
including the member's personal yearly budget, gave rise to 
demands in some kibbutzim for a larger share of the kibbutz's 
total budget to be given to the individual member and his/her 
family (such as clothing, shoes, furniture, and vacation allow- 
ances). This would have entailed a corresponding cutback in 
public spending, such as for communal dining, education, 
health, etc. For the first time suggestions were made to allow 
members to increase their budgetary income by working extra 
hours in branches that suffered from a manpower shortage. 

In a similar vein, a far-reaching demand was made by 
a new settlement group, Sibn, which had recently joined the 
ukm and was heading for Kibbutz Bet Oren, which was on the 
verge of dissolution after passing through an extended social 
crisis. The group proposed that they would work five days a 
week in the framework of the kibbutz work regimen, but that 

on the sixth day each member would decide whether to work 
and make extra money which could be used as one pleased 
or to take the day off. All proposals linking extra work to ad- 
ditional income had met with firm opposition by the move- 
ment's institutions, and this was the fate of Si'on's proposal: 
they were told that they would have to give up their plan as a 
condition for being accepted into the kibbutz federation. The 
reason for such severe opposition to these kinds of proposals 
was the principle of separation between the obligation of the 
kibbutz to satisfy the needs of each member and the amount 
and quality of the work done by that member. It is precisely 
this principle which distinguishes the kibbutz from other 
forms of communal living. 

The absence of a link between the function a member ful- 
fills in work or public activity and his or her standard of liv- 
ing and opportunities made it possible to prevent or, at least, 
to limit the processes of social stratification and polarization. 
These processes had occurred all too often in egalitarian orga- 
nizations and had caused the dissolution of cooperative com- 
munities in the past. 

The simultaneous processes of industrial development, 
economic expansion, differentiation in levels of education and 
administration, and the increased importance of the family 
in the kibbutz social structure created conditions that would 
appear to encourage stratification. Various studies had shown 
the existence of differences among members in regard to their 
influence on kibbutz life and in regard to the esteem in which 
they were held within the community. At the material level, 
some members had access to private sources of income from 
outside the kibbutz, as a result of inheritances, presents from 
family, and so forth. Nevertheless, one could not point to the 
crystallization of groups benefiting from special rights or priv- 
ileges in contrast to other groups who were relatively discrimi- 
nated against or disadvantaged as a unit. Another important 
factor in minimizing stratification was the maintenance of the 
pattern of rotation of leadership and management functions 
among the membership of the kibbutz and the movement as 
a whole. The continued operation of the rotation principle 
was aided by the fact that, although those holding manage- 
rial positions have greater power to influence issues during 
their term, they do not achieve a higher standard of living. 
In addition they must deal with many difficulties in fulfilling 
the responsibilities of their positions, due to which they were 
generally unwilling to continue in their demanding jobs for 
long periods of time. 

In addition there were many members active on the vari- 
ous committees which were responsible for the organization 
of diverse areas of kibbutz life. In most kibbutzim there was 
a general assembly every week, although in some cases it was 
held every two weeks. There were great differences between 
the kibbutzim in regard to the number of people participating 
in kibbutz discussions. There seemed to be more participation 
in those kibbutzim with a higher level of social cohesion and 
in which the democratic idea was more highly regarded. How- 
ever, even in kibbutzim where the general assembly was not so 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



highly esteemed as an institution, proposals to replace it with 
some form of elected council were met with opposition. 

In one kibbutz it was actually decided to stop conven- 
ing the kibbutz assembly, but after a year and a half its meet- 
ings were reinstituted. The reason for this is probably that, in 
a society in which so many of the vital issues in one's private 
life, such as educational opportunities, personal consumption, 
and living arrangements, were determined by the community, 
members were unwilling to give up their right to participate in 
making such decisions, even if they do not often make use of 
this right. The kibbutz assembly still had the supreme author- 
ity in determining policy in the kibbutz, even though many 
specific decisions were reached in the committees and only 
brought before the assembly for ratification. However, the as- 
sembly had the authority to overturn any decision of a com- 
mittee, and each member had the right to bring up any issue 
for discussion in the assembly. Some aspects of the running 
of the assembly had changed, and certain issues, especially re- 
garding individuals and families, were voted upon by secret 
ballot, and in the larger kibbutzim, referenda were conducted 
outside the kibbutz assembly. 

The existence of participatory democracy in all areas of 
life, together with the maintenance of cooperative consump- 
tion, which made possible the separation of the needs of mem- 
bers from their contribution at work or in other activities, had 
forestalled the emergence of elite social strata. Nevertheless, 
this was not enough to prevent the continued existence of a 
certain degree of gender inequality, whose roots were in the 
division of labor according to sex. Most of those working in 
the productive branches are men, while in the services and in 
education mostly women are employed. This inequality exists 
despite the fact that there is complete economic equality, and 
membership in the kibbutz is on an individual basis, not fa- 
milial, as is the case in the moshav. In the past this inequality 
had expressed itself by the fact that the productive branches 
had a higher status than the service branches, which were dis- 
criminated against from the point of view of budgets and man- 
power. Later the inequality took the form of the more limited 
opportunities for women to choose the work that they prefer, 
which stems from an assumption that work in the services and 
in education is the main responsibility of women. 

Women's lack of experience in economic management, 
which was usually acquired in those productive branches from 
which women were largely excluded, was a factor in their low 
level of representation in managerial positions, such as eco- 
nomic manager, treasurer, or industrial plant manager, all of 
which are positions with much authority in the running of 
the kibbutz. In the 1980s, the awareness of women of the ex- 
isting inequality was heightened, although in earlier periods 
inequality was also considered a deviation from the values of 
the kibbutz. In both Kibbutz ha-Arzi and in the United Kib- 
butz Movement departments for "Sexual Equality" were set 
up and worked to increase awareness of the issue, to encour- 
age women to enter professions commonly defined as "for 
men only," and, conversely, to encourage men to go into those 

areas of education and services traditionally the domain of 
women. Overall, there was some progress in the proportion of 
women fulfilling public positions like secretary of the kibbutz 
or head of a committee, and the number of women working 
in industry rose, but there was no meaningful improvement 
in other areas, particularly those having to do with economic 

changes in kibbutz education. The greater importance 
of the family in the kibbutz, the increased involvement in the 
system of higher education, and the changes in technology 
and occupational structure caused fundamental changes in 
the kibbutz educational system. 

The greatest change, which was accompanied by much 
debate, was the changeover to having children sleep at home 
instead of the children's houses. A few kibbutzim made this 
change in the 1950s and the 1960s, and it became a legitimate 
way of life in the former Ihud ha- Kibbutzim movement. How- 
ever, only in the 1980s did most of the kibbutzim of the United 
Kibbutz Movement (which includes the above lhud with the 
former Kibbutz ha-Meuhad) adopt the new system, while in 
Kibbutz ha-Arzi it was given only limited and conditional 
legitimacy. In the past sleeping in the children's houses was 
seen as an integral part of the education, where the children's 
house served as an all-encompassing center for the child, 
while the parents' home had only a supplementary function. 
Gradually awareness of the crucial role played by the parents 
in the educational process grew, and the proponents of home 
sleeping arrangements saw the changeover as another step in 
this direction, which, first and foremost, expressed the de- 
sire of parents. 

In contrast to this approach, those who opposed hav- 
ing the children sleep in their parents' homes asserted that 
the change in sleeping arrangements would affect the all-em- 
bracing character of kibbutz education, which would turn the 
children's house into merely a "day care center" and would cur- 
tail the responsibility of the educators. Other justifications for 
maintaining the old system were voiced: The change would ex- 
acerbate sexual inequality because additional burdens and re- 
sponsibilities would be placed on mothers. This would in turn 
have a negative effect on their kibbutz jobs, limit their opportu- 
nities for further study, and especially limit their participation 
in community activities, whether administrative or social. 

The growing number of kibbutz-educated children ap- 
plying for higher academic studies raised the issue of changing 
the policy of the kibbutz movements, which had previously 
opposed the high school matriculation tests necessary for en- 
try into Israeli universities. The opposition to these tests was 
directed at the achievement orientation and competitive fac- 
tor of the tests, and, in some kibbutzim, the opposition was 
connected to an unwillingness to introduce graded tests. The 
opposing view wanted to keep the emphasis on the develop- 
ment of internal motivation to study, on supportive peer opin- 
ion as a source of motivation, and on the development of the 
capacity for independent study in each child. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


At first an arrangement was reached with the universi- 
ties in which a graduate of a kibbutz high school would have 
to do a preparatory course, usually about a year long, before 
entering the university However, due to the difficulties in- 
volved in this arrangement, which was only designed to be a 
temporary solution, almost all the kibbutz schools started to 
prepare their students for the matriculation certificate, if the 
students wanted one. In conjunction with the change, efforts 
were made to preserve the special social foundations of the 
kibbutz high school by means of an increased emphasis on 
values and socialization. 

Almost all the kibbutz high schools were regional insti- 
tutions, taking in students from several kibbutzim and some- 
times from moshavim and also other children sent there for 
various reasons. In Kibbutz ha- Arzi the high schools were also 
boarding schools (several days of the week) in order to achieve 
an all-embracing secondary school framework. On the other 
hand, the primary schools were, until the mid 1980s, based in 
each individual kibbutz, integrated into the life of the commu- 
nity. However, due to the relatively small size of these schools 
and as part of the policy of the Ministry of Education, a pro- 
cess began of joining together the primary schools of neigh- 
boring kibbutzim and making one area day school. The es- 
tablishment of the area schools, both primary and especially 
secondary levels, raised anew the question of the integration 
of the kibbutz schools with those of the surroundings, the de- 
velopment towns and the moshavim. 

Despite the desire of the kibbutzim to maintain their 
independent framework, which was needed in their opinion 
in order to educate their children to their special values and 
way of life, some move in the direction of inter- community 
integration occurred. A number of schools were set up with 
the participation of moshavim, arrangements for cooperation 
with schools in development towns were made, and the ab- 
sorption of youth groups, often from deprived backgrounds, 
within the kibbutz schools, continued and were even ex- 
panded. Nevertheless, the argument continued between those 
who favored greater integration to break down the barriers 
between kibbutz children and other sectors of the population 
and those who demanded the maintenance of the indepen- 
dent kibbutz framework. 

As part of the effort to strengthen the commitment to 
education for kibbutz and movement values of both youth and 
adults, the 1980s saw an energetic expansion and utilization of 
the kibbutz institutions for higher education, which were in- 
tended for high school students and for academic studies and 
research. In the first centers, Efal and Givat Havivah, the range 
of courses of study were broadened, and research departments 
were established. The Ruppin Institute, for the training of ag- 
ricultural and industrial workers and managers, and Oranim, 
the school for training teachers, and the Kibbutz Seminar in 
Tel Aviv reached various forms of academic recognition. At 
the University of Haifa, there was the Institute for Research 
on the Kibbutz and the Cooperative Idea, which also ran a 
large number of courses in kibbutz studies in coordination 

with the Sociology and Anthropology departments. In some 
areas, at the initiative of the kibbutzim, local colleges were set 
up to provide academic level studies for the members of the 
surrounding kibbutzim and moshavim. These were usually 
connected to universities and the course credits went towards 
earning a college degree. 

the kibbutz and Israeli society. The question of re- 
gional cooperation and integration in the field of education 
was only one aspect of the complex relationships between 
the kibbutzim and the surrounding settlements, mainly de- 
velopmental towns and moshavim. The major issue in these 
relations was their economic connections where the kibbutz- 
owned regional enterprises had an important function in the 
area's pattern of employment. These plants whose major task 
was to process the agricultural produce of the local kibbut- 
zim, employed many hired workers from among the area resi- 
dents. However, most of the administrative and managerial 
posts were held by members of kibbutzim. In most areas the 
moshavim had their own separate regional enterprises. The 
speed of the development of the area enterprises can be seen 
from the growth of the number of employees from 5,000 in 
1977 to 7,300 in 1982. Afterwards, the rate of growth slowed, 
partially because of the crisis that hit agriculture all over Israel 
and also due to a decline in investments, which had already 
begun during the first period of fast development. 

In some areas, e.g., Bet Shean and Kiryat Shemonah, the 
regional plants became a focus for tensions between some of 
the hired laborers from the development towns and the kib- 
butzim, which were exploited for political purposes. Particu- 
larly during election campaigns, fierce attacks on the kibbutz 
movement appeared in the local and national media, which 
in turn produced widespread effects and responses in Israeli 
society. Subsequently, all the sides involved made efforts to 
improve their relations. The local residents were interested in 
the continued activity and development of the area enterprises 
as a source of employment, whose importance increased as 
unemployment rose. From the point of view of the kibbutzim, 
steps were taken to improve labor relations, to expand the pos- 
sibilities for advancement for the hired workers, and to push 
for their participation in profits and in management. Through 
the initiative of the Histadrut, a program for regional coop- 
eration was developed, which included the encouragement of 
social and personal connections and joint cultural activities 
among all the residents of the area. 

The relations between the kibbutz and development 
towns were only one part of the striking changes in the status 
of the kibbutz within Israeli society as a whole in the 1980s. 
The most significant change was in the political sphere, when 
the Likud won the elections for the first time in 1977, and the 
Alignment (the Labor Party and Mapam), to whom the kib- 
butz movements were tied, entered the opposition. The quanti- 
tative expression of the decline of the political status of the kib- 
butz movements was in the sharp fall in the number of kibbutz 
members elected to the Knesset, who usually got there via the 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



Alignment. Their number dropped from 20 in the First Knes- 
set, to 16 in the Eighth Knesset, which was elected in 1973, and 
down to eight in the elections of 1977, which brought the great 
change in Israeli politics. This situation did not change in the 
Tenth Knesset, despite the improvement in the Alignments 
number of seats, and in the Eleventh Knesset there were nine 
kibbutz members, three from Mapam, four from the Labor 
party, one in the Citizens' Rights Movement, and one in the 
Tehiyyah party on the right. 

The decline in status of the kibbutz representatives in the 
Knesset, as part of the general weakening of the workers' par- 
ties, was also reflected in the makeup of the government. Un- 
til the upheaval of 1977, there were always a number of minis- 
ters who were members of kibbutzim, some of them in central 
positions, like Yigal Allon and Yisrael Galili, Haim Gvati and 
Shlomo Rosen. There were no kibbutz members in the Likud 
governments and only one in the National Unity government. 
This decline in the power and representation of the kibbutz 
movement was to be found also in other national frameworks. 
However, the proportion of kibbutz members in certain areas 
of national leadership, such as the higher levels of command 
in the army, in leadership of the Histadrut, and in its Hevrat 
Ovedim economic operations, was still much higher than their 
proportion of the general Jewish Israeli population. 

The kibbutz movement also had an influence in various 
social and cultural areas beyond its numerical weight. The 
major youth movements, such as Ha-No'ar ha-Oved ve-ha- 
Lomed, the Scouts, Ha-Shomer ha-Zair, etc., were all con- 
nected to and supported by the kibbutz movements. There 
were also various cultural projects, like the Tzavta clubs and 
various publishing enterprises which were aimed at the gen- 
eral public of the cities and towns. 

Despite these achievements there was a definite decline in 
the status and prestige of the kibbutz in the eyes of the general 
Israeli public and a corresponding lowered self-image on the 
part of kibbutz members in regard to the kibbutz's contribu- 
tion and role on the national level. It seemed that, in contrast 
to the clearly high status of the kibbutz before the establish- 
ment of the state and in its first years, there arose a lack of 
consensus about the role which the kibbutz was to fulfill in 
Israeli society and the state. In the beginning the kibbutz was 
seen as a pioneering body which fulfilled central tasks in the 
building up of the people and of the state, such as settlement, 
defense, and the organization and absorption of immigration, 
both legal and "illegal." The first changes in this role occurred 
with the establishment of the State of Israel when many func- 
tions previously undertaken by the kibbutzim were transferred 
to the responsibility of government bodies. In the period after 
the war of 1967, there seemed to be renewed importance in 
the kibbutz movement's settlement role, but, after the ascen- 
dancy of the Likud, there was an increasing tension between 
the Likud government's policy of almost exclusive priority to 
settlements in areas of Judea and Samaria with a dense Arab 
population and the policy of the kibbutz movements which 
preferred settlement within the pre-1967 area of Israel. 

Certain pronouncements and actions of the Begin-led 
Likud governments contributed to the creation of an image for 
the kibbutz movement as just another special- interest group 
seeking to preserve and strengthen its economic and social 
positions. The right-wing of Israeli politics sought to mini- 
mize the defense, settlement, and social functions which the 
kibbutzim continued to fulfill. This negative image was rein- 
forced as a result of the kibbutz movement's financial specu- 
lations and failures and the economic crisis which caused the 
United Kibbutz Movement to apply for government aid in 
restructuring its debts. 

In addition, within the kibbutz movement itself tenden- 
cies towards isolation were pronounced in regard to activi- 
ties and relations with the surrounding society, at both the 
regional and national level. In regard to relations with the 
neighboring communities, this was the response to the some- 
times virulent attacks made during the elections. In the face 
of a weakened self-image as a pioneering leader of society and 
the growing perception of the kibbutz as an element that first 
and foremost takes care of its own needs and interests, a third 
direction began to take shape. 

The new direction placed its emphasis on the continuing 
connection between the kibbutz and other sectors of Israeli 
society in order to strengthen the influence of egalitarian and 
cooperative principles which the kibbutz upheld. Some exam- 
ples were the following projects, initiated and/or supported by 
the kibbutz movement: the establishment of "urban kibbut- 
zim," the plan to set up a cooperative city in the Negev, efforts 
to reform the producer and consumer cooperatives in the city, 
and the attempt to support the Histadrut's program for par- 
ticipation of workers in the management of its industrial and 
commercial plants and firms. Only some of these projects bore 
fruit, but they were an indication of an ongoing commitment 
of the kibbutz to be involved in Israeli society in ways which 
were compatible and supportive of its own values. The "urban 
kibbutzim," in cities and development towns, aimed to taking 
part in the educational and cultural activities of the residents. 
The first of these attempts, Kibbutz Reshit ("Beginning") was 
located in the Bukhara neighborhood of Jerusalem, and its 
members were active in various aspects of their community's 
life. There were also two more urban communes, in Bet She- 
mesh and in Sederot. 

The changes in society's view of the kibbutz and the lack of 
consensus about both its public and self-image were reflected 
in opinion polls. Between 1978 and 1983 the percent of those 
polled who expressed a positive attitude towards the kibbutz 
declined from 62% to 52%. This was not matched by a rise in 
those who opposed the kibbutz movement, which remained 
stable at 8% of those polled, but it reflected a rise in those who 
were indifferent to it. There was a more positive view of the kib- 
butz among those born in Europe or America, among the more 
educated and those who were older. The more those polled 
knew about the kibbutz, the more positive were their attitudes: 
however, only 44% said that they were well acquainted with the 
kibbutz, while 40% had never visited a kibbutz even once. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


These figures demonstrated the gap between the kibbutz 
and large segments of the public whose views were largely 
based on what was said about the kibbutz in the mass me- 
dia, rather than on first-hand experience. In later, unpub- 
lished polls, it seemed that positive attitudes towards the kib- 
butz were influenced more by people's attitudes towards the 
egalitarian and cooperative values embodied by the kibbutz 
than by the demographic characteristics described above. The 
changes in the attitude of Israeli society towards the kibbutz 
as well as the changes in the political system influenced the 
kibbutz movement s actions and policies. 

the kibbutz movements. From the beginning of the 
kibbutz movement there have been many splits and amalga- 
mations in the movements organizational forms. Before the 
establishment of the state, the reasons for the existence of sep- 
arate movements were mainly the different ideological, social, 
and economic positions regarding the desired structure of the 
kibbutz. With the sharpening of the political struggles over 
the shaping of the state s character after its establishment, the 
exacerbation of the political debate within the kibbutz move- 
ment caused a bitter and painful split in the largest movement 
at that time, Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad. A substantial minority of 
members and kibbutzim split off from Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad 
and formed, with another movement, Hever ha-Kevuzot, a 
new movement, Ihud ha- Kibbutzim. This split occurred in 
1951, and it involved in some cases the physical splitting up 
into two separate kibbutzim where there had previously been 
one large settlement. The two separate movements also were 
connected to different political parties until the parties' uni- 
fication and the two kibbutz movements formally became 
united in 1979 as the United Kibbutz Movement (ukm). 

The ukm contained within it 167 kibbutzim as of 1987, 
with a population of 76,560. For the first time in the history of 
the movement there were only two large kibbutz movements, 
the second one being Kibbutz ha-Arzi - Hashomer ha-Za'ir. 
Kibbutz ha-Arzi had 83 kibbutzim with a population of 41,500. 
The smaller religious kibbutz movement, Ha-kibbutz ha-Dati, 
had 17 kibbutzim and a population of 7,300. 

In general the differences that separated the kibbutz 
movements in the past were decreasing, although there was 
still some importance attached to traditions of the past. De- 
spite this tendency, Kibbutz ha-Arzi maintained its own iden- 
tity and organization. This was due in part to the fact that this 
movement went through very few splits in the first 50 years 
of its existence and was relatively more homogeneous. The 
movement's connection to its political party, the United Work- 
ers' Party (Mapam), is collective, and not personal, as in the 
ukm. Further, Kibbutz ha-Arzi placed more emphasis on what 
it saw as the preservation of the original kibbutz values and 
ways of life. It more strictly opposed hired labor in the kib- 
butzim, resisted the transfer of various responsibilities from 
the kibbutz institutions to the family and upheld special edu- 
cational approaches, e.g., a regional boarding school during 
the stage of high school education. Kibbutz ha-Arzi invested 

more efforts in internal and external, i.e., ideological, activity, 
and officially supported the * Peace Now extra-parliamentary 
movement. This movement also maintained a tighter frame- 
work for mutual aid, through a "movement tax" among its kib- 
butzim and for direction of the individual kibbutz's activities 
by the movement. Although some of the differences became 
less marked during the 1980s, there did not seem to be any 
tendencies towards the surrendering of the independent exis- 
tence of Kibbutz ha-Arzi. This was reinforced by the breakup 
of the 20-year-old Alignment between the Labor Party and 
Mapam after the formation of the 1984 National Unity gov- 
ernment, as a result of which Mapam tried to reestablish itself 
as an independent party in the opposition. 

The two large kibbutz movements, along with the smaller 
religious kibbutz movement, maintained close cooperation 
in the framework of the Confederation of the Kibbutz Move- 
ments, which represented the kibbutz movement as a whole 
to outside authorities. There were also national and regional 
frameworks within which joint activities, economic and cul- 
tural, took place. This strengthening of cooperation among the 
kibbutz movements should have contributed to weakening the 
separate organizational movement frameworks. But with the 
onset of the economic crisis in the 1980s, the influence of the 
national movements was greatly strengthened because they 
were the link between the external financial sources, whether 
private or governmental, and the individual kibbutzim. The 
national movements were the means by which most funds 
were transferred, and, even when an individual kibbutz ar- 
ranged some of its own financing, it was the financial guar- 
antees of the movement that induced private institutions to 
give these loans. Finally, it was by means of the national move- 
ments that mutual aid was carried out, whereby the weaker 
and debt-ridden kibbutzim received help from the better-off 
kibbutzim or from the debt-restructuring program. 

It would seem that at this stage inter- movement coopera- 
tion based more on ideological and political issues was more 
significant than regional inter- movement cooperation based 
more on pragmatic, lower-level economic and social issues. 

In the 1980s there was widespread interest in the kibbutz 
experiment on the part of people and institutions outside of 
Israel. The beginning of this interest started with the rise of 
new forms of cooperative and communal living and work in 
various countries around the world in the late 1960s and the 
1970s. This interest was expressed in the convening in Israel 
of conferences representing cooperative communities and en- 
terprises from around the world, the exchange of delegations 
between the kibbutz and these different groups. There was co- 
operation in research on egalitarian communities in Israel and 
abroad, as well as on cooperative, worker-owned industrial 
or agricultural enterprises. A special project was established 
for the study of the kibbutz under the auspices of Harvard 
University in the U.S. There were attempts to learn from the 
experience of the kibbutz in its response to the challenges of 
the technological revolution as it might be applied in smaller 
productive frameworks while maintaining a priority on the 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



quality of the working life and on environmental protection, 
along with participatory democracy. 

The interest in the kibbutz experience from the viewpoint 
of its Jewish significance became another focus of interest. On 
the one hand the kibbutz had created a value-oriented Jew- 
ish way of life which was essentially non-religious and, on the 
other hand, it formed a bridge between Jewish youth in the 
Diaspora and Israel. Research has shown that the time spent 
by young people in a kibbutz contributes more to their con- 
nection to Israel than their experiences with other aspects of 
Israeli society. Based on these findings, new forms of short- 
term programs on kibbutzim for young Jews from abroad 
were developed, in addition to existing kibbutz ulpanim for 
the study of Hebrew, visits by youth groups for short periods, 
or programs of study in kibbutz high schools for Jewish teen- 
agers from Europe and the Americas. 

In sum, the 1980s were a period of many changes in the 

development of the kibbutz movement. Beginning with an 

accelerated growth of population and economic progress, a 

crisis arose in the political and economic situation facing the 

kibbutzim, which now found themselves in serious economic 

straits, which had a negative effect on many other areas of the 

communities' way of life. 

[Menahem Rosner] 

Ihe New Kibbutz 

The severe economic crisis faced by the kibbutzim continued 
into the 1990s. The reasons for the crisis were many: some 
linked it to changes in Israeli society and the shift from col- 
lectivism to individualism; others pointed to internal prob- 
lems, such as inefficiency and old-fashioned industries and 
farming techniques, segregation from the wider population, 
and demographic decline. However, the visible mark of the 
crisis was the difficulty individual kibbutzim and the kibbutz 
organizations had in paying their debts. As a consequence, 
money owed to the banks increased significantly, especially 
after the government raised interest rates to curb inflation. 
Despite the governments agreement to restructure the debt, 
many kibbutzim faced difficulties that led to a momentous 
change in their way of life. 

Many of the kibbutzim instituted changes that distanced 
them from the traditional kibbutz model but helped them 
survive the crisis. Among those changes was the separation 
of industry from the kibbutz, provision of services to the non- 
kibbutz population (such as swimming pool facilities, apart- 
ments to let, etc.), encouraging members to find work outside 
the kibbutz, hiring nonkibbutz workers, differential salaries 
among kibbutz members, privatization of services (utilities, 
food, rent, etc.), new neighborhoods for nonmembers built 
by private contractors on kibbutz land, and less centralized 
administration. All these changes moved the kibbutzim from 
the traditional model to something resembling ordinary com- 
munity life. Almost all the kibbutzim adopted some of these 
changes. Today there are three categories of kibbutzim: the 
collective kibbutz including around 30 kibbutzim that chose 
to preserve the traditional model; the community kibbutz in- 

cluding kibbutzim that instituted differential salaries; and a 
third group including kibbutzim still undergoing change. 

The economic and social changes in many of the secu- 
lar kibbutzim, which blurred political differences between the 
movements, led to the reunification of the United Kibbutz 
Movement (ukm) and Ha-Kibbutz ha-Arzi ha-Shomer ha- 
Za'ir into the Kibbutz Movement in 2000. The new Kibbutz 
Movement represents 260 kibbutzim. Its aims include pro- 
tecting the rights of the kibbutzim, assisting kibbutzim under 
change, and remaining involved in the larger Israeli society. 

demographic patterns. During the 199 os the kibbutzim 
faced for the first time a decline in population. In 2002 the kib- 
butz population comprised 1.5 percent of the overall popula- 
tion in Israel. From 1997 to 2002 population figures declined 
by 2 percent. The permanent population declined by 9%, but 
this figure was compensated for by temporary residents who 
rent apartments in the kibbutzim. This decline was reversed 
in 2003, when for the first time after 19 years the kibbutz 
population began to grow again. This growth is related to the 
new way of life in the kibbutzim today, which is more private 
and less collective. Other reasons relate to the fact that many 
Israelis prefer to live in a rural community with good educa- 
tional facilities, so that the new kibbutz neighborhoods are 
an attractive option. 

The decline in population was also due to the aging of 
the kibbutz population and a sharp decline in birth rates. 
From 1998 to 2002 there was drop in the number of kibbutz 
children from 28,606 to 24,055. While in 1998 there were 
1,142 births in the kibbutzim, the figure dropped to only 730 
in 2002. A major reason for this can be found in the fact that 
many kibbutz youngsters had left the kibbutz after their army 
service. Another reason has to do with the general trend to- 
ward smaller families out of economic and social consider- 
ations, enabling parents to give their children more attention 
and material benefits. 

The decline in the child population directs attention to 
the main problem of the kibbutzim, namely the aging of the 
population. The average age of the adult kibbutz population 
was 55 in 2003 (it was calculated as the mean from 30 up, 
since most of the population under 30 are temporary resi- 
dents), compared to the national average of 52. The 25-45 a g e 
group in the kibbutzim is proportionately smaller than in the 
overall population, while the 45+ group is proportionately 
higher. This means that a small group of working people is 
responsible for a larger group of older people. This situation 
is a cause of concern in the kibbutz movement and the kib- 
butzim invest much effort to attract younger people, e.g., by 
building the new neighborhood for non-members who wish 
to live in rural settlements. 

The average kibbutz varies from 300 to 400 residents. 
There have been voices calling for the creation of larger com- 
munities of 1,000 to 1,500 residents. These communities will 
come about by uniting neighboring kibbutzim or by the ab- 
sorption of newcomers. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


economic activity. Kibbutz agriculture is based on field 
crops, fruit plantations, dairy cattle, poultry, and fishery The 
revenue from agriculture was quite stable between 1997 and 
2002, amounting to is 5 billion in 2002, representing about a 
third of national farm revenue. Kibbutz agriculture accounted 
for 70 percent of field crops, 40 percent of livestock, and 20 
percent of plantations. 

Kibbutz industry includes the following: rubber and plas- 
tics; food; metal and machinery; textiles and leather; printing, 
paper and cardboard; electronics and electricity; construction 
materials; wood and furniture; and other branches. Kibbutz in- 
dustry had a 7.5 percent share of the country's industry in 2002, 
five times its share in the population. The contribution of kib- 
butz industry to the gdp was 6.5 percent in 2002. The kibbutz 
plastics industry had a 51% share of the industry as a whole. 

Industrial revenues constituted 70 percent of total kib- 
butz income. In 2002, kibbutz industry operated 333 factories, 
employing 27,600 workers and recording sales of is 17.344 
billion, up 7.7% 21101. In 1997 gross profit was is 690 million, 
dropping to is 434 million in 1999 but rising to is 900 mil- 
lion in 2002. 

A new source of income, in addition to agriculture and 
industry, was salaried work outside the kibbutz, with indi- 
viduals bringing in about is 1 million in 1997 and is 1.5 mil- 
lion in 2002. 

In 2002 75 kibbutzim earned more than is 100 million 
compared with 108 kibbutzim earning less than is 50 mil- 
lion. Thus, 30% of the kibbutzim were responsible for 47% of 
total kibbutz income. This demonstrates the differences be- 
tween kibbutzim, some being quite wealthy while others face 

Figures for the last decade indicate an improvement in 
the economic situation of the kibbutzim. The total debt de- 
creased from is 28 billion in 1996 to is 17 billion in 2002. The 
improvement can be attributed to the write-off of part of the 
debt by the government and the economic and social changes 
that many kibbutzim underwent. Nonetheless, kibbutz per 
capita income remained lower than the national average. 

a changing way of life. Since the 1990s the kibbutzim 
have undergone vast changes in their way of life. The main 
cause of the changes was the enormous debt of the kibbut- 
zim to the banks. The changes can be summarized under four 
heads: changes in the personal budgets of kibbutz members; 
separation of the sources of livelihood from the community; 
professional management; external committees. 

differential salaries. Many kibbutzim adopted a sys- 
tem of differential salaries in place of equal budgets for its 
members. The new system gives each member a salary based 
on hours worked, education, experience, etc. The majority of 
the kibbutzim adopted the "security" model, in which pen- 
sioners and the elderly receive fixed salaries from the kib- 
butz, while the working population is responsible for making 
its own living. A different system, "the combined model," is 
based on quasi-differential distribution that takes into account 

number of years in the kibbutz and hours worked. The latter 
system seeks to distribute income in a more equal way. It is 
worth noting that 93 kibbutzim chose to maintain the tradi- 
tional model, in which members receive an equal budget. 


community. In this system kibbutz members become share- 
holders in kibbutz businesses, which are managed outside the 
community framework, like private enterprises anywhere. 

professional management. Until the 1990s the kibbut- 
zim were managed by an elected secretariat composed of kib- 
butz members. In recent years this has changed. Many kib- 
butzim failed to find suitable candidates from among their 
members and hired professionals from outside the kibbutz. 
The managers job is to lead the kibbutz into a new era and 
successfully implement changes. Two-thirds of the kibbutzim 
were already operating under such management in the first 
years of the 21 st century. 

external committees. A small group of kibbutzim (28) 
were managed by external committees, given authority to 
manage the kibbutz when it faced severe crises. The external 
committee manages the kibbutz for up to a year in order to 
enable kibbutz members to assume responsibility again. 

[Shaked Gilboa (2 nd ed.)] 

Into the 21 st Century 

The kibbutz at the outset of the 21 st century, which had once 
represented for many the essence of Israel, was thus far re- 
moved from what it had once been, just as Israeli society was. 
Stripped of ideology, losing its special qualities, it was rapidly 
becoming another habitat in an environment geared to satisfy 
personal ambition. Its place, however, in the history of Zionist 
settlement was assured. Not only did it contribute the sheer 
muscle power that reclaimed the land, it had also created the 
ethos that sustained the nation. Without it the Zionist enter- 
prise could hardly have succeeded. 

bibliography: general: A. Bein, The Return to the Soil 
(1952); Y. Baratz, A Village by the Jordan (1954); M. Weingarten, Life 
in a Kibbutz (1955); M.E. Spiro, Kibbutz, Venture in Utopia (1956); 
idem, Children of the Kibbutz (1958); H. Darin-Drabkin, The Other 
Society (1962); B. Bettelheim, Children of the Dream (1969); J. Blasi, 
The Communal Future -The Kibbutz and the Utopian Dilemma (1987); 
K. Bartolke, Th. Bergmann, L. Liegle (eds.), Integrated Cooperatives 
in the Industrial Society: The Example of the Kibbutz (1980); K. Bar- 
tolke, W. Eshwieler, D. Flechsenberg, M. Palgi, M. Rosner, Participa- 
tion and Control (1985); A. Cherns (ed.), Quality of Working Life and 
the Kibbutz Experience (1980); M. Gherson, Family, Women and So- 
cialization in the Kibbutz (1978): J. Gorni, Y. Oved, J. Paz (eds.), Com- 
munal Life (1987); E. Krausz, (ed.), The Sociology of the Kibbutz (1983); 
U. Leviatan, M. Rosner, Work and Organization in Kibbutz Industry 
(1980); Amia Lieblich, Kibbutz Makom (1981); Sh. Lilker, Kibbutz Ju- 
daism (1982); St. Maron, The Communal Household (1987); D. Mit- 
telberg, Strangers in the Paradise (1988); M. Palgi, J. Blasi, M. Rosner, 
M. Safir (eds.), Sexual Equality - the Israeli Kibbutz Tests the Theories 
(1986); A. Rabin, B. Bettelheim, Twenty Years Later: Kibbutz Chil- 
dren (1981); P. Rayman, The Kibbutz Community and Nation Build- 
ing (1981); M. Rosner, Democracy Equality and Change: The Kibbutz 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



and Social Theory (1982); I. Shepher, The Kibbutz, an anthropological 
study (1983); B. Shenker, Intentional Communities (1986); Sh. Shur, B. 
Beit-Hallahmi, J. Blasi, A. Rabin (eds.), The Kibbutz: A Bibliography 
of Scientific and Professional Publications in English (1981); A. Tan- 
nenbaum, B. Kavcic, M. Rosner, M. Vianello, G. Wieser, Hierarchy 
in Organizations (1974); L. Tiger, J. Shepher, Women in the Kibbutz 
(1975); A. Zamir, Mothers and Daughters - Interviews with Kibbutz 
Women (1986). periodical English publications. Kibbutz Stud- 
ies; Kibbutz Currents (formerly Shdemot); English publications series 
of the Institute for Research on the Kibbutz and the Cooperative Idea, 
University of Haifa, kibbutz arzi: D. Leon, The Kibbutz (1964); E.H. 
Samuel, The Children's Community of the Hashomer Hatzair atMish- 
mar Haemek (1962); L. Dror et al. (ed.), Sefer ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir, 3 
vols. (1956-64), passim, kibbutz dati: M. Unna, Shutafut shel Emet 
(1965); M. Krone, From Rodges to Yavne (1945); A. Fishman, The Re- 
ligious Kibbutz Movement (1957); Bnei Akiva, The Religious Kvuzah 
(i960); J. Walk, in: ylbi (1961), 236-56. add. bibliography: Kib- 
butz Movement Yearbook (Heb., 2003); H. Biur, "For the First Time 
in 19 Years: Growth in the Kibbutzim Population," in: Haaretz (July 
23, 2004). website: 

KIBEL, WOLF (1903-1938), South African painter. Son of a 
cantor of Godzisk near Warsaw, Kibel was orphaned in boy- 
hood but his artistic talent attracted the attention of a visiting 
artist who befriended him. In 1926 he went to Vienna, lived 
in poverty, but was helped by patrons to obtain some formal 
training and enabled to go to Palestine where he came under 
the influence of modern expressionism. In 1929 he emigrated 
to Cape Town, South Africa. There the strength and individu- 
ality of his style and his artistic integrity received quick recog- 
nition from fellow artists, but it was only toward the end of his 
life that his paintings in various media began to find their way 
into public galleries and private collections. Tinged with the 
melancholy of his own suffering and the tragedy of his people, 
Kibel's work was also marked by a sensitive humanity and joy 
in the common things of life. His life was a constant struggle 
against poverty and ill health, and he died in Cape Town of 
tuberculosis brought on by years of malnutrition. 

bibliography: F. Kibel, Wolf Kibel... (1968). 

[Louis Hotz] 

KI-BUKH ("Book of Cows"), anonymous i6 th -century Yid- 
dish fable collection. First mentioned in the *Mayse-Bukh 
(1602) as a morally corrupting book, the collection comprises 
35 tales (each accompanied by an explicitly framed "moral of 
the story"), deriving from two fable traditions: the Aesop ic 
(the sources of which were *Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Na- 
kdan's late 12 th - or early i3 th -century Hebrew Mishlei Shu'alim 
and Ulrich Boners Edelstein (1461)) and the Arabic maqama. 
Most of the fables in the Ki-Bukh are longer than their sources 
and tend toward humor, earthiness, and an interest in the de- 
tails of Jewish daily life of the time, while emanating the com- 
paratively liberal tonality characteristic of i6 th -century Yiddish 
literature composed in Northern Italy. The collection provides 
corroborative evidence of the persistent popularity of didactic 
fable in the Jewish literary tradition during the period. The 
condemnation of the book as morally corrupting so soon after 

its initial publication indicates its great popularity. While the 
date of the first edition remains unclear (1555?), the first extant 
edition is Verona 1595. The number of woodcuts included in 
the book is little less than astonishing: 83 in 67 folios. With 
some relatively minor omissions and (anti-liberal) revisions, 
Moses b. Menassah Eliezer b. Moses Wallich's Seyfer Mesho- 
lim (1697) is a reprint of the Ki-Bukh. 

bibliography: M.N. Rosenfeld (ed.), The Book of Cows: A 
Facsimile Edition of the Famed Kuhbuch, Verona 1595 (1984); E. Katz 
(ed.), Book of Fables: The Yiddish Fable Collection ofReb Moshe Wal- 
lich, Frankfurt am Main, 169/ (1994); J-C. Frakes (ed.), Early Yiddish 
Texts: 1100-1/50 (2004), 415-20, 750-72; J. Baumgarten, Introduction 
to Old Yiddish Literature (2005), 321-26. 

[Jerold C. Frakes (2 nd ed.)] 

KIDD, MICHAEL (born Milton Greenwald) (1919- ), 
U.S. dancer and stage and film choreographer. Kidd studied 
at the school of the American Ballet in New York. His debut 
as dancer was in The Eternal Road (1937). He was a member 
of the American Ballet and toured with Lincoln * Kirstein's 
Ballet Caravan and as a soloist and assistant director of Dance 
Players before joining Ballet Theater in 1942. He was noted 
for comic and character roles in Eugene Loring's Billy the 
Kid and Jerome Robbins' Fancy Free. He choreographed his 
first ballet, On Stage! ', in 1945. Over five decades Kidd created 
winsome and imaginative dances for the Broadway stage and 
Hollywood musicals. He also choreographed for television, 
including the television special Baryshnikov in Hollywood 
(1982). For the movies Kidd choreographed Where's Char- 
ley (1949), Seven Brides for Seven Brothers (1954), and Hello, 
Dolly (1969). 

As he approached his sixtieth birthday Kidd capped 
a vital career in the theater with superb performances as a 
comic actor. 

Kidd received Antoinette Perry Awards for the chore- 
ography in the musicals Finian's Rainbow (1947), Guys and 
Dolls (1951), Can-Can (1953), Li'l Abner (1956), and Destry 

R ides Aga in (1959). 

[Amnon Shiloah (2 nd ed.)] 

KIDDUSH (Heb. tfrrp, lit. "sanctification," derived from 
kaddesh (t£Hj7; lit. "to sanctify")), prayer recited over a cup of 
wine in the home and the synagogue to consecrate the Sab- 
bath or festival in fulfillment of the biblical commandment to 
"Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy" (Ex. 20:8; Pes. 
10 6a). Although women are exempt from performing positive 
precepts whose execution is bound to a specific time, they are 
obliged to observe the sanctification of the Sabbath because 
the Talmud maintains that the phrases "Remember the Sab- 
bath" (Ex. 20:8) and "Observe the Sabbath" (Deut. 5:12) in- 
clude women. "Whoever has to observe' has to 'remember'; 
and since the women have to observe' [by performing no 
work] they also have to 'remember'" (Ber. 20b). The primary 
Kiddush is recited on the eve of the Sabbath or festival before 
the start of the meal, since it is forbidden to eat on these oc- 
casions until Kiddush has been recited (Pes. 105a). 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


The text of the current Sabbath Kiddush consists of an in- 
troductory paragraph from Genesis 1:31 and 2:1-3; the bless- 
ing over wine; and the blessing for the sanctiflcation of the 
day which concludes with "Blessed art Thou, O Lord, Who 
hallo west the Sabbath" (Hertz, Prayer, 409). The introductory 
scriptural passage is omitted on festivals and only the blessings 
over wine and over the sanctiflcation of the day are recited. 
The blessing sanctifying the day for a festival concludes with 
"Blessed art Thou, O Lord, Who hallowest Israel and the festive 
seasons" (Hertz, Prayer, 811). The schools of Shammai and Hil- 
lel differed as to whether the benediction over the sanctity of 
the day or that over the wine is recited first (Ber. 8:1). On all full 
festivals, except for the last days of Passover, the She-Heheyanu 
blessing, thanking God for having "kept us in life... and en- 
abling us to reach this season" is recited at the conclusion of 
the Kiddush. When a festival immediately follows the Sabbath, 
a special benediction celebrating the termination of the Sab- 
bath (*Havdalah) is added. While it is preferable to chant the 
evening Kiddush over wine (Pes. 107a), two loaves of bread may 
be used where wine is not obtainable (Sh. Ar., oh 272:9). 

Although there can be no proper recitation of the Kid- 
dush except prior to the meal and at the place the meal will be 
eaten, the custom of also reciting the prayer at the conclusion 
of the Sabbath evening services in the synagogue gradually 
evolved. Despite the opposition of some rabbis, the practice 
was defended on the ground that at one time travelers were 
housed and fed in a room adjoining the synagogue. The trav- 
elers therefore discharged their obligation to sanctify the Sab- 
bath through the public recitation of the Kiddush (Pes. 101a). 
Reciting the Kiddush in the synagogue has been retained only 
in the Ashkenazi ritual, except in Israel where the Kiddush is 
no longer recited as part of any synagogal rite. 

Along with the principal evening Kiddush, the rabbis in- 
stituted a minor Kiddush, euphemistically called the "Great 
Kiddush" (Pes. 106a), to be recited on the morning of the Sab- 
bath or festival before the first meal. This Kiddush consists of 
the recitation of some biblical verses referring to the Sabbath 
or festival, followed by the benediction over wine (Hertz, 
Prayer, 565). When no beverage is available, the prayer is re- 
cited over two loaves of bread (Sh. Ar., oh 289:1-2 and Magen 
Avraham ad loc). Strong drink other than wine also may be 
used for the morning Kiddush, as may any beverage which is 
considered hemer ha-medinah ("national beverage"). 

For the development of the Kiddush text during the tal- 
mudic period see J. Heinemann, Ha-Tefillah bi-Tekufat ha- 
Tannaim ve-ha-Amoraim, 37ff., 62. 

The Kiddush ceremony, an integral part of Orthodox 
and Conservative practice, has also been retained by Reform 
Judaism. The Saturday morning Kiddush has often assumed 
new importance in the modern synagogue since it is often 
sponsored by the congregation and also serves as a commu- 
nal social hour. 

bibliography: Abrahams, Companion, 139-41, i69f., 194; 
Idelsohn, Liturgy, i32f., 154; Eisenstein, Dinim, 355 f. 

[Aaron Rothkoff] 

KIDDUSH HA-HAYYIM ("sanctiflcation of life"), term first 
attributed to Rabbi Isaac *Nissenbaum, a Zionist rabbi in the 
Warsaw ghetto, which sought to differentiate between the clas- 
sical response of Jewish martyrdom, *kiddush ha-Shem, the 
sanctiflcation of the Divine Name, and the imperative of the 
hour, to spiritually resist the Nazis and their intention of an- 
nihilating the Jewish people by remaining alive. Nissenbaum 
wrote: "In the past our enemies demanded our soul and the 
Jew sacrificed his body in sanctifying God's name. Now the 
enemy demands the body of the Jew. That makes it impera- 
tive for the Jew to defend it and protect it." 

Primo *Levi, the great Italian Jewish writer and survi- 
vor of Auschwitz, argued that had the lagers lasted longer 
they would have had to invent a vocabulary of their own, 
new words to describe an unprecedented situation. "Our lan- 
guage lacks words to express this offense, the demolition of a 
man." That was true not only for life inside the camps but for 
the unprecedented circumstances of Jews in German-occu- 
pied Europe during the time when the "Final Solution" was 
the operative German policy. Literary students of the Holo- 
caust Lawrence Langer and Terrence Des Pres invented new 
words to describe what the perpetrators did to their victims. 
For Langer, the term was "choiceless choices" and for Des 
Pres "excremental assault." These were the circumstances in 
which Jews were placed by the killers. But how were Jews to 

Two such concepts developed by which the Jews de- 
scribed their own behavior, their own choice of response. Iber- 
leben, the determination to outlive the enemy, to survive and 
to endure and to deny the Nazis the victory of one more Jew's 
demise. For Nissenbaum, the language he chose was religious. 
He understood that the circumstances were unprecedented 
and therefore the response required was also unprecedented. 
It demanded a language all its own. Other rabbis pushed for 
the same response, but saw it in continuity with the previous 
tradition of kiddush ha-Shem. Thus, Rabbi Abraham Isaac 
Goldberg of Zelichowo admonished his Jews: "every Jew that 
remains alive sanctifies the name of God among many [ba-rab- 
bim] ." Nissenbaum chose a new language, in part to stress the 
uniqueness of the Nazi's murderous intention. They did not 
want the conversion of the Jews nor their expulsion, but their 
annihilation and thus life itself was a form of defiance of their 
ultimate wish. Israeli Holocaust scholar Shaul Esh termed this 
"The Dignity of the Destroyed" in an article of that title. 

bibliography: S. Esh, "The Dignity of the Destroyed: To- 
ward a Definition of the Period of the Holocaust," in: Judaism (Spring 
1962); J. Rudavsky, To Live with Hope, to Die with Dignity (1987); P. 
Schindler, "Kiddush ha-Hayyim," in: Y. Gutman (ed.), Encyclopedia 
of the Holocaust (1990). 

[Michael Berenbaum (2 nd ed.)] 

Dtf H W?m D#n #Wp). The antithetical terms kiddush ha-Shem 
("sanctiflcation of the [Divine] Name") and hillul ha-Shem 
("defamation of the [Divine] Name") are complementary ant- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



onyms and denote the two aspects of one of the most signifi- 
cant concepts in Judaism. They imply, respectively, the glori- 
fication of the God of Israel and the diminution of His honor. 
The specific terms are rabbinic; the concepts themselves, how- 
ever, are biblical in origin and are included among the 613 
commandments: "Ye shall keep My commandments and do 
them: I am the Lord. Ye shall not profane My holy Name; but 
I will be hallowed among the children of Israel; I am the Lord 
who hallow you" (Lev. 22:31, 32). The entire people was sub- 
ject to these principles, although the priests were especially 
cautioned to avoid hillul ha-Shem (Lev. 21:6; 22:2). 

In the Bible 

Two patterns of thought are discernible in the biblical con- 
ception of kiddush ha-Shem and hillul ha-Shem. One consid- 
ers God as the primary actor, while Israel remains passive; the 
other regards the Israelites as the initiators of either the sanc- 
tification or the desecration of God's Name. The first is fully 
crystallized in Ezekiel (chs. 20, 36, 39), for whom the sanctifi- 
cation of the Name is essentially an act of the Lord bestowed 
upon Israel before the onlooking nations of the world. The 
Name is sanctified when God wondrously redeems Israel and 
the gentiles behold the vindication of the divine promise and 
are moved to worship Him. Inversely, if the Lord visits pri- 
vation or exile upon Israel, or suffers the people to remain in 
captivity, the nations question God's strength or faithfulness, 
and the Name is thus defamed. This general rubric holds true 
for Ezekiel (with the exception of 20:39) an d for most instances 
of kiddush ha-Shem in the Pentateuch. 

According to the second view, man is responsible for 
God's honor in the eyes of the world. Moses and Aaron were 
punished because of their failure to sanctify God's Name 
(Num. 20:12; Deut. 32:51). God's Name must be sanctified not 
only before the gentiles but in the eyes of Israel as well (ibid. y 
and Lev. 22:32). Jeremiah accuses his countrymen of profaning 
God's Name when they circumvent the law and emancipate 
their slaves only to capture and enslave them again (34:16). 
Amos condemned extortion from the poor and immorality 
as hillul ha-Shem (2.7). 

Rabbinic Literature 

The rabbinic tradition laid more emphasis on the personal- 
ethical than on the national-redemptive significance of the 
concept. It developed especially the second view of the bibli- 
cal theme: human initiative, and a wider designation so as to 
include Jews as well as non-Jews. It could even be performed 
in private with no one present, as in the case of Joseph who, 
by restraining himself in the face of temptation, fulfilled the 
sanctification of God's Name (Sot. 36b). This does not mean 
that the rabbis entirely ignored kiddush ha-Shem and hillul 
ha-Shem as divine acts. When God decided to visit destruc- 
tion indiscriminately on both the righteous and the wicked 
of Sodom, Abraham protested that this would be hillul ha- 
Shem (Gen. R. 49:9). Were God to have permitted Absalom 
to slay his father David, His Name would have been publicly 
profaned (Sanh. 107a). The punishment of the righteous for 

their sins, relative to their own high standards, is divine kid- 
dush ha-Shem (Sifra to Shemini 45d; Zev 115b). 

The sanctification of God's Name before gentiles was al- 
ways a potent element in the folk understanding of the con- 
cept. The rabbis, however, for the most part, concerned them- 
selves with the active role of man in the drama of bestowing 
glory upon, or detracting from, the honor of God. This hu- 
man initiative in kiddush ha-Shem could be consummated in 
three different ways: martyrdom, exemplary ethical conduct, 
and prayer. 

martyrdom. The readiness to sanctify God's Name has 
its most dramatic expression in the willingness to die a mar- 
tyr, and since tannaitic times the term kiddush ha-Shem also 
denotes martyrdom (see below Historical Aspects). When a 
person willingly suffers death rather than violate one of three 
specific commandments (see below) he achieves kiddush ha- 
Shem; if he fails to do so in these cases, or in other instances 
where the halakhah demands martyrdom, he is guilty of hillul 
ha-Shem (Av. Zar. 27b; Sanh. 74a, b). On the verses, "Ye shall 
not profane My holy Name,. . . I am the Lord who hallow you, 
brought you out of the land of Egypt, to be your God: I am 
the Lord" (Lev. 22:32, 33), the rabbis taught: "On this condi- 
tion did I bring you out of the land of Egypt that you submit 
yourselves to sanctify My Name, that I be your God even by 
force; I the Lord am faithful to grant you your reward" (Si- 
fra, Emor, Perek 9). Since the second century, "to die for the 
sanctification of the Name" has been the accepted idiom for 
dying a martyr's death. A martyr was, appropriately, called a 
kadoshy one who is holy. In time, this honorific was extended 
and applied as well to those who died solely because they were 
Jewish even without their consciously offering up their lives 
for religious purposes (Moshe Lamm, Darkah shel ha-Yahadut 
be-Mavet u-ve-Avelut (2005), 221-222.) A child, growing up in 
the Jewish tradition, was exposed to the concept of martyr- 
dom as an ideal. From his earliest youth he was taught stories 
about martyrs, e.g., *Hannah and her seven sons, R. *Akiva 
and the other of the * ten martyrs; the latter in the form of a 
lamentation is part of the synagogue service on the *Day of 
Atonement and on the Ninth of *Av. Hananiah, Mishael, and 
Azariah (Dan. 3) are held up by the rabbis as models of con- 
duct in the sanctification of the Name (Pes. 53b). 

At the famous rabbinical council in *Lydda (second 
century), the laws of martyrdom were formulated. Kiddush 
ha-Shem was declared obligatory in the case of three com- 
mandments and a person had to suffer death rather than vio- 
late them: idolatry, unchastity (gillui arayot: including incest, 
adultery, and, under certain circumstances, any infraction of 
the code of sexual morality), and murder (Sanh. 74a). One 
should violate all other commandments rather than suffer 
death. Should a Jew, however, in the presence of ten other 
Jews, be coerced into transgressing these other laws in order 
to demonstrate his apostasy, he must sanctify God's Name and 
choose death. If ten Jews are not present, he should transgress 
rather than be killed. These rules hold for "normal" times. In 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


times of religious persecution of the entire community, how- 
ever, one must choose to die for kiddush ha-Shem even if no 
other Israelites are present, and one must not violate any com- 
mandment, including minor customs which are distinctively 
Jewish (Maim. Yad, Yesodei ha-Torah, 5:3). Martyrdom rather 
than violation, when transgression is permissible, became a 
point of discussion; the halakhah had to decide between two 
opposing principles - that of sanctifying God's Name versus 
that of preserving life ("and he shall live by them" (Lev 18:5), 
i.e., the commandments). According to Maimonides, a per- 
son who chose kiddush ha-Shem where the law decides for life 
is culpable (Maim, ibid., 5:1); others consider such voluntary 
martyrdom praiseworthy (Tos. Av. Zar. 27b). The Ashkenazi 
talmudists were instinctual rather than rationalistic in their 
attitude to martyrdom - an attitude characteristic of most of 
medieval German Jewry. The tosafists reacted negatively to 
the problem as it is viewed in the halakhah. They recoiled - 
"Heaven forbid!" - from such formal halakhic reasoning that 
does not require martyrdom of a person forced to worship 
an idol in private, and they demanded obligatory kiddush ha- 
Shem (Tos. Av. Zar. 54a). 

Among modern halakhic authorities, the question 
whether an individual should sacrifice his life in order to save 
the entire community is a point of contention. Rabbi A.I. Kook 
considered it obligatory as an emergency measure (Mishpat 
Kohen (1966 2 ), no. 143). Others regarded such action as meri- 
torious but not mandatory (J.J. Weinberg, Seridei Esh, 1 (1961), 
303-16). The problem arose often during the Holocaust in Eu- 
rope. In one typical responsum of this period, the question 
was asked whether (considering the danger to the emissary 
who might be imprisoned and killed) a particular rabbi should 
accept his mission of approaching the Lithuanian henchmen 
of the Nazi authorities in Kovno in 1941 in order to release 
certain Jews. The answer was that he may not be ordered to 
accept the mission but he should do so as an act of piety; he 
did, and subsequently survived (E. Oshry, Mi-Maamakim, 2 
(1963), responsum no. 1). The same work also includes a dis- 
cussion on a contemporaneous practical problem: the word- 
ing of the blessing to be recited upon being martyred for the 
sanctification of Gods Name (ibid., no. 4). The question was 
first raised by R. Isaiah ha-Levi ^Horowitz (i6 th -i7 th centuries) 
who initially was reluctant to sanction a blessing over the mitz- 
vah of martyrdom because one should not seek out a situation 
which would require him to surrender his life. Later, however, 
he agreed to the blessing over kiddush ha-Shem. 

The sages of the Talmud were divided in their opinions 
as to whether gentiles are required to sanctify God's Name. 
*Abbaye held that a non-Jew who is forced to violate one of 
the seven Noachide laws is not obligated to suffer kiddush ha- 
Shem; *Rava maintained that he is (Sanh. 74b). The accepted 
ruling is that non- Jews are not required to sanctify the Name 
(tj, Shev. 4:3, 35b; Maim. Yad, Melakhim, 10:2). According to 
some authorities, however, a gentile must perform kiddush 
ha-Shem rather than be forced to commit murder (Mishneh 
le-Melekh, to Yad, ibid.). 

ethical conduct. The ideal of man's initiative in sanctify- 
ing God's Name beyond the strict requirements of the law was 
developed by rabbinic tradition in the area of ethical conduct. 
When *Simeon b. *Shetah bought an ass from an Arab and 
his servants were delighted at finding a jewel hanging from its 
neck, he at once returned the gem to its owner, who cried out, 
"Blessed be the God of the Jews Who renders His people so 
scrupulous in their dealings with other men" (tj, bm., 2:5, 8c). 
His supererogatory conduct is considered kiddush ha-Shem. 
Joshua kept his oath to the Gibeonites, though they exacted 
it from him by fraud (Git. 46a). Moral acts such as Joseph's 
restraint in the face of temptation and Judah's public confes- 
sion of his relations with Tamar are also considered kiddush 
ha-Shem (Sot. 10b). 

The designation of an unethical act as hillul ha-Shem 
proved a powerful deterrent. The punishment for such is im- 
mediate, even if the sin was unintentional (Shab. 33a); it is the 
most heinous of all sins (tj, Ned. 3:14, 38b) and only death 
can atone for it (Yoma 86a). According to R. Akiva, there is 
no forgiveness at all for it (arn 1 39). 

In the Talmud, the concepts of kiddush ha-Shem and 
hillul ha-Shem are discussed with reference to stealing from 
a non- Jew (bk ii3a-b). According to R. Akiva, the law itself 
prohibits this, and thus protects all property, whether of a Jew 
or non-Jew. R. Ishmael, however, holds that biblical law ap- 
plies formally only to the relation of Jews with fellow Jews. The 
protection of non- Jews, therefore, requires a supplementary 
principle, that of kiddush ha-Shem. Hence, ethical perfection 
beyond the minimum standards of the law itself becomes law, 
that of sanctifying the Name: reflecting honor upon God and 
the Torah by striving for moral excellence. Although medieval 
talmudists almost unanimously decided in favor of R. Akiva, 
they had to use the themes of kiddush ha-Shem and hillul ha- 
Shem to plug occasional loopholes in the formal law. They of- 
ten cited the Tosefta (bk 10:15) that stealing from a non-Jew 
is a worse crime than stealing from a Jew, since the former in- 
cludes hillul ha-Shem as well as "ye shall not steal." 

Kiddush ha-Shem imposes special and exacting standards 
of conduct on the scholar. He must, for instance, pay his debts 
promptly, never cause embarrassment to his colleagues, not 
walk four cubits without tallit or tefillin, and not overindulge 
in merrymaking (Yoma 86a; Av. Zar. 28a; Maim. Yad, Yesodei 
ha-Torah, 5:11). 

While the ethical moment is quite strong in kiddush ha- 
Shem, the latter should not be interpreted exclusively as moral 
behavior toward others. Kiddush ha-Shem includes martyr- 
dom for any of a number of reasons: refusing to worship an 
idol, under certain conditions circumcising one's son or study- 
ing Torah or abiding by the dietary laws. In all these cases, it 
is not necessarily a question of performance in the presence 
of non- Jews. The halakhah considers any consciously rebel- 
lious act against God as hillul ha-Shem (Maim, ibid., 5:10). 
The principal motif of kiddush ha-Shem is religious and this 
includes the ethical dimension; the aim of the latter is not so 
much to teach the world morality as to increase the respect 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



of the world for the morality of Judaism (H.G. Friedman, see 
bibliography). Principally, kiddush ha-Shem seeks to demon- 
strate to Jew and non-Jew alike the power of the Jewish com- 
mitment to God and to Torah. 

prayer. Kiddush ha-Shem also found expression in prayer. 
This took two forms. One was in a liturgical declaration of 
readiness to accept martyrdom if necessary: "'Nay, but for 
Thy sake are we killed all the day; we are accounted as sheep 
for the slaughter' (Ps. 44:23). Is it then possible to be 'killed all 
the day?' When one takes upon himself to sanctify His great 
Name every day, he is accounted as 'sheep for the slaughter'" 
(Sif. Deut. 6:5). Similarly, when reciting the *Shema, a person 
must spiritually intend the readiness to offer himself for kid- 
dush ha-Shem (Zohar, Num. 195b). Second, the recital of the 
prayer is itself regarded as an act of sanctification of God's 
Name. A number of such liturgical expressions of kiddush ha- 
Shem have been found in the Merkabah literature (G. Scho- 
lem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic 
Tradition (1965 2 ), Appendix c). 

Two formal prayers stand out in this respect: the *Kedu- 
shah and the ^Kaddish. The Kedushah is based on the Song 
of the Seraphim in Isaiah 6:1-3. Th e more esoteric Kedushah, 
recited before the Shema, refers to the praise of God by the 
angels, while the Kedushah of the *Amidah prayer speaks of 
Israel sanctifying God's Name. The more esoteric Kedushah, 
recited before the Shema, refers to the praise of God by the 
angels, while the Kedushah of the Amidah prayer speaks of 
Israel sanctifying God's Name. The latter is parallel to and 
perhaps surpasses the Kedushah of the angels, adding a cos- 
mic element to the theme of kiddush ha-Shem. The Zohar 
(Lev. 93a) considers the key verse "I will be hallowed among 
the children of Israel" (Lev. 22:32) as the source and warrant 
for the Kedushah. 

In the Kaddish, the key parts refer quite literally to the 
"sanctification" of the "Name." At a comparatively early pe- 
riod, the Kaddish was already ascribed to the biblical source 
of kiddush ha-Shem (Zedekiah b. Abraham ha-Rofe, Shibbolei 
ha-Leket, ed. S.K. Mirsky (1966), 149-50). The absence of any 
specific Divine Name in this prayer, and the emphasis on the 
"Name" as such, has been thought by some scholars to have 
been deliberate, in order to emphasize its idiomatic affinity to 
the biblical "kiddush ha-Shem." It has been suggested that the 
Kaddish was originally recited by martyrs who, at the thresh- 
old of death, declared the sanctification of God's Name and 
consoled the bereaved onlookers by speaking of the redemp- 
tion and the Messiah "in your lifetime and in your days" (J. 
Kaufman, Midreshei Geullah (1954 2 ), 58 n. 12, quoting H.N. 
Bialik). S.Y. Agnon's interpretation carries the impact of poetic 
truth, if not historic accuracy: the orphan's recitation of the 
Kaddish (Samukh ve-Nireh, "Petihah le-Kaddish ,y ), is a kind of 
consolation to God who sustained a double hillul ha-Shem - 
His Name both diminished and desecrated by the loss of even 
a single soldier (who as a human being is irreplaceable) in the 
legions of the Almighty; hence, the prayer that the injured 

Name be magnified and sanctified. R. Joseph B. *Soloveitchik 
writes movingly that "through the Kaddish we hurl defiance at 
death and its fiendish conspiracy against man. [The mourner] 
declares more or less the following: no matter how powerful 
death is ... no matter how black one's despair is ... we declare 
and profess publicly and solemnly that we are not giving up, 
that we are not surrendering, that we will carry on the work 
of our ancestors as if nothing had happened, that we will be 
satisfied with nothing less than the full realization of the ulti- 
mate goal - the establishment of God's kingdom ("Aninut and 
Avelut," in: David Shatz, B. Wolowelsky, and Reuven Ziegler 
(eds.), Out of the Whirlwind: Essays on Morality, Suffering, and 
the Human Condition (2003), p. 5). 

[Norman Lamm] 

Kiddush Hashem: Historical Aspects 

The concept of kiddush ha-Shem has thus always been implicit 
in the Judaic faith and view of life. Its first explicit expression 
occurred during the confrontation of Judaism with *Helle- 
nism, the first pagan culture with "missionary" and synthe- 
sizing tendencies. The Book of Daniel tells about the three 
"Jewish men" - Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-Nego - who 
disobeyed a royal command to worship an idol and endan- 
gered their lives. Under *Antiochus Epiphanes Hellenization 
employed violent and coercive methods in regard to Jews. Af- 
ter the victorious revolt of the Hasmoneans, a Jew in the Hel- 
lenistic Diaspora recorded the martyrdom of an old man, little 
children, and their mother who had died for their faith: 

Eleazar, one of the principal scribes,. . . of a noble countenance, 
was compelled to eat swine's flesh ... Now those in charge of 
that forbidden sacrificial feast took the man aside, for the sake 
of old acquaintance, and privately urged him to bring some 
flesh of his own providing, such as he was lawfully allowed to 
use, and to pretend he was really eating of the sacrifice which 
the king had ordered, so that in this way he might escape death 
and be kindly treated for the sake of their old friendship. But 
he with a high resolve, worthy of his years and of the dignity 
of his descent . . . and, still more, of the holy laws divinely or- 
dained, spoke his mind accordingly:. . . "It ill becomes our years 
to dissemble," said he, "and thus lead many younger persons to 
imagine that Eleazar in his ninetieth year has gone over to a 
heathenish religion ... for the mere sake of enjoying this brief 
and momentary life . . . Even were I for the moment to evade 
the punishment of men, I should not escape the hands of the 
Almighty in life or in death ... I will . . . leave behind me a noble 
example to the young how to die willingly and nobly on behalf 
of our reverend and holy laws." With these words he stepped 
forward at once to the instrument of torture, while those who a 
moment before had been friendly turned against him, deeming 
his language to be that of a sheer madman.... Under the strokes 
of torture, he groaned out: "The Lord who has holy knowledge 
understandeth that, although I might have been freed from 
death, I endure cruel pains in my body from scourging and suf- 
fer this gladly in my soul, because I fear Him" (11 Mace. 6:18-30; 
Charles, Apocrypha, 140). 

The basic ideals motivating kiddush ha-Shem are thus set out 
at this early stage: personal nobility and courage, a categori- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


cal refusal to employ any form of dissimulation or live an 
undercover existence, and readiness to undergo bodily and 
spiritual torture in the full knowledge that this behavior may 
appear sheer madness to those who inflict it. Hannah, "the 
mother of the Maccabees" according to Christian tradition, 
exhorts her seven sons in a similar way not to be afraid of ei- 
ther hangmen or death. These figures became the prototypes 
for and symbols of martyrdom and martyrs in both Judaism 
and Christianity. The Fourth Book of Maccabees is almost 
entirely a philosophical sermon on the meaning and glory of 
kiddush ha-Shem in Hellenistic times. 

Whereas in the Christian and Muslim interpretation the 
Jewish kiddush ha-Shem became an act of mainly individual 
martyrdom, the lot of saints chosen by God for their individ- 
ual path of suffering - and (in Christianity) their participation 
in the mystery of Crucifixion, the martyred saints following 
Christ on the cross - in Judaism kiddush ha-Shem remained 
a task set for each and every Jew to fulfill if the appropriate 
moment came. It found logical expression in the readiness to 
die as a son of the Chosen People. In the war against Rome 
of 66-70/73, whole communities committed suicide as a cul- 
mination of their fight against alien power. Thus, in the many 
trials of revolt and war in which Jews were tested, from the 
wars of liberation of the Maccabees up to the failure of the re- 
volts against the Romans both in Erez Israel and the Diaspora, 
kiddush ha-Shem acted as a motivating force giving meaning 
to the struggle of the Jewish warriors, strength of endurance 
under cruel torture by victors, and offering suicide as a way 
out of submission and slavery. The famous mass suicide at 
*Masada was inspired more by the conception of kiddush ha- 
Shem as a commandment, and a proud refusal to submit to 
the Roman enemy, than by the philosophical argumentations 
that Josephus, an arch enemy of the self-sacrificing *Zealots, 
put in the mouths of the defenders of Masada. 

As if referring to an everyday, ordinary incident, one of 
the tannaim describes "those who dwell in the land of Israel 
and risk their lives for the sake of the commandments: 'Why 
are you being led out to be decapitated?' 'Because I circum- 
cised my son to be an Israelite.' 'Why are you being led out 
to be burned?' 'Because I read the To rah.' 'Why are you being 
led out to be crucified?' 'Because I ate the unleavened bread.' 
'Why are you getting a hundred lashes?' 'Because I performed 
the ceremony of the lulav. These wounds caused me to be be- 
loved of my Father in heaven" (Mekh. Ba-Hodesh, 6). They 
were conscious that this behavior appeared strange to the 
gentiles who asked the Jews: What is the nature of your God 
that "you are so ready to die for Him, and so ready to let your- 
selves be killed for Him . . . you are handsome, you are mighty, 
come and intermingle with us" (Mekh. Shirata, 3). ^Samaritans 
also chose the Jewish path of kiddush ha-Shem in the course 
of their revolts and sufferings for the Torah and its truth as 
they conceived it. 

middle ages. The ideology of kiddush ha-Shem and devo- 
tion to it as crystallized in antiquity continued and strength- 

ened in the Middle Ages. Christian persecution and the hu- 
miliation meted out to Jews intensified the underlying wish 
to safeguard individuality, and fortified the ethic of kiddush 
ha-Shem in the struggle to preserve their national identity and 
freedom to profess their faith. For Jews living in the lands of 
their enemies kiddush ha-Shem became the only convincing 
way of asserting when faced with Christian missionary co- 
ercion that if they were not to be permitted to live openly as 
Jews they chose not to live at all. Surrounded by feudal war- 
riors and the feudal mode of fighting, torn from their coun- 
try and appearing as aliens everywhere, for Jews * suicide as 
kiddush ha-Shem was in many cases the only way in which 
they could exemplify and give expression to human courage. 
When confronted by brute force, Jews tried to defend them- 
selves wherever and however they could; however, since they 
often failed, as was inevitable in the case of a small minority, 
readiness to die was the only way of maintaining a lofty ex- 
emplar for Jewish existence. Where Christian knights ruled 
through their warrior techniques and conformed to their spe- 
cific knightly scale of values, Jews, influenced involuntarily by 
this spirit, could hold their own - both in point of physical 
survival and more importantly from the spiritual and psy- 
chological aspect - only through ultimate readiness to face 
the supreme sacrifice. 

In the 11 th century the conception of holy war became 
predominant in Western Christian thought. Popular reli- 
gious feeling in the West became more fanatical and was of- 
ten connected with social unrest. Even before the beginning 
of the *crusades, cases of suicide to avoid forced conversion 
to Christianity are recorded. The suicide of Jews in the tenth 
century in southern Italy for the sake of their faith is described 
by contemporaries as "pure total burnt offering" (olah temi- 
mah). In the spring of 1096 many of the participants in the 
First Crusade conceived that their armed pilgrimage to free 
the sepulcher of Jesus logically demanded either the extinc- 
tion of the Jewish religion in Christian countries or the anni- 
hilation of those Jews who would not accept Christianity. In 
the atmosphere of holy war many Jews believed that the glory 
of the Lord and the honor of their Law would be debased if 
they did not bear witness for them by open and public proc- 
lamation of their abiding truth in a chivalrous manner. Thus, 
through the curious workings of historic irony the Christian 
crusading venture and Jewish martyrdom by kiddush ha-Shem 
each became in its own particular way expressions of a holy 
war waged for the glory of God. 

During the crusading onslaught on them in 1096 the 
communities of the Rhine district sacrificed themselves for 
their faith in this spirit. Those who remained alive related the 
sacrifices of the martyrs in the same spirit. Thousands of Jews 
lost their lives in the course of those terrible months; a few 
of the victims fell in direct battle, and the majority perished 
through suicides of whole families. In the chronicles of the 
massacres of the First Crusade and the threnodies composed 
on the martyrs the ideology of kiddush ha-Shem is reformu- 
lated. A mother in Mainz is related as having said that she 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



killed her children as sacrifices to God to fulfill His command- 
ment to be "whole with him" (liheyot temimim immo) (A.M. 
Habermann (ed.), Sefer Gezerot Ashkenaz ve-Zarefat (1945), 
34), thus tacitly framing a condemnation of forced converts 
leading a halfhearted underground existence as *anusim. The 
writings about these acts employ the ancient symbols of ag- 
gadic literature - *Akedah, ^Abraham's bosom, and the divine 
light which will be vouchsafed to the martyrs, and stress the 
open challenge offered to the crusaders by the Jews who pro- 
claimed the superiority of their faith over Christianity. The 
silence of the sources sometimes bears eloquent testimony 
to the conception of kiddush ha-Shem as the Jewish way of 
waging the holy war: the pillage and robbery, loss of property 
and homes that accompanied the attacks are only hinted at, 
while the motives of the crusaders are formulated in a way 
that conveys their Christian religious determinants only (see 
ibid., pp. 24, 26, 27, 72, 93, 94). Wherever possible, in these at- 
tacks Jews tried to fight off their assailants at the gates and at 
the entrances to houses (ibid., pp. 30-3ia, 33, 97, 99-100), but 
when their endeavors at defense failed they killed themselves 
and took special care to slay their children first to prevent 
them from being carried off and brought up as Christians. 
Such sources describe these events for future generations not 
as acts committed out of desperation but from the feeling that 
these Jews had chosen to die in this way so that the remnant of 
the nation should be able to continue its existence with pride. 
The community of *Xanten is remembered for having added 
to their last communal benediction after food, just before the 
mass suicide, the following prayer: "The merciful One will 
avenge in the days of those who will remain after us, before 
their eyes the blood shed by your servants and the blood that 
is to be shed" (ibid., p. 49). 

After the wholesale burning of Jews at the stake in *Blois 
in 1171 a Jewish sage signing his name "Ovadiah" summed up 
something like a set of rules for Jewish behavior under enemy 
sovereignty, speaking as if from the mouths of the martyred: 
"For the saints have proclaimed . . . if the rulers decree ... as to 
taxation ... it is permissible ... to plead to ease the burden . . . 
but . . . when they take it into their evil hearts ... to blandish, 
to terrorize, to make them impure [through apostasy] ... the 
chosen ones shall answer . . . we shall pay no heed to your 
lies ... we shall remain true" [to the Jewish faith] (see S. Spie- 
gel, in: Sefer ha-Yovel... Mordekhai Menahem Kaplan (1953), 
286). This steadfastness continued to fortify Jews throughout 
the tribulations, libels, and massacres to which they were sub- 
jected in these centuries. When the Nordhausen community 
was led to be burned on the pyre during the *Black Death 
massacres in 1349 they obtained permission to hire musicians, 
and went singing and dancing to their deaths. Medieval Jew- 
ish prayer books include, in addition to the benedictions for 
bread and drink, a benediction to be recited by a Jew before 
killing himself and his children. Special memorial lists were 
compiled to preserve the memory of those who had sacrificed 
themselves for kiddush ha-Shem (see *Memorbuch). As the 
victims of the blood *libel, Host ^desecration libel, and other 

calumnies were subjected to continuous torture intended to 
extort "confessions," endurance under excruciating pain or 
suicide to avoid making a false confession came to be consid- 
ered a true manifestation of kiddush ha-Shem. 

Among the Jews of Christian Spain kiddush ha-Shem was 
recognized both as a phenomenon distinguishing Ashkenazi 
Jewry and a problem to be reckoned with in their own exis- 
tence, as the writings of Judah Halevi and Nahmanides show 
for the 12 th and 13 th centuries. From the end of the 14 th cen- 
tury kiddush ha-Shem became part of the fate and sufferings 
of Spanish Jewry, whether upheld through massacres, persecu- 
tions, or libels as Jews openly professing their faith, or under 
the fire and torture of the "Inquisition chambers and tribunals 
as anusim. ^Abraham b. Eliezer ha-Levi applied the ancient 
Maccabean tradition and theory of kiddush ha-Shem to the 
victim of the torture chambers and at the auto-da-fe: 

Whoever firmly resolves to devote himself to the honor of 
His name ... such a man, being exposed to cruel tortures and 
sorely tormented, as was the case with the holy martyrs in the 
Land, those marvelous young men, the sons of saintly Hannah, 
in the days when the priests could come near the Presence of 
God; they were the heroes who fought God s battles - if such 
a man will but concentrate and put between his eyes the "awe- 
inspiring and great Name," resolve to undergo martyrdom, and 
his eyes will incline towards the Holy One of Israel . . . then he 
may be sure that he will withstand the test . . . nor feel any pain, 
blows or torments ... And these things are worthy to be made 
known to His people Israel for the generation is one of reli- 
gious persecution, and no Israelite should go in ignorance of 
this principle . . . And it may well be that it was to such a saintly 
person, who, albeit his soul is given over completely to God 
and rejoices in His love, is yet buried together with the wicked 
and consumed by fire, the wise Solomon alluded when he said 
(Song 8:5), "Who is that coming up from the wilderness, Lean- 
ing upon her beloved?" For the promise of the Lord proves true: 
she [the soul] leans and falls, limb by limb and piece by piece; 
but of such a saintly soul the righteous who dwell in the inner- 
most mansion of the King, where joy resides, expound: Who 
is that coming up from the terrestrial world, which is like unto 
a wilderness? . . . Out of love for her beloved her body falls part 
by part; because of the trials she undergoes, her flesh pierced by 
tongs or cut to pieces by the sword; and the King, to Whom all 
peace belongs, for Whose love she suffers so, looks down from 
His abode and proclaims as she ascends to Him: "Behold thou 
are upright and pure, today have I begotten thee" (Ps. 2:7), and 
"under the apple tree I awakened thee" (Song. 8:5) (as quoted 
in Baer, Spain, 2 (1966), 430-1). 

In this early i6 th -century summation the wheel has turned 
full circle: the motives which inspired individuals to choose 
the path of kiddush ha-Shem at the time of the clash with Hel- 
lenism merge with the sufferings of the tortured body of the 
individual Jew in his pain and fire-wracked isolation looking 
from his physical breakdown to his meeting with the loving 
God in heaven. 

modern times. In early modern times the general trends 
of enlightenment and abatement of medieval religious 
pressures were accompanied by growing secularization in 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


Jewish life and thought, leanings toward assimilation, 
and striving for emancipation, all factors which both sep- 
arately and in combination conduced to disintegration in 
Jewish society and abandonment of specifically Jewish 
values. Thus, while the necessity to uphold kiddush ha-Shem 
diminished in fact, the concept also lost actuality and sig- 

With the awakening of Jewish national feeling in later 
modern times, as expressed by the formation of political par- 
ties like the *Bund, the organization of *self- defense against 
pogroms, and Zionism, the principle of kiddush ha-Shem reas- 
serted its influence, consciously or subconsciously, manifested 
in new ideological frames for the defense of Jewish dignity and 
in modes of response by Jews to social and spiritual challenge. 
Jewish revolutionary attitudes bear its imprint in the courage 
and readiness to struggle and self-sacrifice for the sake of hu- 
manity even when there is no immediate prospect of victory 
on the horizon. In the same way, the fight and death of the 
rebels in the Nazi ghettos was ultimately inspired by this an- 
cient Jewish tradition. 

Kiddush ha-Shem is an original contribution by the 
Jewish faith and culture to the whole monotheistic world. 
Through it was expressed for the first time in human history 
the readiness of simple people to die for their faith and opin- 
ions. It is an ultimate prop of individual expression when all 
other physical supports have been withdrawn. 

Kiddush ha-Shem has played a central and formative role 
in Jewish history, both through the reality of the sacrifices 
made to uphold it as well as through the spiritual images and 
attitudes by which it has been activated. It is a powerful and 
valid expression of human courage and readiness for supreme 
sacrifice. In a large measure due to the principle of kiddush 
ha-Shem Jews have escaped spiritual degradation throughout 
the long *galut ("Diaspora"), thus failing to justify the hopes 
and views of their enemies and detractors. Through it cour- 
age and the spirit to resist have been continuously kept alive 
in Jewish hearts and transmitted to posterity from the days 
of Daniel to the present. Individual exemplary behavior and 
collective enthusiasm have sustained it in changing situa- 
tions and forms. 

The valor and heroism shown in defense of the State of 
Israel in the 20 th century can be seen as the direct inheritance 
of chivalrous courage which Jews from generation to genera- 
tion have transmitted in upholding the principle of kiddush 


[Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson] 

bibliography: H.G. Friedman, in: huca (1904), 193-214; 
I. Gruenwald, in: Molad, 1 (1967/68), 476-84; A. Holz, in: Judaism, 
10 (1961), 360-7; J. Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance (1961), ch. 7 and 
passim, historical aspects: Roth, Marranos; Baer, Spain; idem, 
in: Sefer Assaf (1953), 126-40; Baron, Social 2 , index, s.v. Martyrs; 
S. Spiegel, in: Sefer ha-Yovel... Mordekhai Menahem Kaplan (1953), 
267-87; Ha-Hevrah ha-Historit ha-Yisre'elit, Milhemet Kodesh u- 
Martirologyah (1968); H.H. Ben-Sasson, in: idem, Historiyyonim ve- 
Askolot Historiyyot (1962), 29-40; idem (ed.), Toledot Am Yisrael, 3 
vols. (1969). 

KIDDUSHIN (Heb. l^np), the last tractate in the order 
Nashim in the Mishnah, Tosefta, and both Talmuds. It deals 
with matrimonial matters. Its position at the end of the order 
is due to the fact that the order of the tractates is determined 
by their size and Kiddushin has only four chapters, less than 
all other tractates of Nashim. There is no corresponding word 
for kiddushin in English. It is more than an "engagement" in 
the current sense, as it can be dissolved only by divorce, and 
moreover the law of adultery, carrying the biblical death pen- 
alty, applies from the moment of kiddushin. On the other hand 
kiddushin is like "betrothal" in the sense that it represents a 
formal stage preliminary to marriage proper (nissu'in), the 
latter term referring to the induction of the wife into the hus- 
band's house, symbolized by the huppah. Chapter 1, applying 
to kiddushin the term acquisition (kinyan) y opens with the 
modes of kiddushin: by money, by writ, and by intercourse. 
The rest of the chapter deals with the acquisition of slaves 
and animals, of land and chattels, and with other extraneous 
matters. The chapter concludes with aggadic sayings. Chap- 
ter 2 deals mainly with kiddushin by proxy. Chapter 3 exam- 
ines ^kiddushin on condition" and "doubtful kiddushin" lead- 
ing up to the problem of blemished descent. Chapter 4 deals 
mainly with questions of genealogy and bastardy. As usual, the 
tractate ends with homiletic material, on education, and after 
deliberating at length which craft to teach one's sons, reaches 
the conclusion that Torah study is the best vocation. In the 
Tosefta, this tractate is divided into five chapters. 

Important masoretic observations are made in the Baby- 
lonian Talmud. It states that the scribes were called soferim 
because they counted (safar) the letters of the Torah; exact 
indications are then given as to the number of letters, words, 
and verses in the Pentateuch and in other parts of the Bible, 
and as to which letter, word, or verse mark the middle of the 
Pentateuch, the Psalms, or the Chronicles respectively (30a). 
Interesting is the characterization of various nations: Rome is 
credited with welfare, Persia with courage, Babylon is said to 
be poor and ignorant, and Arabia immoral. Elam is character- 
ized by hypocrisy and arrogance (49b). Historically important 
is the account of the struggle between the Pharisees and John 
Hyrcanus (66a). According to the letter of R. Sherira Gaon, a 
considerable section of the beginning of the Gemara text (up 
to "Ve-ein davar aher kortah"; 3b) is of savoraic origin. 

The first chapter of tractate Kiddushin belongs to an 
ancient collection of mishnayot. The manner in which the 
halakhic material is arranged in this chapter suggests that it 
might originally have been a separate tractate, on kinyanim, 
later perhaps prefixed to the tractate Kiddushin because it hap- 
pened to start with the "acquisition" of the wife. In fact, in the 
Babylonian Talmud this chapter comprises half of the tractate. 
Its language is slightly archaic, and the conclusion of the first 
chapter: "whoever performs a single precept is well rewarded, 
his days are prolonged, and he inherits the land" similarly tes- 
tifies to an early date. To the same category belong also the end 
of the third and the fourth chapter of the tractate, which con- 
tain early halakhot on forbidden marriages (cf. the end of ch. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



i of Mishnah Hagigah). The influence of Pumbedita is clearly 
perceptible in the editing of the Talmud of Kiddushin y even 
though it is possible to discern the large share of Ravina and 
R. Ashi in its final editing. In the Soncino Talmud, Kiddushin 
was translated into English by H. Freedman (1936). 

bibliography: Epstein, Tanna'im, 52-54, 414-6; idem, 

Amora'im, 95-102; H. Albeck, Shishah Sidrei Mishnah, 3 (1954), 


[Arnost Zvi Ehrman] 

KIDRON (Heb. imp), valley to the N. and E. of Jerusalem, 
separating the city from the Mount of Olives. The name de- 
rived from the root kdr ("dark," "shady"), refers to its depth. 
The valley begins near the Sanhedria saddle, northwest of 
Jerusalem, at a height of 2,585 ft. (788 m.), close to the water- 
shed. It continues eastward for about 1V2 mi. (2V2 km.) as Nahal 
Egozim (Wadi Jauz). At a height of 2,346 ft. (715 m.) the valley 
turns south. Several valleys converge with the Kidron as it runs 
southward: the Bethzeita Valley, which traverses the northeast 
corner of the Old City, at 2,260 ft. (686 m.) from the west; 
the Tyropoeon Valley, which bisects the Old City, at 2,035 ft- 
(617 m.); the Ben-Hinnom Valley, which passes the Old City 
on the west, at 2,000 ft. (606 m.). The Kidron then continues 
in a southeasterly direction, the banks becoming steeper and 
more craggy. It passes the monastery of Mar Saba and issues 
into the Dead Sea 2 mi. (c. 3 km.) south of Ra's al-Fashkha. 

The great importance of the Kidron for Jerusalem lies in 
the fact that it and its confluents determined the orographi- 
cal shape of the area on which the city was built. The valley 
protected the City of David and its northern continuation, 
the Temple Mount, on the east. The Gihon, Jerusalem's only 
spring, issued from its west slope. Only toward the end of the 
Second Temple period, when Agrippa 1 built the Third Wall 
there, was the westward bend of the Kidron utilized for pro- 
tection of the city. Situated on the leeward side of the city and 
presenting rock surfaces suitable for the cutting of tomb caves, 
the valley served from early times as a necropolis of Jerusalem, 
the early tombs culminating in the magnificent rock-cut mon- 
uments along the eastern slope. 

The first biblical reference to the "brook" Kidron occurs 
in connection with David's flight before Absalom (11 Sam. 
15:23). In the time of the divided monarchy, the reforming 
kings of Judah, Asa, Hezekiah, and Josiah, cast away and burnt 
the various idols which defiled Jerusalem there (1 Kings 15:13; 
11 Kings 23:4, 6, 12; 11 Chron. 15:16; 29:16). Jeremiah included 
the Kidron within the area holy to the Lord (31:39-40). In later 
times the central part of the valley was called the Valley of Je- 
hoshaphat and was assumed to be the place where the dead 
were resurrected. In this legend, as adapted by the Muslims, all 
men had to cross the valley on a sword suspended over it. 

bibliography: Abel, Geog, 1 (1933), 400-1; N. Avigad, 
Mazzevot Kedumot be-Nahal Kidron (1954); M. Avi-Yonah (ed.), 
Sefer Yerushalayim (1956), passim, add. bibliography: Y. Tsafrir, 
L. Di Segni, and J. Green, Tabula Imperii Romani. Iudaea - Palaestina. 
Maps and Gazetteer. (1994), 102, s.v. Cedron Torrens. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

KIEL, city in *Schleswig-Holstein, Germany. In the 17 th cen- 
tury, Jews went to Kiel for the annual fair (Kieler Umschlag). 
Permission to settle in the city was given in 1690 to the Se- 
phardi Court Jew Jacob Musaphia, followed in 1728 by Sam- 
son Lewin, another Court Jew. Together they laid the foun- 
dations for the small Jewish community. In 1766 Kiel had six 
Jewish families engaged in small businesses and moneylend- 
ing. Although Schleswig-Holstein was annexed by Denmark 
in 1733, the legal status of the Jews in the duchy was not ame- 
liorated. The community had a prayer hall and buried their 
dead at Rendsburg. In 1803 Jewish students were admitted to 
the University of Kiel. There were then 29 Jews in the city; 
the numbers grew to 75 in 1845 and 156 in 1855. A cemetery 
was consecrated in 1852; the community was officially orga- 
nized in 1867 and two years later a synagogue was erected, 
to be replaced by a new one in 1910. In 1900 the community 
numbered 338 persons, 526 in 1910, 600 in 1925, and 522 in 
1933. Kiel rabbis included Emil *Cohn (1907-12) and A. Pos- 
ner (1912-33). On the Nazi rise to power, the community was 
exposed to severe repression and persecution: Jewish profes- 
sors were dismissed from the university and the works of 28 
Jewish authors - mainly lecturers in Kiel University - were 
removed from the library of the university. Anti- Jewish boy- 
cott meetings were held all over the city. As all Jewish chil- 
dren were removed from the city's public school system, the 
community opened its own grade school. A total of 586 Jews 
left the city during the Nazi era. Of those who remained 85 
were deportees and 12 committed suicide. On Nov. 10, 1938, 
the synagogue was burned down and Jewish homes and stores 
were looted. After the war 11 Jews returned to Kiel; the bombed 
Jewish cemetery was later restored. 

bibliography: M. Stern, Die israelitische Bevoelkerung der 

deutschen Staedte, 2 (1892); W. Victor, Die Emanzipation der Juden 

in Schleswig-Holstein (1913); A. Posner, in: mgwj, 72 (1928), 287-91; 

76 (1932), 229-39; Fuehrer durch die juedische Gemeindeverwaltung 

(1932-33), 122; H. Kellenbenz, Sephardim an der unteren Elbe (1958), 

index; ej, 9. s.v. 

[Chasia Turtel] 

KIEL, YEHUDA (1917- ), Israel educationist. Born in Petro- 
grad, as a child he lived in Lithuania and Latvia. Arriving in 
Palestine in 1935, he helped develop the state religious edu- 
cation system and was its national supervisor of elementary 
and secondary education. In 1992 he was awarded the Israel 
Prize for Jewish studies in recognition of his commentary on 
books of the Bible, particularly his wide-ranging ones on First 
and Second Chronicles. 

KIELCE, capital of Kielce province, S.E. Poland. Jews were 
excluded from Kielce by a royal "privilege" granted to the city 
in 1535. Kielce belonged to the estates of the bishops of Cra- 
cow until 1818, and thus the prohibition on Jewish settlement 
remained in force. In 1833 a small number of Jews settled in 
Kielce. They were expelled in 1847 but returned shortly after- 
ward. In 1852 there were 101 Jews in Kielce and the congrega- 
tion was affiliated to the neighboring community at Checiny. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


It became a separate community in 1868, and a cemetery was 
established. The Jewish population increased from 974 in 1873 
to 2,659 hi 1882, 6,399 m 1897, and 11,206 in 1909, mainly by 
immigration from the adjacent small towns. A pogrom in 1918 
did not prevent the growth of the community, which by 1921 
numbered 15,530 (37.6% of the total population), and by 1931, 
18,083. Jews pioneered in exploiting the natural resources of 
the region and developed industries, commerce, and crafts; 
among enterprises established by Jews were several banks. 
Jewish organizations included associations of Jewish mer- 
chants and artisans, an old-age home, and an orphanage, as 
well as a library, a high school, and a number of religious and 
secular Jewish schools. A Yiddish weekly was published jointly 
for the Kielce and * Radom communities. 

[William Glicksman] 

Holocaust Period 

In 1939 about 25,000 Jews lived in Kielce. The German army 
entered the city on Sept. 4, 1939, and the Jews became the sub- 
ject of terror and persecution. During the first months of 1940 
about 3,000 Jews from Cracow as well as Jews from Lodz and 
Lalisz and its vicinity were deported to Kielce, whose Jewish 
population swelled to about 28,000. On March 31, 1941, after 
7,500 Jews arrived from Vienna, a decree was issued to estab- 
lish a ghetto. On the eve of Passover the ghetto was sealed off 
from the outside world. A * Judenrat was appointed, chaired 
by Moshe Pelc, who was eventually arrested and deported to 
'Auschwitz for resisting German orders. His place was filled by 
Herman Levi, who tended toward collaboration with the Ger- 
mans. The situation of the population in the ghetto rapidly de- 
teriorated. About 4,000 people died during a typhus epidemic 
in 1941. In the course of three days (Aug. 20-24, 1942), about 
21,000 Jews were deported to *Treblinka and exterminated. 
The ghetto was virtually liquidated. The remaining 2,000 Jews 
were concentrated in a newly established slave labor camp. 
Preparations in the camp for an armed rising, conducted by 
an underground organization headed by David Barwiner and 
Gershon Levkowicz, did not succeed. In 1943 a number of de- 
portations from the labor camp took place of about 1,000 peo- 
ple for slave labor camps in *Skarzysko-Kamienna, Blizyna, 
and Pionki, where only a handful survived. The last deporta- 
tion took place in August 1944, when all the remaining Jew- 
ish prisoners were sent to Auschwitz and Buchenwald. Kielce 
became officially judenrein. Leon Rodal of Kielce was one of 
the commanders of the ^Warsaw Ghetto uprising. 

Postwar Period 

After the war about 200 Jews went to Kielce; some were sur- 
vivors of Nazi camps, or had hidden in the district, and oth- 
ers had come back from the interior of the U.S.S.R. Their 
reconstruction of the former organized Jewish community 
aroused anger among Polish antisemites, who opened a vi- 
tuperous campaign against the existence of a renewed Jewish 
community in Kielce. The campaign culminated in an armed 
pogrom against the Jews - mostly by Polish nationalists and 
including a few Communists (July 4, 1946). The Jews had no 

adequate means for self-defense since the police had confis- 
cated the few pistols among them just one day previously. In 
this pogrom, the largest attack on Jews following the Nazi era, 
60-70 Jews were murdered, including children and pregnant 
women, and around 100 were injured. The pogrom gave im- 
petus to the Jews in Kielce and to the other Jewish survivors 
of the ^Holocaust in Poland, including those who had re- 
turned from the Soviet Union, to leave Poland en masse for the 
West. They reached the Misplaced persons camps and joined 
the massive *Berihah movement to Erez Israel. A monument 
was erected in the Kielce Jewish cemetery to perpetuate the 
memory of the victims of the Kielce pogrom. Organizations 
of former Kielce residents exist in Israel, the U.S., Canada, 

Argentina, and France. 

[Stefan Krakowski] 

bibliography: J. Lestschinsky, Dos Yidishe Folk in Tsifern 
(1922), 77-78; Concise Statistical Yearbook of Poland, 13 (1963), Eisen- 
bach, in: Bleterfar Geshikhte, 3:2-3 (1950), 3-62, and index; Rutkowski, 
in: bzih, 15-16 (1955), 75-182; 17-18 (1956), 108-28; P. Meyer et al., 
Jews in the Soviet Satellites (1953), index; S. Mikolajczyk, Tlie Rape of 
Poland (1948); A memorial book, Sefer Kielts, was published in 1957 
(Heb., partly Yid.). add. bibliography: B. Szaynok, Pogrom Zy- 
doww Kielcach, 4 lipca 1946 (1992); D. Engel, Bein Shihrur le-Berihah 
(1996). Index; pk. 

KIERA (also Kyra, Kira, Chiera), a Greek title meaning 
"lady," given to women who handled the relations of the 
wives in the Ottoman sultans royal harem in various exter- 
nal matters. In general these women were Jewish. They acted 
as commercial intermediaries between the women in the ha- 
rem and the world beyond it and thereby gained the former's 
trust. It appears that there were at least two women with the 
name of Esther who held this position. One was mentioned 
during the first half of the 16 th century, as confidant of the 
mother of Selim 11. Information is available on the activities of 
three kieras, and probably there are other Jewish women who 
filled the same position, but did not receive the title. The first 
known kiera was Strongilah (after her conversion her name 
was changed to Fatma (Fatima)) Kadin, who was apparently 
a Karaite from the Crimea. She was a daughter of Eliyah Gi- 
bor. She rendered various services to the ladies of the harem 
and became very close to Hafsa Sultan, the mother of ^Sulei- 
man the Magnificent, and died in 1548 after adopting Islam. 
When Suleiman ascended to the throne his mother managed 
to obtain for Strongilah and her descendants an exemption 
from taxes and permission to own non-Muslim slaves, The ex- 
emption, originally given in 1520/21, was reconfirmed in 1612, 
1624/25, 1691/92, 1791/92, 1839/40 and 1867/68. Some of her 
children remained Jewish and appeared as a separate group 
in the poll tax registers with the designation "sons of Kurd" 
(one of her grandchildren). 

The second kiera was Esther, the wife of the Jewish mer- 
chant Elijah *Handali, probably a Sephardi; she supplied jew- 
elry to the women of the harem and rapidly became the con- 
fidant of Nur Banu, the favorite concubine of *Selim 11 and 
the mother of Murad in (1574-95), an d died in about 1590. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



She was certainly active before 1566. She exerted a decisive 
influence in court and state affairs during the second half of 
the 16 th century. She attained powerful influence and special 
status. Her activity reached its climax with the settlement of 
a diplomatic conflict between the Ottomans and the Vene- 
tians during the 1580s and in the arrangement which granted 
several commercial privileges to the Venetians. In apprecia- 
tion of this the Venetian government authorized her to or- 
ganize a lottery in the city. In internal affairs of state, Esther 
assisted several individuals in purchasing honorific titles and 
positions - a trend which began to develop toward the close 
of the 16 th century. She thus gained many friends for herself 
in the upper Ottoman circles, but also some enemies. In the 
Jewish community she was renowned for her generosity and 
extensive support of scholars and authors (e.g., the physician 
Samuel Sullam and R. Isaac *Akrish); she assisted Jewish mer- 
chants when the government sought to conspire against them; 
she even intervened in order to prevent the enforcement of 
Sultan Murad in s decree to destroy the Jewish community 
throughout the empire. After the great fire of 1569, she gave 
shelter and aid for a long period to many of the survivors. 
Samuel Sullam, who published a book she sponsored, wrote 
in the introduction that she had spent her entire fortune on 
charity. Through their mother her sons also amassed great 
wealth and obtained special privileges, mainly in the form of 
exemptions from taxes. The eldest leased the customs duties 
of the capital, ^Istanbul, and enjoyed a special status among 
both the Jewish and foreign merchants. 

The third kiera was Esperanza *Malchi (or Malkhi), who 
served as agent for Safiye, the consort of Murad in and the 
mother of Mehmed in (1595-1603). She played some part in a 
correspondence between Safiye and Queen Elizabeth 1 of Eng- 
land. She addressed at least one letter, in Italian, to Elizabeth in 

1599, in which she identified herself as a Jewess. In this letter 
she dealt with the exchange of gifts between the two queens 
and suggested that in the future Elizabeth should not send 
jewels but rather cosmetics and fine cloths of silk and wool and 
advised Elizabeth to deliver these items for the Queen Mother 
only by her own hand. It is difficult to distinguish Handali 
from Malki except in a few documents in which their full 
names appear. It seems that the kiera was murdered on April 1, 

1600, at the hands of rebellious, sword-wielding soldiers on 
the staircase of the house of Halil Pasha, the kaimakam of Is- 
tanbul. Enormous wealth was confiscated from Malki s estate 
after her death. Her fall occurred suddenly in 1600, and ac- 
cording to various testimonies it made a depressing impact 
on the Jewish community of Istanbul. It was due to several 
simultaneous factors: the rapid devaluation of the Ottoman 
currency which, among other things, was the cause of great 
discontent within the army; the extensive wealth of the family 
which attracted the attention of Sultan Mehmet in, who was 
in need of money; and the desire in various army and govern- 
ment circles to undermine the influence of the sultan's mother. 
The immediate cause of Malki s downfall was her intervention 
in a military appointment - she proposed a candidate of her 

own for a position which had been promised to someone else. 
The sipahis (cavalry) of the sultan, who sought to undermine 
the influence of the sultans mother, rebelled on this occasion 
and demanded that Malki be handed over to them. The sul- 
tan gave his consent. The sipahis subsequently seized Esther 
and her eldest son and executed them. The second son dis- 
appeared and the third converted to Islam. All of the family's 
property was confiscated by the sultan's treasury. 

Jewish kieras must have continued to serve the ladies of 
the imperial harem in the 17 th century. In 1622, an unnamed 
Jewish woman with connections to the sister of Sultan Os- 
man n (1618-22) was mentioned as having been involved in 
promoting the candidacy of Locadello to the office of gover- 
nor of Moldavia. In 1709, another unnamed woman was be- 
lieved to have helped the Jewish physician Daniel de *Fon- 
seca pass on information to the mother of Sultan Ahmed in 
(1703-30) in order to bring about an Ottoman- Swedish alli- 
ance against Russia. 

bibliography: Rosanes, Togarmah, 3 (1938), 65-66, 280-4; 
4 (i934)> 188-89; A. Galante, Esther Kyra dapres des nouveaux docu- 
ments (1926); J.H. Mordtmann, in: Mitteilungen des Seminars fuer Ori- 
entalische Sprachen, 32:2 (1929), 1-38; W. Foster (ed.), Travels of John 
Sanderson in the Levant 1584-1602 (1931), 85-86, 185, 188, 201-4; C. 
Roth, House of Nasi, Dona Gracia (1947), 105-6, 202; idem, Duke of 
Naxos (1948), 200-2, 347; add bibliography: S.A. Skilliter, in: 
S.M. Stern (ed), Oriental Studies, 3. Documents from Islamic Chancer- 
ies, First Series (1965), 119-157; S.W. Baron, Social and Religious His- 
tory, 18:145-146; A. Levy, in: A. Levy (ed), The Jews of the Ottoman 
Empire (1994), 29-30; L. Bornstein, Ha-Hanhaga shel ha-Kehillah 
ha-Yehudit ba-Mizrah ha-Karov (1978), 29, 391-92.; M.A. Epstein, 
The Ottoman Jewish Communities and their Role in the Fifteenth and 
Sixteenth Centuries (1980), 185; M. Rozen, in: Michael, 7 (1982), 195; 
idem, A History of the Jewish Community in Istanbul, The Formative 
Years, 1453-1566 (2002). 204-205, 207, 262, 280; L.R Pierce, Tlie Im- 
perial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (1993), 
18, 40, 59-63, 78-79, 121, 126, 223, 225-226, 230, 277. 

[Cecil Roth and Aryeh Shmuelevitz / 
Leah Bornstein- Makovetsky (2 nd ed.)] 

KIESLER, FREDERICK JOHN (1896-1965), U.S. architect 
and scenic designer. Born in Vienna, Kiesler worked first as 
an architect, but by the mid-i920s had gained a European 
reputation as an avant-garde stage designer, promoting such 
innovations as theater in the round. He settled in New York 
in 1926 and from 1933 to 1957 was scenic director for the Juil- 
liard School of Music. His revolutionary method of hanging 
pictures in the Museum of Modern Art (1942) gave rise to the 
term "environmental sculpture." Kiesler was joint designer of 
the "Shrine of the Book" at the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, to 
house the Dead Sea Scrolls. 

KIEV (Kiov), capital of Ukraine. 

The Jewish Community before 1667 

Kiev's central position on the River Dnieper at the commercial 
crossroads of Western Europe and the Orient attracted Jew- 
ish settlers (*Rabbanites and ^Karaites) from the foundation 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


of the town in the eighth century c.e. At first most of them 
were transient merchants from both east and west. Accord- 
ing to letters dated 930 from the Cairo *Genizah there were 
Jews in Kiev at this time. Ancient Russian chronicles relate 
that some Jews from *Khazaria visited Vladimir, the prince 
of Kiev, to try to convert him to Judaism (986). About that 
time a Jewish community already existed in the city. Jewish 
merchants from the West (Radanites) took part in the trade 
of the city, and were called in Hebrew sources "goers to Rus- 
sia." The abbot of Kiev, Theodosius the Blessed (11 th century), 
is said to have visited Jewish homes at night and to have held 
disputations with the householders. There were two Jewish 
suburbs of Kiev, Kozary and Zhidove. A "Gate of the Jews" 
is mentioned at the time of the riots which broke out on the 
death of Prince Svyatopolk (1113), when the populace also at- 
tacked Jewish houses and burned them. ^Benjamin of Tudela 
mentions "Kiov, the great city," and *Pethahiah of Regensburg 
visited the town on his way to the Orient (12 th century). At the 
end of the 12 th century two Jews, Ephraim son of Moses and 
Anabel Jasin, served in the court of the prince Andrey Bogo- 
liubski. During the same century *Moses of Kiev lived in the 
town. He corresponded with Jacob b. Meir *Tam in the west 
and the gaon *Samuel b. Ali in Baghdad. Under Tatar rule 
(1240-1320) the Jews had been protected, earning them the ha- 
tred of the Christian population. With the annexation of Kiev 
to the principality of Lithuania (1320), the Jews were granted 
certain rights ensuring the safety of their lives and property. 
Several of them (such as Simkha, Riabichka, Danilovich, and 
Shan in 1488) leased the collection of taxes and amassed for- 
tunes. As the Jewish community increased in numbers so 
did the number of scholars, although the statement found in 
several sources, "from Kiev emanate Torah and light," is an 
exaggeration. During the 15 th century *Moses (b. Jacob Ash- 
kenazi the Exile) of Kiev 11 wrote commentaries on the Sefer 
Yezirah, on the Pentateuch commentaries of Abraham *Ibn 
Ezra and others, and held disputations with the Karaites. In 
the Tatar raid on Kiev (1482) many Jews were taken captive. 
In 1470 Zekharia, whom Russian sources link to the begin- 
ning of the Zhidovstvuyushchiye movement (Jewish heresy), 
left Kiev for Novgorod. 

Like the rest of the Jews in the principality of Lithuania, 
the Kiev community was expelled in 1495. When the decree 
was revoked (1503), the community was reestablished. How- 
ever, in 1619 the Christian merchants obtained from King Si- 
gismund 111 a prohibition on permanent settlement of Jews or 
their acquisition of real estate in the town. They were allowed 
to come into Kiev for trading purposes alone and might re- 
main one day only in an inn assigned to them. In spite of this, 
many Jews continued to live in the town under the protection 
of the Vojevoda (district governor) and noblemen in their 
properties in town (who saw them as a source of income). 
Russian sources relate that Jews were killed in Kiev during the 
*Chmielnicki massacres (1648). On the demand of the citizens, 
John 11 Casimir of Poland and Czar Alexis renewed the prohi- 
bition on Jewish settlement (1654). This became final with the 

annexation of Kiev to Russia (1667). The Russian Orthodox 
academy there fomented hatred of the Jews and its students 
attacked any Jew they found trading in the town. 

From 1793 

After a break of about 150 years the community of Kiev was 
reestablished in 1793, after the second partition of Poland. In 
1798 the community acquired land for a cemetery. The ear- 
lier conflict between the Christian citizens and the Jews be- 
gan once more. While the Jews struggled for settlement in 
Kiev, the economic and commercial center of the southwest- 
ern region of Russia, the citizens persistently endeavored to 
expel them, basing their claim on the status quo since Sigis- 
mund in and adding that "holy" Kiev was "profaned" by the 
presence of the Jews. 

In spite of this in 1809 there were 452 Jews in Kiev (of 
about 20,000 total population), and their numbers rose by 1815 
to about 1,500 (not including transients), with two synagogues 
and other communal institutions. The citizens proceeded with 
the demand to expel the Jews but owing to the negative stand 
of the governor, Czar Alexander 1 ordered them to leave the 
city. Eventually Czar ^Nicholas 1 acceded to the demands of 
the citizens and at the end of 1827 residence in Kiev was for- 
bidden to Jews. In part due to representations by state officials, 
who pointed out that the expulsion would worsen economic 
conditions in the town, the execution of the decree was twice 
deferred. In 1835, however, on the expiry of the last postpone- 
ment, the Jews left the town, and the Jewish community facili- 
ties ceased to function. Despite this, they still played an im- 
portant part in its economic life, for Jewish merchants came 
in their hundreds to the large annual fairs held from 1797 in 
Kiev in January. With their assistants and servants, they made 
up 50-60% of the fairs' participants. In 1843 Jewish temporary 
visitors were officially permitted, provided that they resided 
and bought food in two specially appointed inns. These were 
leased by the municipality to Christian agents, who were em- 
powered to deliver to the police any Jew who did not stay in 
them. At the beginning of the reign of Alexander 11 these inns 
were abolished (1858), and instead a special payment to the 
municipality was levied upon the Jews as compensation for the 
losses caused by the abolishment of the inns. In 1861 two sub- 
urbs, Lyebed and Podol, were assigned to those Jews entitled to 
reside in Kiev (wealthy merchants and industrialists and their 
employees, members of the free professions, and craftsmen). 
The number of Jews in Kiev increased to 3,013 (3% of the total 
population) in 1863 and to 13,803 (11.8%) in 1872. 

In May 1881 a pogrom raged in the streets of the city, 
supported and encouraged by the governor-general, General 
Drenteln. Jewish houses and shops were looted, and many 
people were injured; 762 families were completely ruined. 
The damage caused was evaluated at 1,750,000 roubles. From 
that date the authorities began sporadically to investigate the 
residence rights of the Jews in Kiev. Until 1917 the city be- 
came notorious for the police "oblavy" ("hunt attacks") for 
Jews without residence rights. For example, expelled in 1883 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



were 1,179 persons, in 1884 1,254, in 1885 1,368, and in the first 
half of 1886 2,076. The night searches and expulsions contin- 
ued almost until wwi. In 1891 the authorities ordered that a 
considerable portion of the income of the Jewish community 
be allotted to the police to cover the cost of their measures 
to prevent Jews' entering the town. In spite of all these per- 
secutions, the number of Jews in Kiev continued to increase. 
From 31,801 (12.8%) in 1897, it rose to 50,792 (10.8%) in 1910 
and 81,256 (13%) at the end of 1913. In fact the number of Jews 
was greater, since a large number evaded the census. Many 
Jews also lived in the suburbs and townlets around Kiev and 
only came into the city daily on business. There were some 
wealthy Jewish families in Kiev, who included many of the 
magnates of the southwestern Russian sugar industry (the 
*Brodsky and Zaitsev families). Many Jews were employed in 
their factories in the town and the vicinity. There was a very 
active branch of the Society for Enlightenment of Russian 
Jews, which maintained 21 Jewish schools in the town and the 
district, as well as a library of 6,500 books. The city also had 
many Jewish physicians, lawyers, and other members of the 
liberal professions. Kiev University attracted Jewish youth; in 
1886 Jewish students numbered 236 and in 1911, 888 (17% of 
the total number of students), the largest concentration of Jew- 
ish students in a Russian university. In Kiev were born Golda 
Meir (Mabovich), who became prime minister of Israel, the 
writer Ilya *Ehrenburg, and some Hebrew writers, notably J. 
Kaminer, J.L. *Levin (Yehalel), M. Kamionski, I.J. Weissberg, 
E. *Schulman, and A. A. Friedman. *Shalom Aleichem, who 
lived in Kiev for some time, described the town in his account 
of life in Yehupets. According to the 1897 census, 29,937 Jews 
(out of 31,801) declared Yiddish as their mother language. 
There were 12,317 who earned incomes, divided into three 
main groups: artisans (42%), merchants (24%), and army 
service (10%). The artisans were mainly occupied as follows: 
the clothing industry (54%), metal works (11%), woodwork- 
ing (9%), and printing (6%). The main occupations of traders 
were in farm products (34%), textiles and clothing (16%), and 
building materials (7%). The Jewish merchants constituted 
44% of all the merchants in Kiev. 

In the wake of Jewish revolutionary activity, a large-scale 
pogrom occurred on Oct. 18, 1905. Neither army nor police 
controlled the rioters, who ran amok unhindered for three 
days. Indeed, soldiers protected the hooligans from the Jew- 
ish ^self-defense organization. The rioters attacked the houses 
of the wealthy, but their attacks were mainly directed against 
the poor suburbs. However, the pogrom did not interrupt 
the development of the community, which became one of the 
wealthiest in Russia as well as one of the most diversified so- 
cially. In 1910 there were 4,896 Jewish merchants in the town, 
42% of all the merchants there, but nevertheless 25% of the 
community had to apply for Passover alms during that same 
year. The community was officially recognized in 1906 as the 
"Jewish Representation for Charity Affairs at the Municipal 
Council." Its income from the meat tax (see *korobka) and 
other sources amounted to 300,000 rubles annually. A Jewish 

hospital for the poor which served the whole of Ukraine was 
opened in 1862, followed by a hospital specializing in surgery, 
a clinic for eye diseases (under the direction of M. *Mandel- 
stamm), and other welfare institutions. In 1898 a magnificent 
central synagogue was built by means of a donation from L. 
*Brodsky From 1906 to 1921 S. *Aronson was rabbi of Kiev; 
notable as *kazyonny ravvin ("government-appointed rabbi") 
were Joshua Zuckerman, the first to be appointed to this of- 
fice, and S.Z. Luria. Between 1911 and 1913 Kiev was the site of 
the notorious *Beilis blood libel trial and the town was then 
racked by the agitation of the members of the * Union of Rus- 
sian People ("Black Hundreds"). In 1911, after the assassination 
of prime minister Stolypin by a Jew in Kiev, severe pogroms 
were on the point of breaking out there, but the authorities 
decided to restrain the rioters. 

During World War 1, residence restrictions in the town 
were lifted for Jewish refugees from the battle areas. The years 
1917-20 were years of upheaval for the Jews of Kiev. With the 
February 1917 Revolution, all the residence restrictions were 
abolished and Jews at once began to stream into the town. 
In the census at the end of 1917, 87,246 Jews (19% of the total 
population) were registered. A democratic community was 
established, led by the Zionist Moses Nahum * Syrkin. Meet- 
ings and congresses of Russian and Ukrainian Jews were held 
in Kiev, the central institutions of Ukrainian Jewry were set 
up there, and Jewish writers and communal workers of every 
shade of opinion and party became active in the town. Books 
and newspapers were published and cultural institutions, led 
by the Hebrew * Tarbut and the Yiddish Kultur Lige, engaged 
in a variety of activities. In the spring of 1919, the number of 
Jews had grown to 114,524 (21%). 

With the first conquest of the town by the Red Army, 
which lasted from February to August 1919, Kiev became a 
haven for refugees from the pogroms sweeping the provin- 
cial towns of Ukraine. The running of the Jewish community 
was handed over to the *Yevsektsiya, and the systematic de- 
struction of communal institutions, traditional Jewish cul- 
ture, and national parties began. With the retreat of the Red 
Army, an attempt was made to form a Jewish self-defense 
unit. When *Petlyura's forces entered the city they arrested 
the members of the self-defense unit and 36 of them were ex- 
ecuted. A month after Kiev was occupied by *Denikiris "Vol- 
unteer Army," thugs initiated a period of pillage, rape, and 
murder of the Jews which lasted until the "Volunteers" were 
driven out by the Red Army (December 1919). The Jews in 
Kiev suffered heavily during the famine and typhus outbreak 
of 1920. In the August 1920 census they constituted one third 
of the town's population. In 1923 Kiev had 128,041 Jews (32%), 
140,256 (27.3%) in 1926, and in 1939, 224,236 (of a total popu- 
lation of 845,726). 

In the years 1920-22 the famine and typhus epidemic rav- 
aged Kiev and took a heavy toll on the Jewish population, oze, 
the jdc, and other relief organizations from abroad organized 
food and medical help. The Jews went through a process of 
proletarianization, engaging in physical labor or crafts; later 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 


in the second half of the 1920s half of them were government 
employees. In 1926, 16,690 Jews were members of trade unions 
(out of 77,257). The number of Jews in heavy industry grew to 
4,080 in 1932. In 1931 they constituted 80% of the 3,300 work- 
ers of the shoe factory. 

During the first 20 years of the Soviet regime, Kiev be- 
came a major center of the officially fostered Yiddish culture, 
with a school system catering to many thousands of pupils 
and students, culminating in institutes of higher education 
and learning, such as the department for Jewish culture at 
the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences (1926) which in 1930 be- 
came the "Institute of Proletarian Jewish Culture" under the 
direction of Joseph Liberberg. This state-sponsored activity at- 
tracted even Jewish writers and scholars from the west, such 
as Meir * Wiener and others. Some valuable research works on 
Yiddish language and literature were published there. Many 
Yiddish poets and writers, among them David *Hofstein and 
Itzik * Feffer, lived and wrote in Kiev. There were also the All- 
Ukrainian Jewish State Theater, a Yiddish children's theater, 
Yiddish newspapers, journals, and publishing houses. In the 
early 1930s Liberberg and some of his associates headed a 
group of Yiddish intellectuals who went to the newly estab- 
lished Jewish autonomous region in ^Birobidzhan to organize 
Jewish educational and cultural work there in conjunction 
with the Jewish academic institute in Kiev. Several years later, 
with the forcible liquidation of all Jewish institutions, includ- 
ing libraries and archives in Kiev, one of the most important 
centers of Soviet Yiddish culture ceased to exist. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

Holocaust Period 

The fall of the city to the Germans on Sept. 19, 1941 marked 
the end of Kiev Jewry. A considerable part of the Jews living 
in Kiev in 1939 were among the 335,000 evacuees; some man- 
aged to flee eastward to central Russia, just before the Nazi oc- 
cupation. Between September 20-24 buildings in the Khresh- 
chatik area where headquarters of German military units were 
housed blew up, and many German soldiers and officers were 
killed. Thousands of hostages, among them many Jews, were 
taken and executed. On September 26 the city commander 
convened a meeting in which participated Friedrich Jaeckeln, 
commander of police and ss on the Southern Front; Dr. Otto 
Rash, head of Einsatzgruppe c; and ss Colonel Paul Blobel, 
commander of Einsatzkommando 4a. It was decided to annihi- 
late all the Jews of Kiev. Blobel was in charge of the execution, 
with the help of units of the German Police and Ukrainian 
Auxiliary Police. On September 28 (Tishri 7) 2,000 notices 
in German, Ukrainian, and Russian were posted in Kiev, an- 
nouncing that "All the Zhids (Jews) of Kiev and the suburbs 
are to appear on Monday, September 29, 1941, at 8:00 a.m. on 
the corner of Melnikovskaya and Decktiarovska streets [near 
the cemeteries] . They are to bring their documents, money, 
other valuables and warm clothes, linen, etc. Any Zhid found 
disobeying these orders will be shot. Citizens breaking into 
flats left by the Jews and taking possession of their belongings 

will be shot." (For Jew the derogatory word "zhid" was used 
and not the usual evrei.) Since the location was near the Petro- 
vski goods railway station, and owing to the rumors about 
evacuation of the Jews to other towns or camps, nobody sus- 
pected what was coming. On the morning of September 29, 
tens of thousands of Jews concentrated there were led through 
Melnik Street to the Jewish cemetery in the Babi Yar ravine, 
stripped naked, and led in groups to the edge of the ravine, 
where they were machine-gunned, their bodies falling into 
the ravine. At the end of the day heaps of earth were thrown 
over the bodies, burying both dead and wounded. According 
to the official report of the s.s. unit in charge of the mass ex- 
termination, 33,771 Jews were murdered in Babi Yar on Sept. 
29-30, 1941. A later report said that about 36,000 Jews were 
killed then. 

Babi Yar continued to be a mass execution ground 
throughout the German occupation. On October 1-3 Ein- 
satzkommando 5 murdered in Babi Yar 2,500-3,000 Jews, 
including 308 mentally ill. All the time Jewish prisoners of 
war, mostly from Darnitsa camp, were executed. Hiding in 
the city were many Jews, some in mixed marriages. Many of 
them were denounced by local Ukrainians, caught, and shot. 
From spring 1942, Jews who were caught were sent to labor 
camps in the city, such as that on Kerosinnaya Street (5,000 
prisoners of war and 3,000 Jews), Pecherskaya Street, and In- 
stitutskaya Street. The number of inmates diminished due 
to selections, starvation, and daily killings. In May 1942 the 
Syretsk camp (near Babi Yar) was opened, and in December 
it housed 2,000 inmates, more than a third of them Jews. The 
regime was very cruel - prisoners were shot for the small- 
est infraction or for not being able to work. On August 18, 
1943, 100 prisoners from Syretsk were taken to Babi Yar, and 
soon the group was enlarged to 321 inmates. Their task was 
to eradicate any sign of the mass graves in the ravine. A bon- 
fire was made from railway ties, and excavators opened the 
graves. The prisoners, whose legs were in chains, took the bod- 
ies, searched them for valuables and gold teeth and fillings, 
and threw them into the bonfire; any bones remaining were 
ground, and the ashes spread around and leveled. A garden 
was planted on the site. The prisoners lived in two bunkers 
dug into the wall of the ravine, kept closed by an iron grate 
that was shut for the night; opposite them was a machine gun 
position. The Russian Fedor Yershov, a senior kgb officer, or- 
ganized an escape group. They managed to find a key to the 
grates, a wire cutter to cut the chains, and a few knives. On 
September 28, 1943, they learned through the interpreter (a 
Jewish prisoner) Yakov Steyuk (Stein) that their work was fin- 
ished and that the following day they were to be shot and cre- 
mated. At about 3 a.m. on September 29, they cut the chains, 
opened the grates, and escaped under the cover of fog. Many 
were machine-gunned, among them the leader Yershov, and 
only 15 succeeded in remaining alive until the liberation of 
Kiev on November 6, 1943 - among them nine Jews. The State 
Commission to Investigate Nazi Crimes in Kiev could not 
locate graves to exhume in Babi Yar, so they set the approxi- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 12 



mate number at 100,0000. According to Steyuk, who reported 
daily to the Germans on the numbers of burned bodies, an 
estimated 45,000 belonged to Jews. To this number we may 
add figures attained from other exhumed mass graves, such 
as Syretsk, Darnitsa, and reach an approximate number of 
60,000 Jewish victims. Jews were active in the city's under- 
ground, including Shimon Bruz, one of the underground city 
party committee who died in a fight with the Gestapo, and Ta- 
nia Markus, who carried out various sabotage acts and was 
caught and executed in summer 1942. 

In the struggle against *antisemitism in the Soviet Union, 
Babi Yar became a symbol of pro-Jewish support, crystallized 
in the poem Babi Yar by Yevgenii *Yevtushenko. Despite re- 
curring requests by Soviet intellectuals, including Yevtushenko 
and Viktor Nekrasov, the Soviet authorities refused to erect a 
monument to those massacred there. Jewish survivors made 
attempts to hold a memorial day each year, circumspectly 
choosing the eve of the Day of Atonement. When in early 1959 
the ravine was filled with earth, and Babi Yar was turned into 
a new residential area, there were protest